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A
SIMPLIFIED GRAMMAR
GV THE
PALI LANGUAGE.
BY
B. 9 MULLER, Ph.D.
LONDON :
TRUBNER & CO., LUDGATE HILL.
1884 ,
[ All rights reserved .]
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TRUBNER’S COLLECTION
or
SIMPLIFIED GRAMMARS
OF THI PRINCIPAL
ASIATIC AND EUROPEAN LANGUAGES.
BD1TBD BT
REINHOLD ROST, LL.D., Ph.D.
XII.
PALI.
BY EDWARD MULLER, Ph.D.
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TO
REINHOLD ROST, LL.D., Ph.D.
THESE PAGES ARE INSCRIBED
AS A TOKEN OP SINCERE GRATITUDE AND FRIENDSHIP.
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CORRIGENDA.
P. 24, line 10 from top : Vegha is, as Dr. Morris tells me, a
mistake for vekha = veshka, ‘ leathern strap.’
P. 25, line 3 from bottom : A verb ussati does not exist. The
correct reading is nassati.
P. 112, line 5 from top : The ending 4 belongs to the third
person plural.
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PREFACE.
In sending the present essay of a P&li Grammar to the
press, I feel bound to say a few words of explanation as to
the plan I have followed. First of all, I must state that it
was not my intention to give a complete Grammar of the
P&li Language, as this can only be done when all the prin-
cipal books of the Buddhist Canon will have been pub-
lished; nor was it my intention to write a Comparative
Grammar of Indian vernaculars, as for this purpose the
space granted to me would have been too small. I only
intended to help the students of Buddhistical literature,
by collecting the idiom atical peculiarities of the sacred
language, comparing it chiefly to Sanskrit, and in a few
cases also to the other Indian vernaculars. As the publi-
cation of P&li texts has taken so wide dimensions during
the last ten years, I thought it would not be out of place
to consider and work out the new materials that have come
into our possession through these books, mostly unknown
to Childers and the others who made Pali Grammar an
object of their studies. Even E. Kuhn, whose “ Beitrage
zur P&li Grammatik ” have been of great help to me, and
whose plan I followed almost throughout my book, only
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iii
PREFACE.
worked from a comparatively small number of texts, and
just the oldest and most interesting, like Yinaya and
J ataka, were all but unknown to him.
It would be rather out of place in an elementary Gram-
mar to enter into a long discussion about the age and
origin of the Pali language. A few words on the subject
will be sufficient: Kuhn, following Westergaard, holds
P&li to be the vernacular of Ujjein, the capital of Malava at
the time when Mahinda, the son of Asoka, took the sacred
Canon with him to Ceylon (Beitrage, p. 7). On the other
hand, Oldenberg, rejecting that tradition, considers P&li to
be the original language of the Kalinga country (Vinaya-
pitaka. Introduction, p. liv). He compares the language
of the large inscription at Khandagiri (Cunningham,
Corpus Inscriptionum, i. 98), and finds only very little
difference between this and the P&li. From this he con-
cludes that there must have been, about a hundred and
fifty years before Mahinda, a frequent intercourse between
Kalinga and the island ; in fact, that the religion, together
with its language, was brought over from there to Ceylon.
I had myself formed a similar idea, independently from
Oldenberg, by a careful examination of the first settlements
of the Gangetic tribes in Ceylon (see my Report II. to the
Government of Ceylon, reprinted Ind. Ant. IX. 9 ) ; and,
recently, Mr. Nevill, in the Journal of the Ceylon Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society, has pointed out that the
ancient civilized and populous district of Ceylon, the so-
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PEE FACE.
IX
called Kal&wa, is not to be looked for at the south coast
near Galle, as most people believe, but in the north-
western district of the island, which is now almost a
desert. We therefore all agree that the Aryan immigrants
did not come by sea from Bengal, in which case they would
have landed somewhere at the east or south coast, but
that they crossed over from some port in Southern India ;
and, under these circumstances, it is not at all unlikely
that the point from which they started may have been the
kingdom of EAlinga. To the person of Mahinda we need
not attach much importance from a chronological point of
view, perhaps not more than to the person of Yijaya, the
first Gangetic immigrant in Ceylon according to tradition.
About the age of the P&li language it is even more dif-
ficult to form a certain opinion than about its native
country. The late R. C. Childers, in the Preface to his
Dictionary, p. ix., attributed a very high antiquity to it,
with especial reference to an inscription on the Sthfipa of
Bharhut, which contains a quotation from Cullavagga, vi. 4.
This argument, however, is not conclusive, as already
P. Goldschmidt pointed out in the Journal of the Ceylon
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1879. It was gene-
rally expected that we would get some help from the Ceylon
inscriptions for fixing the age of the P&li language, but
unfortunately this expectation has not been fulfilled, as all
those inscriptions from which we might derive an argu-
ment are not sufficiently dated. Real Pali inscriptions
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X
PBEFACE.
have not been found in Ceylon — not more than in Cam-
bodia. Those that approach nearest are almost identical
in their language with the above mentioned Khandagiri
inscription. There is, for instance, the one at Kirinde
(No. 57 of my Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon), which, for
palaeographies! reasons, I have assigned to the first or
second century a.d., about the time when, according to
tradition, the doctrines of Buddhism were first reduced to
writing in P&li. The language of this inscription agrees
in many points with Pfili, but it is too short, and the date
is too uncertain that I could follow Goldschmidt, who felt
inclined to make use of it for fixing the age of the sacred
language. Neither can I agree with Kern, who holds P&li
to be an artificial language altogether. It is certain that
some considerable time must have elapsed before the Pali
recension of the Canon was completed, and that through
the continguity of cognate vernaculars, like the M&gadhi,
a number of words and forms found their way into P&li
which originally did not belong to it : in this way the so-
called M&gadhisms, which Kern induces to prove the arti-
ficial character of the language, are easily explained. In
spite of these, P&li conserved a certain purity during the
whole middle age, and even late texts like the D&th&vamsa
and Attanagaluvamsa (thirteenth century), although they
introduce a large number of compounds after the Samscritic
fashion, are comparatively free from dialectic peculiarities.
Not before the time when the second part of the MaM-
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PBS PACE.
XI
vamsa was composed we find a wholesale import of Sin-
halisms into the language, scarcely disguised by P&li ter-
minations, as, e.g. y mahal&no , € Chief Secretary/ translated
back from the Sinhalese mah&laenan.
I have only occasionally attempted in this book to dis-
tinguish between the different periods of the language.
When the student will have overcome the first difficulties,
he will find all the necessary information on this subject in
Fausboll's Introduction to “Ten J&takas” and Trenckner's
“ Pali Miscellany/' I may say here so much, that on the
whole the forms of the Sinhalese MSS. are older and more
genuine, while the Burmese often replace them by more
modern, more common, or more regular ones. I reserve
for another occasion the interesting task to prove this by
comparing a certain number of MSS., especially of gram-
matical texts.
Another part of the Grammar, which is totally wanting
in my essay, is the Syntax; but here I hope that the classi-
cal languages, with which no doubt nearly all my readers
are acquainted, will fill up the gap. Sanskrit, so to say,
has no Syntax at all, but expresses all the relations in a
sentence merely by compounds. This way, however, was
given up at an early date by the Indian vernaculars, and a
form of construction was introduced which bears a close
resemblance to the Syntax of the classical languages.
Under these circumstances, I have thought it beet, as I had
no space to give a complete Syntax to add at the end
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zii
PREFACE.
the Grammar a short Jataka, with an analysis that might
help the student to understand the Pftli construction.
The texts I principally took my examples from are the
historical books Dipavamsa and first part of the Mah&-
vamsa, for which I compared the new edition published by
Sumangala and Batuwantud&wa in 1880 ; besides the
Yinaya, the three published volumes of the J&taka, the
Milindapanha, and the first year's publications of the P&li
Text Society, including Anguttara Nik&ya, Buddhavamsa
and Cariyapitaka. The second year's publications reached
me when the book was already in the press, but I availed
myself of the opportunity to mention some particularly
interesting forms from Thera- and Therig&thA and Khudda-
sikkhfl. Of Fausboll’s Sutta Nipata I could use for the
Grammar only the stanzas given in the foot-notes of his
translation (“ Sacred Books," vol. xiii) : the edition of the
text came into my hands when I had very nearly done.
E. MULLER.
Cardiff, June , 1884.
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CONTENTS.
PAGE
§ 1. The Alphabet 1
§ 2. Pbonunciation 2
§ 3. Vowels . . 4
§ 4 Change op Vowels 5
§ 5. Change of Quantity 13
§ 6. Nasal Vowels .... . . 20
§ 7. Vowels Added oe Dbopped . .23
§ 8. Consonants . . 24
§ 9. Genebal Remabks befebbing to Consonants
op Diffebent Classes . . . .35
§ 10. Consonants Added ob Dbopped . . . 40
§ 11. Change of Consonants at the end of a
WOBD
•
. 43
§ 12. Compound Consonants
•
. 46
§ 13. Rules on Sandhi .
.
. 50
§ 14. Declension
.
. 64
§ 15. COMPABISON OF AdJECTIYES
.
. 85
§ 16. Pbonominal Inflexion
. 86
§ 17. Numebals ....
.
. 91
§ 18. Conjugation .
.
. 95
Valahassajataka ....
. 128
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( XY |
ABBREVIATIONS.
The abbreviations are the same as in Childers* Dictionary,
and besides the following new ones : —
Ang. = Anguttara Nikaya ed. Morris.
Ass. S. = Assalayanasutta ed. Pischel.
Beitr. = Beitrage zur vergleichenden sprachforschung
herausgeg. von Bezzenberger.
Bv. = Buddhavamsa ed. Morris.
C. = Cullavagga ed. Oldenberg.
Cariy. = Cariyapitaka ed. Morris.
Dath. = Dathavamsa ed. Cumara Swami.
Dhm. = Dhatumanjusa ed. Batuwantud&we.
Dip. = Dipavamsa ed. Oldenberg.
Or. = Sept Suttas Palis ed. Orimblot.
Hem. = Hemacandra ed. Pischel.
It. = Itivuttaka.
I. O. C. = India Office Catalogue.
K. Z. = Kuhn’s Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprach-
forschung.
M. = Mahavagga ed. Oldenberg.
M. N. = Majjhima Nikaya.
Naigh. = Naighantuka.
P. M. = Pali Miscellany, by Trenckner.
Paiyal. = Paiyalacchi ed. Biihler.
Rup. = Das sechste Kapitel der Rupasiddhi heraus-
gegeben von G-riiwedel.
Saddhammop. = Saddhammopayana ed. Batuwantudawe.
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( *vi ).
S. N. = Sutta Nipata ed. Fausboll.
Samanta Fas. or S. F. = Introduction to the Samanta Pasadika
in the third yoI. of Oldenberg’s Vinaya.
Suttavibh. = Suttavibhanga ed. Oldenberg.
Vinaya Texts = Vols. xiii. and xvii. of Max Muller’s Sacred
Books.
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PALI GRAMMAR.
§ 1. The Alphabet.
Thebe are three Alphabets in which Pali manuscripts are
written — the Sinhalese, the Burmese and the Kambodian.
They all are derived from the A 9 oka Alphabet used in the
ancient inscriptions of India, but represent a more current
and an easier style of writing. The Devanagari Alphabet,
which was used by Spiegel in editing his Anecdota Palica, is
never found in Pali manuscripts. We shall, however, for
the convenience of those who have studied Samskrit, in the
following table give the Devanagari letters corresponding to
the Sinhalese characters. Since Eausboll’s edition of the
Dhammapada, published in 1855, nearly all editors of Pali
books in Europe have made use of the Roman character, as
being easier to learn and less tiring to the eye. Unfortunately,
a uniform way of transcription has not yet been arrived at
in P&li, any more than in Samskrit ; but the method followed
by Fausboll and Childers is now almost generally adopted,
and shall also be used in this book.
I. Vowels.
a = & = *CT. i = 5 . i = $. u = 7. 6 = m
e = o =
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2
PALI GBAMMAB.
II. Consonants.
1. Gutturals . — k= ^r.
n =
kh = VI-
g = n.
gh = V.
2. Palatals . — c =
n = ST.
ch =
j = *-
jb = *5..
3. Cerebrals . — t =
n = jut.
to
II
-a
4J.
d = T .
db = z*
4. Dentals . — t = it.
n = IT.
th = XT.
d = ^-
dh = V.
5. Labials. — p = if.
m = *r.
pH = Hi.
b =
bh = vr.
6 . Liquids . — y =
r =
1 =
v = H 1 .
7. Sibilants . — s = H.
b = *■
1 = 35 (Vedic).
Besides, there is the niggahita, corresponding to the Samskj-it
anusvara, and marked by a small circle in the middle of the
line. It is always used at the end of words, and in the
middle before a sibilant. Before another consonant the nasal
of the corresponding class may be used instead.
§ 2. Pronunciation.
The Pronunciation is, on the whole, the same as in Samskrit.
The vowels a , i, u are short, the others are long : e and o are
only long when they stand in an open syllable, viz., before a
single consonant. When they stand before two consonants
they are pronounced short, but are long metri causd.
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PEONUNCIA.TION.
3
| The aspirates are pronounced like the corresponding surds
i with the addition of an A. Therefore th does not correspond
to the English th, but rather to the German in Thun, That.
, Ch has the same pronunciation as the simple c — English ch
in child.
It is very difficult for a European to pronounce the cerebrals
or linguals correctly. In India and Ceylon the natives almost
constantly express our dentals by their cerebrals in words
taken over from our language. It seems, therefore, that our
dentals agree more with their linguals in pronunciation than
with their dentals* I have, however, not been able to mark
« in the spoken language any difference between the pro-
nunciation of the dentals and of the cerebrals.
The nasals are pronounced according to the class to which
they belong. The guttural nasal never occurs alone, but is
always followed by an explosive of its class ; it sounds like
English ng or nk respectively. The palatal nasal sometimes
occurs doubled when an assimilation has taken place («£),
and then it has the sound of the Spanish h in dona, or of
the French gn in campagne. The dental nasal is exactly
pronounced like n, and the labial like rru
The niggahita, or nasal breathing at the end of the word, is
pronounced in Ceylon almost with the same force as a guttural
nasal=English ng in king. Before other consonants it is only
a representative of the nasal of the corresponding class, and is
pronounced accordingly.
Compound consonants are almost regularly assimilated in
Pali. We therefore do not require a table of the combinations
of consonants similar to that which exists in the Devanagari
jjUphabet. The rules according to which the assimilation takes
place will be given in a special chapter, and the few groups
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4
PALI GBAMMAB.
of compound consonants that still exist in Pkli will be added
as an appendix to the Table of Alphabets.
The pronunciation is the same as that of the single con-
sonants.
§ 3. Vowels.
The vowels found in Pali are the same as in Samskyit, with
the exception of the r and l vowels, and the diphthongs ai and au .
The r vowel is mostly represented in Pali by one of the
other vowels : —
(1) By a in accha=zrik8ha, vijambhati=vijrimbhati y J&t. i. 12 ;
tasita =- tyishita, Dayh. iii. 44 ; mat\ha and mafia = mrishta,
gaha = griha, maccu = mrityu.
(2) By i in ina = rina, ‘ debt ;’ Jcisa =. kri^a, ‘ lean ;’ giddha
=i gyidhra, ‘ greedy ;’ miga = myiga, ‘ deer;* bhid = byisi,
* mat;’ sigala == 9 yigala, ‘jackal.’
(3) By u in mabha = rishabha, 4 bull ;’ puthu = prithu,
‘ broad ;’ pucchati — pricchati, ‘ to ask ;’ vutfhi = vyishti, ‘ rain.*
(4) By the consonant r accompanied by the vowels i or u ,
in iritvija = ritvij, * brahminical priest ;’ rite = rite, Kacc. 126 ;
iru = yic in irubbeda — rigveda, ruhkJia = vyiksha, brdheti —
byimhayati ; the latter root takes also sometimes the vowel a 9
as in abbahati , Dh. 96, and in the participle braha.
(5) By e in geha y which is already found iu Samskyit.
The diphthongs ai and au of the Samskyit become e and o in
Pali, that is to say, they are reduced from the second degree
of vowel strengthening called vriddhi in Samskyit to the first
called guna; this process is called vuddhi by the Pali praoi-
marians. Examples are Qotama = Gautama, Kondanwr U=
Kaundinya, Erdvana = Aiiavana, dvelhaka = dvaidhaka, metiti
= maitii. \
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CII.VXOE OF VOWELS.
5
These diphthongs may, however, be farther reduced to the
simple vowels i and u , in the same way as it is done with the
original e and o. We have wu‘^=maitii, Jat. i. 468; i$mriya—
ai^varya, usmkka = autsukva, Dh. 268.
The rules laid down by the grammarians concerning the use
of . the vuddhi and of the simple vowel are very lax. Kacc.,
p. 214, prescribes the vuddhi before a single consonant, but
at p. 210 he allows the forms with the simple vowel as well,
e.g., abhidhammika , vinateyya , ulumpika .
There are also two instances where an u derived from an
r-vowel (see above, no. 3) becomes o by vuddhi, viz., pothuj -
janika , ‘ belonging to an unconverted person,’ derived from
puthujjana = prithagjana and modangika , ‘ one who beats the
drum/ derived from mutinga = mridaUga.
§ 4. Change of Vowels.
A short a of the Samskyit is subject to different changes in
Pali. It may become:—
(1) e in ettha = atra, * there,’ according to Childers, and
8. Goldschmidt’s Prakritica, pp. 21 — 23. Kaccayana, p. 110,
derives it from etatka by shortening of the syllable eta into e;
but Hemacandra, i. 57, has the right explanation. Similar
forms are ubhayettka =ubhayabrst t i on both sides,’ given in the
commentary, Dhp. p. 96, while the text at v. 15 has ubhagattha 9
hetthd and hetfhato, ‘ below ’ = adhastat ; pure , ‘ before,’ with
its compositions puresamana f 1 the companion who precedes
a bhikkhu ;’ purebhattam 9 ‘ before the morning meal ;’ pure -
taram y Dh. 84, 135 ; antar in antepura = antahpura, t harem*
( ant opuram, Dh. 162, 291) ; antovatthumhi , Mah. 253 ; antara -
vatthumhi , Jat. L 232; antorukkhatd , Jat. i. 7; pheggu =
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6
*ALI GBAMMAB.
phalgu, ‘ empty.’ In teyyd = 9 ayya, ‘ couch,’ the change of
a to e is effected by the following y, and the same has taken
place in peyydla = pariyaya, if the derivation given by Olden-
berg, K. Z. xxv. p. 315, and Trenckner, Pali Miscellany, p. 66,
is correct.
(2) a becomes * in tipu = trapu, ‘ lead,’ kalimbhaka =
kadamba, ‘point,* C. v. ii. 3; pi7d/a=palala, ‘straw,* J&t. i. 382 ;
timisa = taroasa, ‘ darkness,* Mil. 283, and timissd = tamisra,
Jat. iii. 433 ; nilicchita = nirashta according to Trenckner,
Pali Misc. p. 55. A great many more examples might be
adduced for this change, which is a very frequent one in Pali.
(3) a becomes u principally through the influence of a
labial, that may stand either before or after the vowel, or even
at some distance from it. Examples are mmmufijam and mm-
mujjani , Jat. i. 161 = samniarjani, ‘ a broom ;* nibbusitattd =
nirvasitatm&, Grimblot, Sept suttas Pilis, 23 ; nimvjjati =
nimajj, ‘ to sink puthujja = pyithagja, ‘ common,’ Fausboll,
Sutta Nipata 171; pannuvUati = paficavisati, ‘twenty-five,’
Jat. iii. 138. There are, however, also exam pled of this change
where there is no labial contact, e.g. thunanti , ‘they sound,’
from stan (the participle nitthanamdna occurs at Jat. i. 463,
and nilthajianta Jat. ii. 362) ; bhrunnhu = bhrunahan, ‘killing
the embryo,* Fausb., S. N. 122 ; ajjulca = arjaka, ‘the white
parnasa;’ djyw=agas, ‘sin;’ pajjuma = parjanya, ‘cloud;’
mjju = sadyas, ‘instantly;* sajjulasa = sarjarasa, ‘resin,’
M. vi< 7. In usuyd = asuya, ‘ envy,’ and in kunkuftha =jr
kankushta, ‘a sort of earth,’ the change is due to the assiini*
lation of the vowels.
(4) a becomes o in sammosa = sammarsha, ‘ confusion
Gr. 25, Mil. 266, anto = antar, ‘ inside,’ and its compositions A
tirokkha =■ tiraska, ‘absent,’ Suttavibh. i. 185. / \
/
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CHANGE OF VOWELS.
7
Samskrit d is subject to the following changes : —
(1) It becomes e in pdrevata = p&rapata, ‘pigeon* (par&-
pata occurs at Jat. i. 242) ; mettika = matpka, Cariy. i. 9, 11 ;
khepeti = kshapayati, from kshap, the causative of kshi ac-
cording to Trenckner, Pali Misc., p. 76, and Senart, Mahavastu,
p. 492 ; theto = sthatri, Brahmajalasutta, p. 5 ; seleti = 9 «da-
yati, ‘ to fall off,* Buddhavamsa i. 36 ( wselheti , C. i. 13, 2 =»
Suttavibh. i. 180, is a compound of this, and has nothing to
do with ussolhi, as the translators of the passage would make
out, Vinaya Texts, ii. 349). The change is effected by a y
standing before or after the vowel in <fcfra=acarya, ‘teacher,*
Kbuddasikkba xv., comp. Hem. i. 73 ; pdtihera (or pdtihira)
= pratiharya, ‘ a miracle ;* nibbedheti = nirvy&dhayati, ‘ to
transpierce,’ Mah. 143.
(2) It becomes o in tumo = tman&, ‘ self,* C. vii. 2, 3,
Oldenberg K. Z. xxv. 319 ; parovctra = paravara, from para -f
avara, ‘ perfect,’ Fausb., S. N. 59, 193 ; ^«o=dosha, ‘ at night ;’
dhovati = dh&v, ‘ to wash.*
(3) It becomes d in some compositions with the root gd>
i to go,’ like addhagd , 1 a traveller ;* pdragd , ‘ one who has
crossed to the other side,* probably through an intermediate
o (see no. 2), as we have atigo, Dhp. v. 370 ; pdrago , Mah.
60, 250; vivarantagu , Jat. ii. 20S. The same change takes
place in compositions with jfid, 6 to know as, vinnd , ‘ clever
sabbafind, i omniscient ;* vadafind = vadanya, ‘ bountiful,’ is
clearly constructed after the false analogy of these forms,
but has nothing to do with jfid. Tadannu , Saddham-
mop&yana, v. 177, is composed with jfid , and is different from
tadafma = tad + anya, occurring at v. 149 of the same
poem.
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PALI GRAMMAR.
Samskrit i is subject to the following changes : —
(1) It becomes a in kdkanikd = k&kinika, ‘a small coin;’
pathavd = pyithivi, * the earth pokkharam = pushkarini,
‘ lotus tank ;* gharam = grihini, ‘ wife,* M. viii. 1, 12 ; patanga
= phadihga, * a flying insect,* Dh. 412, Mil. 272 ; sdkhalya,
‘ friendship,* Childers s. v. sakhilo , and some futures like
icchasam, pamddassam , mentioned by Trenckner, Pali Misc.,
p. 75. A doubtful form is dnafija , Jat. i. 415, ii. 325 ; Sut-
tavibh. i. 4 ; Samannaphalasutta ed. Grimblot, p. 143. A
various reading is dnanca t which is found besides in Mabapari-
nibbanas., p. 34, and Burnouf, Lotus, pp. 306, 467, 866 ; but
Buddhaghosa, at Suttavibh. i. 267, explains it by dnejjappatte ,
acale , niccale and if this is correct it can have nothing to
do with Samskyit aoantya, but must be derived from the Pali
root inj = ISarpskrit ing t * to move.* Comp. Childers, s. v. dnej -
ja y, and p. 454, and Senart, Mahavastu, p. 399.
(2) It becomes e in etta, ‘so much’=Skt. iyant, Senart,
Mahavastu, p. 384 (but not etto, ‘hence,* which is derived
from etta = eta, Goldschmidt, Pracritica, p. 21 — 23) ; viheed
= vihimsa, ‘ vexation,* and the verb viheseti , ‘ to annoy,’
Jat. iii. 295 ; vehdgamana = vihagamana, ‘ coming through
the air,* Mah. 157 ; vematika = vimatika, ‘ inconsistent
vemajjJia — vimadhya, ‘ the middle ;* Vessabhd = Y^vabhfl, ‘ a
name of Buddha ;* manje\tha = manjishtha, ‘ light red kera-
tika , Jat. i. 461, and kerd^iya, Jat. iii. 260 = kirata, ‘ hypocrite,*
(comp. Indian Antiquary, vi. 40) ; esikd = ishika, ‘ pillar *
(but Uikd, Samannaph. S. ed. Gr. p. 144), Brahmaj. S 18,
neuter pi. esikdni , Jat. ii. 95; terovassika, ‘more than a
year old’ = Skt. tirovarshika, like Yedic tiro ahnya, Morris’
Report on P&li Literature, p. 6 ; dvebhaga , dvebhdva , dvebhu -
maka = dvibhaga, dvibhava, dvibhumaka ; pettdpiya = pitrivya,
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Trenckner, Pali Misc. 62 ; matdpettibhara , ‘ supporting one’s
parents,’ = matri + pitribhara, tekiccha y * curable,* from ci-
kitsa, etthi = ishti, ‘ wish,’ Khuddasikkha. A difficult form
is the adverb seyyatha , ‘just as,’ in a comparison, which is
explained in different ways by the grammarians. Trenckner,
Pali Misc. p. 75, explains it as a Magadhizing form, corres-
ponding to the Skt. tadyatha, and he is followed by Senart,
Mahavastu, p. 415, who adduces the corresponding form of
the northern Buddhists sayyathidam, already mentioned by
Leon Feer, Etudes Bouddhiques, p. 313. I believe this ex-
planation preferable to that of E. Kuhn, who considers it as
a potential atmanepadam of the root as ‘ to be.’ A form
seyathd occurs in the inscription of Bhabra, Cunningham,
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, p. 111. A similar change of
a to e is in yebhuyya — yad + bhuyas, Instr. yebhuyyena ,
‘ generally,’ ‘ mostly.’ The corresponding form of the
northern Buddhists is yobhuyena, Senart, Mahavastu 422.
(3) It becomes u in kukkusa = kiknasa, C. x. 27, 4, kukku
= kishku, ‘ measure of length,’ M. vii. 1, 5 ; nicchubhiyati =
kshiv, ‘ to spit out,’ Mil. 188 ; also written nichubhati ’, Cariyap.
ix. 23, Bv. xi. 15, Jat. iii. 512, 513 ; participle, nicchuddha,
Mil. 130, Dh. 8, 202 ; rajula = rajila, ‘ a lizard ;’ geruka =
gairika, ‘ red chalk,* M. i. 25, 15.
(4) It becomes o in onojeti , ‘to dedicate,* M. i. 22, 18 =
avanejayati according to Kern, Buddhism, p. 92.
Saipskrit i is subject to the following changes : —
(1) It becomes a in kosajja , ‘ idleness ’ = kausidy a ; bhasma
= bhishma, ‘ dreadful,’ C. vii. 4, 8 (another form bhesma occurs
Ab. 107, and bhisma in the Mahasamaya ap. G-rimblot, p. 288).
(2) It becomes d in tiracchana = tira^cina, ‘an animal.’
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PALI GfiAMMAB.
(3) It becomes e in khela = krida, ‘play,’ Dath. i. 41, Pischel
Beitr. iii. 254 ; keldyatha , Mil. 73, dveld = dpida, 1 a garland ;*
Prak. amela , Hem. i. 105 $ ereti, * to utter,’ Dh. v. 134 ;
according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. p. 76 = ireti. E for i is
found frequently in derivative syllables, as in the absolutive
gahetvd for grihitva, in ajaneyya for djdniya, and similar forms
given by Kacc. p. 196. There is a present seyya$i = ^ryasi,
from $ar, 1 to throw down,’ occurring only in this form Jat. i.
174, Dh. 147. The commentary explains it by vidmaphalo
hoti. (Jri becomes se in the names of two plants, sepanm =
friparni and sephdlikd = ^riphalika*
(4) It becomes u in the root thubh — shthiv, 4 to spit also
Written thuJi , as in nitthuhati , S. i. 132 ; nuftbuhati, C. vi. 20, 2,
M. viii. 1, 11. The form nitthuh occurs also in Prakrit,
De^namamala, iv. 41.
Samskjrit u is subject to the following changes : — *
(1) It becomes a in sakkhali = 9 ashkuli, Jat. ii. 281, Sut-
tavibh.i. 55; agaru and ayaZw=aguru, 4 Agallochum;’ dudrabhi
= dundubhi, ‘drum,’ M. i. 6, 8 ; vakara or vakara , J&t. iii.
541 = vagura, 4 net phallati = pbull, 4 to bear fruit,’ and
pharati == sphur, 4 to flash.’ Bahusacca is derived by Childers
from bflbu 9 rutva, by Fausboll from bahusm&rtya; the analogy
of muffhasacca , however, adduced by Childers, points to the
latter etymology. Rathesabha , 4 king,’ is according to Trenck-
ner, Pali Misc. p. 59 = rathe 9 ubh ; according to Senart, Mab&-
vastu, p. 427 = ratha + rishabha.
(2) It becomes i in dindima = dundubhi, 4 drum/ Dip. 96 ;
khipati kshu, 4 to sneeze ; ’ vnuditd = mudut&, Senart, Maha-
vastu 629. The identity of sippii and 9 ukti, 4 pearl oyster,’
assumed by Trenckner, Pali Misc. 60-75, remains doubtful.
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(3) It becomes o chiefly before a double consonant, as in
okkd = ulka, ‘torch,* Jat. i. 34 ; pottha = pusta, ‘a modelled
figure,* Jat. ii. 432, and its derivative, potthalikd or potthanikd,
M. vi. 23, 3, C. vii. 3, 4 ; Pr&k. puttalid> Paiyalacchi 117 ;
vokkamati = vyutkramati (comp. Pischel’s remarks to Hem. i.
116); ^<m0&Ha=pramukhya ( pamukkha , Jat. i. 371). There
arc*, however, also instances of the change before a single con-
sonant, as kolanna = kulaja, ‘ of good family,’ Mil. 256 (for
the termination comp, agganna and Senart’s remarks Maha-
vastu, p. 617); koliya , Jat. iii. 22, and koliniya , Jat. ii. 348 (if
the reading koleyya is not to be preferred, kulina occurs at
Mah. 245); and kolaputti , which is not to be , considered as a
vuddhi with Trenckner, Pali Misc. p. 64. Pali kofi represents
the Skt. kuti as well as koti, Lotus 432 ; anopama , Jat. i. 89 ;
Mahavastu 511 is = anupama , Mah. 240.
Sainskrit u is subject to the following changes :
(1) It becomes d in masdraka = masuraka, ‘a sort of bed,*
C. vi. 2, 3. Bhdkuti , Suttavibh. i. 181=bhrukuti, ‘eye-brow,’
most probably goes back to the Skt. bhrakuti or bbyikuti. The
common Pali word bhamu is not, as Childers explained it, a
careless pronunciation of bbru, but an abbreviation of bha-
muka or bhamuJia = bhrumukha, as is shown by the Prak.
bhamayd, Hem. ii. 167. The Sinhalese baema also goes back
to this form.
(2) It becomes i or i in bhiyo, bhiyyo = bhuyas, and in
niyura = nupura, ‘ bracelet,’ which, however, might stand for
nidhura.
(3) It becomes o in oja = urjas, ‘ strength,’ Jat.i. 68, Dh. 132;
onamsativasso = unav°, ‘less than twenty years old.’
Sa^skyit e is subject to the following changes : —
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PALI GRAMMAR.
(1) It becomes a in milakkba = mleecha (comp. K. Z xxv.
327), and in some verbal forms like akaramhasa , Dh. p. 147.
(2) It becomes d in kdyura = keyura, ‘ bracelet,’ C. v. 2, 1,
Jat. iii. 437.
(3) It becomes i before double consonants, as in pasibbaka=
prasevaka, * bag * ; pafivissaka = prative 9 aka, ‘ neighbouring ; ’.
ubbilla = udvela in ubbillabhdva , ‘ lengthiness, * Saddhammopa-
yana 136 ; but also before single ones, as abhijihana from jeh,
Jat. 546, v. 49, according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. 78; apaw-
nati, Jat. 409, v. 4, from ven; pahinaka and pahenaka , * offer-
ing,’ Prak. pahenaya, Paiyal. 206.
(4) It becomes o in mankato = matkjrite, Mil. 384 ; and in
atippago = atiprage, ‘too early,’ corresponding to atipragah
of the northern Buddhists, Mahavastu 418.
Samskrit o is subject to the following changes : —
It becomes u before a double consonant, and d before a
single, as in junhd = jyotsna, * a moon-lit night ; ’ tutta =
tottra, ‘ a pike used to guide an elephant,’ Cariy. iii. 5, 2 ;
taddpiya % ‘ suitable, corresponding,’ which is not — tadrdpya ,
as Childers suggested. Trenckner, Pali Misc. p. 77, identifies
it. with Skt. tadopya, which is derived from the root vap in
composition with a, and ascribes the change of o to 4 to the
following i ; but Senart, Inscriptions de Piyadasi i. 188, and
Mahdvastu 493, takes it as a compound of tad + opaya.
Visdka = vi^oka, ‘spectacle;’ dubha = droha, ‘deceiving,’
Mah. 49 ; khajj4panaka y Trenckner, Pali Misc. 59, for khajjo -
panaka = khadyota, ‘ the fire-fly ; ’ drdgya — arogva, ‘ good
health,* M. N. 66. Also an o contracted from ava is
subject to this change, as in ussdva = ava 9 yaya, ‘dew;’
t(/yM = avadhya, ‘ to blame;’ and uddeti=z oddeti =: ava -f di,
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CHANGE OF QUANTITY.
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according to Morris, Anguttaranik&ya i. 21, 4. Comp, the
remarks of Fausboll, Two Jatakas 13, the verb niddayati ,
Jat. i. 215, niddapetij C. vii. 1, 2, identified by Oldenberg
with nirddt&, Manu vii. 110. An example of an o changed to
u before a single consonant is ukkusa = utkro$a, 4 the osprev/
ouly written ukkusa at Jat 486, v. 2, where the 4 is required
by the metre.
§. 5. Change of Quantity.
Long vowels before a double consonant are generally
shortened. The reason is given by Kacc. vii. 5, 13-14, wh«re
he says that a short vowel before a double consonant as a long
vowel is called yarn . This rule, however, is not always followed
by the manuscripts, where we often find a long vowel before a
double consonant, especially when the long vowel is the result
of a contraction. Fausboll, in the preface to his edition of the
Dhammapada, p. vii., was the first to call attention to this
inconsistency of the manuscripts, and afterwards Senart,
Kacc. pp. 4, 5, has discussed it at some length. The principles
established by him have been followed on the whole by the
recent editors of Pa i texts, as far as the groups with assimi-
lated consonants are concerned ; and also Childers, in his Pali
Dictionary, has adopted them with a few exceptions, so he
writes djjavatn instead of ajcwarn , Kacc. 216 =■ Skt. aijava,
ddbU = Skt. dar\i, datta = datra, following Abhidhanappu-
dipika. Kuhn, in his Pali Grammar, p. 18, condemns this way
of writing, and allows the long vowel only in those instances
'in which a contraction has taken place, as in n&gghati = na
+ agghati, piy&ppiya = piya + appiya. The Sinhalese editions
generally follow the method of the manuscripts.
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PALI GRAMMAR.
Before a nasal we generally find the law observed, as santa ,
danta , rnnta = £anta, danta, vanta, Kacc. 295, but the editors
of the second part of the Mah&vamsa write lahganakicca , Mab.
39, 28, Before other groups of consonants the editions are
less consistent; we have ativdkya , Ab, 122, Dh, 57 ; sahya ,
sakka , sakiya = 9 akya, Mah. 9, 55, Abh, 5, 336 ; dkhyata and
akkhata , Kacc. 5, 220 ; pahatvdna = pahdtvd , 1 having left
behind,’ Dh. v. 243, 415 ; dusdlya , Dh. v. 162 = dauh^lya,
‘wickedness;’ balya , ‘childhood,’ Dh. v, 63, but Ab.
250, 1079,; and bhitva, from jna and bbi, Kacc. 303,
Dh. 85, 379 ; kamyatd = k&myata, ‘ desire ; ’ bahya = bahya,
f external.*
Another possibility of avoiding the contact of a long vowel
with a double consonant is to put the single consonant of the
group resulting by assimilation, as in ajava = arjava, Kacc.
216, Ten Jat. 98 ; kdsu = karshu, ‘ hole,’ dmi = urmi, ‘wave,’
Ab. 662; but ummi , Mil. 346; bhdnaka — bhandaka, f jar,’ Sut-
tavibh. 90, Ascoli Kritische Studien, p. 211; bhdja = bhurja,
‘ the birch ; ’ ahdsi = aharshit,* ‘ he took.’ The same process
may take place after a short vowel, which then is lengthened,
as in sdjiva for sajjiva — sad + jiva, ‘ rule of conduct,’ Pat. 5,
65, comp. Senart, Mahavastu 481 ; vupakdsati — vyupakarsh,
‘ to make clear,* M. i. 25, 20, Pat. 109 ; svdtana = ^vastana,
‘ belonging to to-morrow,’ Dh. 231 ; vaka = valka, ‘ bark of a
tree;’ sankdpayati = sankappayati, ‘to arrange,’ M. iii. 1, 2
(there are, however, two various readings, sankdyati , C. x. 18,
and Anguttaranikaya, p. 117, and sankdmeti , Suttavibh. i. 50,
which render the etymology doubtful). Several compounds
with the preposition ud y as uhadeti = ud -f had, ‘ to befoul
with excrement ; ’ uhata = ud 4* hata, ‘ destroyed,’ Dh. 375,
Mah&vastu, 379, 566 ; uhasana, from ud + has , ‘ laughter,’
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CHANGE OF QUANTITY.
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Mil. 127. TJhanati , M, i. 49, 4, Suttavibh. ii. 40, seems to
be synonymous with dkadati , mentioned before ; and I believe
the translation given by Davids and Oldenberg, 4 threw their
bedding out,’ not to be correct. The passive dhanni is found
M. i. 25, 15, the past participle dhata , C. viii, 10, 3; and
another compound of the same root, ohaneti , occurs in the same
signification, Cariy. ii t 5, 4, where it is in parallel to uccdra -
passdvam katvd, Jat, ii. 385 f
The opposite way is to shorten the vowel before a double
consonant, as in the instances given above, and this can also
be done where a single consonant follows a long vowel. Fre-
quent instances occur in the genitive plural of stems ending in
u or as; as bahunnam = bahunam, Dhp. 81, pitunnam = pitrl-
nam ; and of numerals, as tinnam , pancannam . But there are
also a number of other words belonging to this category ; as
bhummi = bhumi, 4 earth,’ C. xii. 2, 5 ; mattisambhava = ma-
tris°, Dh, v. 396 ; mdtumattika = matrimatyika, Suttavibh. i.
16; wnhissa = ushnisha, ‘ diadem,’ Bv. p. 68, note; vanibbaka=
vanipaka (which is found Cariy. i. 4, 5), ‘ beggar,’ with change
of p to bb ; niddha = nida, * nest,’ from ni + sad; (comp.
Hem. i. 106, Weber Indische Streifen i. 141, Ascoli 284);
sutta = syuta, 4 sewn ; * daftha == ddtha, ‘ jaw,* Mil. 150 ; abba -
hati = k + brih, 4 to take down,* and its causative abbdheti ,
4 to pluck,’ M. vi. 20, 2, C. vii. 4,5; jarmu == janu, ‘knee,’
Mab&parinibb, 69 ; avassayim for avasayim (comm, vdsam hap-
penin')^ 4 1 lived,* Jat. ii. 80. Syllables ending with y are
especially often treated in this way ; as abhibhuyya = abhi-
bhuya, Dh. v, 328 ; bhiyyo == bJiiyo for bhuyas, mentioned
above ; jiyyati = jfyati, 4 tq decay,’ Dh. 179, and the suffix
iyya = iya.
The same transformations we have hitherto mentioned can
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PALI GRAMMAR.
also take place in syllables which contain an e or an 0, with
the only difference that these diphthongs always remain as
they are ; they are considered long before a single consonant
and short before a group, as stated by the grammarian Mog-
gall&na (Alwis, Introduction, p. xvii. note, Gatal. 41, 184).
Generally, however, the syllable conforms to the condition,
according with the etymology of a word. The following are
exceptions, where the simple consonant stands for the double :
vefheti = veshtayati, * to surround ; * sckha = 9aiksha, ‘ a dis-
ciple ; * apekhd and apekkhd , ‘ desire,* = apeksba, upekhd and
upekkha , ‘ equanimity vimokha = vimoksha, ‘ release.* Y is
always doubled after 0, as in seyyo = 9reyas, ‘ better ; ’ mac -
cudheyya = mrityudheya, ‘death:* the only exception is ke»
yura , ‘ bracelet,’ Ab. 287, which generally becomes kdydra (see
above). V after 0 is only doubled in yobbana = yauvana,
‘youth.* After the prefix 0, contracted from ava, a double
consonant formed by assimilation always remains, as in ahboc -
chinna = avyavacchinna, ‘unbroken,’ Mil. 72 ; okkhitta= avak-
shipta, ‘ cast down,* Pat. 20, 21 ; and even a simple consonant
is often doubled, as in ossajjati = avasri j, ‘ to give up ; * ossak -
kamdna = avasarpamana, ‘scattered,’ Jat. i. 139; abbhokki -
rana = abhyavakirana, ‘ covering,’ and, with change of 0 to u 9
abbhukkirati. Jat. ii. 311.
The cases of change of quantity are by no means yet ex-
hausted by the rules and examples given above. We have
numerous instances where the change is due entirely to the
metre, and others again where no reason is visible. We will
try in the sequel to keep separate as much as possible these
two cases, and mention those instances which are supported
by the Pr&krit dialects.
The roots terminating in d 9 asjnd, dd 9 sthd , almost regularly
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CHANGE OF QUANTITY.
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shorten the vowel in composition, and in derived forms, as,
e.g., panhavd = prajnavant, * wise,’ always written with d
except in a passage of the Culakammavibhangasutta, quoted
by G-ogerly, Ev. 31. From sth& we have patfhdpeti, 9 to bring
forward.’ The same occurs in samkhata = samkhy&ta, Dh. v.
70, where, however, it might also be shortened by a confusion
with samkhata = sauiskyita. A in the middle of a root is
shortened in gahati and gaheti , ‘ to dive,’ = g&h, and its com-
positions ogahi, Mah. 152 ; ogaha , Jat. iii. 289 ; vigayhati and
vigahdpeti Suffixes with long vowels are very often shortened,
as, e.g., dgahita — agr ihita, ‘seized,’ Dh. 107 ; appatita = apra-
tita, ‘displeased,’ Pat. 4, 5; sadevika — sadevika, ‘accompanied
by his queen,’ Mah. 205 ; vipaccanika = vipratyanika, ‘hostile,’
Grimblot 1 ; paccanika , Cariy. ii. 8, 4; aAtrz'A;a=ahrika, ‘shame-
less,’ Dh. 44 ; sdluka = ^alhka, ‘ the root of the water-lily,’
M. vi. 35, 6. Especially the suffix iya is almost regularly
shortened, as in pdniya = paniya, ‘ water,’ M. i. 26, 4 ; sakiga
= svakiya, ‘ own ;’ updddniga = upadaniya, ‘ sensual,’ in a
passage of the Samyuttaka Nikaya quoted by Oldenberg,
Buddha 435 ; pdtidesaniya = pratide 9 aniy a, ‘a class of priestly
sins requiring confession,’ constantly written so in the Pati-
mokkha and Suttavibhanga ; gariya = gariyas, ‘ heavier,’ Dh.
245, &c. Shortening by svarabhakti is very frequent in Pali,
as in hhariyd = bhary&, ‘ wife ;’ dcariya = ac4rya, ‘ teacher ;’
euriya = surya, ‘ sun,’ and numerous other examples.
Lengthening of vowejs occurs principally, in prepositions, as
in dbhidosika , ‘stale,’ from abhidosa , ‘evening,’ Suttavibh. i.
15 ; pdtibhoga =■ pratibhoga, ‘ surety,’ comp. Mah&vastu 582 ;
pdvacana = pravacana, ‘ the Holy Scriptures * (the same in the
language of the northern Buddhists, Mahavastu 566) ; pdkafa
= prakaja, ‘ clear, evident ;’ pdheti , ‘ to send ’ = prahi, from
c
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PALI 0RAMMAB.
the false analogy of the aorist pdhesi; pdydti and pdydto , from
prayk, * to depart,’ Jat. i. 146 ; Bhys Davids, Buddhist Suttas,
p. 241, note. There are, however, some other instances of
lengthened vowels besides : a privativum is lengthened in dya-
sahya , ‘disgraceful/ from a + ya 9 as, J&fc. ii. 83, iii. 514, in
paccdmitta == pratyamitra, ‘ enemy.’ Other vowels in dlinda =
alinda, ‘ terrace; ’ djira = ajira, ‘ court/ Mah. 215 ; pdyasa =
pay as a, ‘rice porridge;’ gamita = gavyuti, ‘a measure of
length ; ’ ummdra = udumbara, ‘ threshold ; ’ sabbdud = sarva-
vat, ‘entire;’ khardpinda , ‘lump of glass/ Dip. 102. Lengthen-
ing is very frequent also when a word is repeated in composi-
tion; as phaldp hala = phala-f phala, ‘wild fruits, berries;’
divadivassa , ‘at an unusual hour/ Ten Jat. 16, Ch. Addenda;
khandakhandam , ‘in pieces;’ kiccakiccdni , ‘all sorts of duties.’
According to the law given by Kace&yana, vii. 5, 13, that a
short vowel before a double consonant is considered as a long
one, we have to treat here also those cases where a single con-
sonant after a short vowel is doubled, and a double one sim-
plified, because the quantity of the syllable is changed by this
process. In these cases it is sometimes very difficult to dis-
tinguish what is due to the metre, and what not. A clear
instance of metrical change would be appabodhati , Dh. v. 143,
if Subhuti’s opinion is right, that it stands for apabodhati ;
Weber, however, and Max Muller refer it to alpabodhati, ‘parvi
facere/ and Fausboll to a + prabodliati. Subhuti’s view iu
supported by appardjita = aparajita, ‘unconquered/ Cariy. i.
2, 2. Other instances are saparijj'ana , ‘ with his attendants,’
Cariy. ii. 8, 2; kappilayam , Cariy. ii. 9, 2; nikkhani for nikhani,
‘ he buried/ Cariy. iii. 14, 4 ; abhinivassatha , ‘ he lived/ Cariy.
i. 10, 3 ; upavassatha , ib. i. 10; 5 ; paddhdna, Bv. xvii. 16 ; ut-
tassati = uttrasati, ‘ he trembles/ Cariy. iii. 13, 4 (participle
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CHA.NGE OP QTTABTITY.
19
uttrassa, M. x. 2, 16) ; suppatha, Ab. 193 ; Icummiga = turn-
pga, Mil. 346 ; paggharati , ‘ to ooze,’ Dh. 81; abhisammayo , Bv.
vi. 3 ; paribbasdna = parivas&na, ‘abiding,’ Fausboll, 8. N. 152.
The following are instances from prose texts where the doub-
ling cannot be ascribed to metrical influence : patikMla =
pratikula, ‘ contrary ; ’ jdtassara = jatasara, ‘ a natural pond ; 9
saJckaya = svakay a, ‘individuality;’ anuddayd =anuday&, ‘com-
passion and anuddayatd , Suttavibh. i. 247 ; vibbheda=v ibbeda,
‘ division,’ J&t. i. 212 ; ummd— um&, ‘flax,’ Mil. 118 ; cheppd=z
9 epa, ‘tail,’ M. v. 9, 1; ci&HaKa=cikhalya, ‘ mud,* M. vii. 1,
1 ; niggahtta = nigrihita, ‘ restrained,’ okkassa = avakpshya,
‘ having dragged away,’ Mah&parinibb. 3 ; upakkilesa = upa-
kle^a, ‘ sin ; ’ upassaftha = upaspshta, ‘ oppressed,’ J&t. i. 61 ;
vikkhayitaka from vi + khad, comp. Kern, Buddhism, 402;
patiekka = pratyeka, ‘ individual ’ (regular form pacceka) ;
kallahara = kahl&ra, ‘ the white water-lily;’ mukkhara = mu-
khara, ‘noisy,’ Minayeff, P&t. 59; vissajjeti , from vi + syij,
‘ to give away,’ and avmajjiya , avissajjika , C. vi. 15, 2, M. viii.
27, 5 (but visajja in a metrical passage Mah&parinibb. 17),
and avwsatthaka, Jat. i. 434.
Compared with these instances of doubling a consonant, the
instances of the opposite process are but few, and they are
nearly all to be ascribed to metrical influence. So we have
dukha instead of tfw^Ha=duhkha, ‘ sorrow,’ Dh. v. 83 ; pu\ha
instead of^w#Afl=pushta, ‘fed,’ Dh. v. 218.; &am&<2=karnika,
‘ an ear ornament,’ Ab. 574. In prose texts I have only found
kanikdra = karnikara, ‘ the tree Pterospemum acerifolium,’
Jat. ii. 25 ; and bhadanta , also written Ma^anfo=bhadrauta,
‘ a venerable man, a Buddhist priest.*
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20
PALI GBAMMAB.
§ 6. Nasal Vowels.
The anusv&ra or niggahita can stand before every consonant,
but before an explosive sound it may also migrate into the
nasal of the corresponding class. So you may write kumkuma
or Jcunkuma, samcarati or sancarati , samddsa or sandasa, tamdita
or tandita , kambala or kambala. In the first instance, how-
ever, before a guttural it is usual to transcribe the nasal by a
simple n without any diacritical sign. Before h the anusvara
can be changed into the palatal or cerebral nasal, as panha =
pra^na, ‘ question,’ but panhi = prifni, ‘ variegated ; ’ in both
instances the origin of the group is the same, viz., from pn, but
the usage has been fixed in different ways. From panha is
derived apamaka for apanhaka , ‘ certain,’ always spelt with the
cerebral group. Paripanhati is spelt with the cerebral in
Minaytff’s P&timokkha, p. 17, 92; but in the corresponding
passage of the Suttavibh. ii. 141, we have paripafihati, which I
consider to be more correct. Prak. panha, Hem. ii. 75. In
the same way we have tanha =tj*ishna, ‘thirst,’ mnha = ^lakshna ;
but its derivative, spelt sanhita , Mah. 104. Osanhati , at C. v.
2, 3, is also spelt with the cerebral, and I believe this to be
the correct spelling, as the n is already found in Samskrit. I
cannot account for the change of to n in apanjtattika=ay>TVL-
jnaptika, ‘not existing,’ in <2na=ajna, ‘order,’ dn&peti , dnd-
pana 9 &c.
Before a y the anusv&ra can remain, or the whole group can
migrate into as e.g. samyoga or safinoga. Before r, «, v it
is always retained. Before l the anusvara is always assimi-
lated, as in salldpa = sarplapa, ‘ conversation.’ Before a vowel
it becomes m in poetry when a short; syllable is required, the
nasal vowels being invariably considered as long.
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2TASAL towels.
21
The grammarian Vanaratana, according to Trenckner, Pali
Misc. 80, remarks that h may be joined to any one of the five
nasals ; for h with the guttural nasal I can adduce no example,
but for h with the dental nasal we have cinha = cihna, ‘ mark/
pubbanha , Mil. 17; majjhanha = madhyabna, ‘ midday/ Ab. 767 ;
gdyanha = s&y&hna, ‘ evening/ seems to be always spelt with
the cerobral.
The nasal vowel is sometimes replaced by a long one, as in
nha = simha, ‘ a lion;’ msati = viipsati, ‘ twenty ;* sanddsa =
samdam^a, ‘tongs;* ddthd = damshtr&, ‘jaw/ This happens
often in the preposition sam when it is followed by r, as in
sardga= samr&ga, ‘passion/ «arawi5Ao=samrambha, ‘clamour/
sdrcmbM, ‘ clamorous/ Jat. iii. 259 ; idrdmyo , Mah aparin. 2, is
according to Senart’s explanation, Mahavastu, p. 599= sam-
ranjniya for samranjaniya, and = s&rjiyaniya of the northern
Buddhists, which etymology is confirmed by the passage of the
Lalitavistara, p. 530, where we read sammodanih sarpranjanih
kathah kritva, corresponding to the Pali sammodamyam Jcatham
8drdntyam mtisdretvd , comp, also Vinaya texts, ii. 364. Sar-
dham loses its anusvara in the compound saddhivihdrika , ‘fellow
priest/ and also in the simple word in a passage of Buddha-
ghosa quoted C. 318.
The opposite process is the development of an unorganic
anusvara out of an explosive consonant. This process has
taken very large dimensions in the Sinhalese down from the
10th or 11th century (see my Contributions to Sinhalese
Grammar, pp. 12, 13), but we find the beginning of it already
in P&li, and it is not merely the corrupt spelling of the Sim-
halese writers as Childers believed (see Childers, s. v. nagaram).
Moreover, a form nangaram occurs in the Saipskfit of the
northern Buddhists, Mah&vastu pp. 83, 440, so that we have
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22
PALI GBAMMAB.
no reason to doubt its correctness in Pali. Ndnga for naga,
‘ snake,* Dh. 102, occurs again in the introduction to the
Samanta pasadika, and seems to be also a correct form. Other
instances are *aftew?fona=sanatana, ‘ perpetual,* which Childers
explains as sanam +tana;^%a=piccha, ‘wing,’ (piccha occurs
at M. v. 2, 3); mahhma— mahisha, ‘ buffalo,* Cariy. ii. 5, 1, and
mahimsakamandala , ‘ the Andhra country the insertion is
especially frequent in syllables which originally contain an r;
«amww^/am=sammarjaDi, ‘a broom* (also written sammujjam ,
Jat. i. 161) ; = 9 arvari, ‘the night;* dandha= dxidh&,
‘slow* according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. p. 65, and its
derivatives dandhati , Jat. i. 34)5, Feer Etudes Bouddhiques 133,
Cariy. viii. 13 ( dantayi is a mistake) ; dandhayand , Mil. 59, 105;
dandhayitattam, Mil. 115; mankato= matkfite, Mil. 384; man -
&w/a=matkuna, ‘bug,* Pat. 91, comp. Skt. mankhuna; anc=
arc, ‘to worship’ according to Weber (we find, however, acca-
yii8am 9 Dath. v. 17, and accita , Ab. 750); another anc occurs,
J&t. i. 417, to explain udaficant ; $a/?<fo=sadra, ‘ thick, coarse;’
cigala, ‘jackal;* vitamsd= vitas ta, Mil. 114; nantaka
=naktaka or laktaka, ‘ dirty cloth,* J&t. iii. 22, which Trenck-
ner, Pali Misc. 81, believes to be borrowed from an aboriginal
language: the regular form lattaka occurs Dhp. 190. Some
participles must be mentioned here of verbs that have n in the
present, as rafldAa=raddha, from randheti, ‘ to destroy,* Mil.
107, Jat. 537 v. 108, 538 v. 85 ; taw^a=;baddha, ‘ bound,*
Kacc. 130, M. viii. 12, 1, where Buddhaghosa has baddham ;
pilandha— pinaddha, from pilandhati , ‘ to rear,’ Mil. 337. The
aorist aganchi , and the future gafichati or ganchiti, from gacchati,
‘to go,* occur according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. pp. 71 — 74,
only in Sinhalese manuscripts, while the Burmese almost con-
stantly write agacchi ; besides, in the compound adhigacchati
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VOWELS ADDED OR DROPPED.
23
the aorisfc does not take the nasal, and in the plural before
- imsa , - ittha , - imha , the form ganchi is very rarely used. I
believe these forms to have followed the false analogy of adan-
chi from damp, ‘ to bite,’ Jat. 444 v. 3, and of ahanchi, M. i. 6,
8, hanchetna , J&t. ii. 418, from ban , ‘ to strike/ which both
have the nasal in the root.
We often find a nasal added at the end of a word, as in
mkkaccam = satkritya, ‘ respectfully ; * kudacanam = kuda +
cana, ‘ever;’ tfw^ac?^Aww=anyad-rastu, ‘ only, exclusively/
in a passage of the Saravuttaka Nikaya, quoted by Trenckner,
F. M. 67, tatthanca— tatra ca, Mah. 5. In two instances we
find n instead of the anusvara : cirann dyati , Kacc. 26, and
satanan esa dhamma for satanam , Jayaddisa Jataka. Besides,
at the end of the first part of compounds, not only in such
cases where it is to be considered as an accusative, as in ata -
7/m^Aa*$a=atala8par9a, ‘not touching the bottom;’ sabban-
jaha , ‘ leaving everything ;’ such instances are mrala/hjana, =
virala+jana, ‘thinly peopled/ Att. 204; andhantama^bn&hs,
q-tamas, ‘thick darkness;’ attantapa , ‘self-tormenting/ Chil-
ders 8.v. pugg ala ; ganamgarm , ‘with many linings, M. v. 1, 30;
ratJiandhuri = ratha + dhur, ‘the yoke of the carriage/ Sad-
dhammopayana v. 468 ; kabalirnhdra=kabalikdra (the writing
of the Burmese MSS.) ‘ material food/ Gr. 43 ; jayampati ,
‘ husband and wife/ most probably standing for jayapati and
also tudampati , would go back to the same form if Childers’
etymology is right ; com*p. Kuhn’s Lit. Bl., no. 1, art. 2. The
contracted form jampati occurs Dath. iv. 25.
§ 7. Vowels Added or Dropped.
A vowel in the middle of a word has been elided in agga for
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PALI GRAMMAR.
?4
agra=a.gkr&, ‘house,’ only used in compounds; dMtd=Auh\t&,
‘ daughter;’ jaggati for jagarati, ‘ to watch ;’ and in the termi-
nation mhe for mahe, of the 1st person pi., atmanepadam.
A vowel at the beginning is dropped in lank&ra =alank&ra,
* ornament, decoration,’ Dip. 47 ; flwwaft‘=anumati, ‘ consent,’
Dip. 35 ; ra7an/>fo*=avalanjeti, ‘ to use, to spend * (the full
form occurs Jat. i. Ill, Suttavibh. ii. 266); pinasa , ‘catarrh’
—apindsa, Skt. pinasa; parajjhati for aparajjhati , from radb,
‘to be injured;’ ^au 0 wa=upavana, ‘side of a mountaiu,’ ac-
cording to Subhuti, Jat. i. 28, and perhaps t?6^Aa=aveksha,
‘ care,’ Mah&parin. 25, Bhys David’s Buddhist Suttas p. 37.
About pi for api, ti for iti, va for iva and eva, we shall
speak hereafter in the chapter on Sandhi.
The only instance of a vowel added in the beginning of a
word is #M2=8tr£ (istri in the Gatbas of the northern Bud-
dhists), an evolution which bears the closest similarity to that
in the Bomance languages, as, e.g. isp irito ~ spirit us.
§ 8. Consonants.
(1) Gutturals . — A Sanskrit guttural is represented by a
palatal in cwufo=kunda, ‘ turner,’ Mil. 331 ; inj and its com-
pound samminj were also believed to come under this rule
by Fausboll, Dhp. 273, and Weber, Ind. Stud. iii. 147, Ind.
Streifen i. 131, iii. 397, who identified it with Skt, ing ; other
etymologies of these difficult words have been suggested since,
of which I will only mention two, that of Senart, Mahavastu
p. 418, who believes samminj to stand for saipvrinj, and that of
Oldenberg, El Z. xxv. 324, who derives it from anc. Against
Senart there is only this to say, that the root vyiiij occurs in
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CONSONANTS.
25
the form vinn , Suttavibh. ii. 264, in the form vi&j, Suttavibh.
i. 127 (comp. Trenckner, P. M. 59); and Oldenberg leaves the
double m entirely unexplained. The form saminjayati occurs
also in the Brihad Aranyaka Upanishad, 6, 4, 23 ; and perhaps
after all this, may be the right etymology (Boehtlingk-Roth.
s. v. sam -f-ing).
(2) Palatals. — A Skt. palatal is represented by a guttural
in bhisakka = bhishaj, 4 physician * (but Satabhisaja = 9ata-
bhishaj, Ab. 60) ; milaJckha = mleccha for milaska, K. Z. xxv.
327; pabhanguna= prabhanjana, ‘destruction.* Of much greater
importance than this is the change of palatals to dentals, very
frequent not only in Pali but throughout the Indian verna-
culars. Especially the Sinhalese, down from the 9th century,
is fond of this change, of which I have given numerous exam-
ples in my Contributions to Sinhalese Grammar, pp. 17, 18.
An instance of this change in Skt. is samsridbhis, from samsrij,
T.B. i. 8, 1, 1, (Jat. B. v. 4, 5. 3. As in Sinhalese throughout,
so we find in Pali already a limited number of instances where
j passes into d , and c to s , seldom into t : digucchati and
y*y«ccAa^=jugupsati, ‘to despise;’ tudampati compared with
jayampati and jampatt , Dath. iv. 25, see Childers s. v. ; digac -
chd and yt^accM=jighat8a, ‘ hunger,’ Pischel Beitr. iii. 249 ;
pariccadi from pariccajati-=- pari tyaj, ‘to forsake.’ So s for c or
ch in twwfo==ucchrita, ‘loftj,’ Dip. 19, Suttavibh. i. 79 (i ucchita ,
Ab. 708), and its compound samussita in a passage of Papaiica
Sudani Alwis. Intr. 79 ; another samussita = samuccita, ‘ accu-
mulated,* occurs at Dh. v. 147 ; ussaga, Suttavibh. ii. 224, must
mean ‘ dispute, quarrel,’ but I am not sure about its ety-
mology ; ussati , various reading, Ang. i. 5, o, is explained by
•Morris as being the present of «mtf 0 =ucchrita, but I doubt
very much the correctness of this identification ; ussa = ucca,
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26
PALI GBAMMAB.
* distinguished,’ Fausboll, S. N. 164 : t for c in tikicchd =?
cikitsa, ‘medicine;’ uttittha for ucchittha—yx^.^ ^ishta, ‘left
over,’ M. i. 24, 1, Mil. 213, 214, see also Vinaya texts i. 152 ;
vitacchikd = vicarcika, ‘scabies.’ In upacikd , ‘white ant’ =
Skt. upadik&, the Pali seems to have retained the original
palatal, while the Skt. has turned it into the dental : see
Trenckner, P. M. 62. In kasina=. kfitsna, ‘ entire,’ and dosina
=jyautsna, ‘ clear, spotless,’ I believe the t to be dropped
first, and then the consonants to have been separated by
svarabhakti (see above, and Ascoli, Krit. Stud. 249).
(3) Cerebrals . — As in all Indian vernaculars cerebralization
has been carried in Pali much further than in Sanskrit, although
not so far as in Sinhalese and some other Prakrits. The op-
posite process, viz. change of a Skt. cerebral to a dental in
Pali is very rare: cata&a=cetaka, ‘servant,* Suttavibh. ii. 66,
Cariy. ii. 4, 7 ; kotthulca'=\Lvo$h\h, ‘jackal,’ Mil. 23, 118 (kof-
fhuka , J&t. ii. 108); dendima—dmdima, ‘ drum,’ Jat. i. 355; din-
dima , Dip. 86, Bv. i. 32, may either be the same or=dundubhi,
‘ kettle-drum ;’ dindibha = tiftibha, ‘ name of a bird/ Ab. 643 ;
kubbana— kurvana, ‘ doing.’ In khdnu= sthanu, ‘ the stump of
a tree,* I believe the spelling with the dental to be the correct
one, as we have it Dh. 107, Mil. 34, and in khdnuka, Jat. i.
483 ; as for khanati , which Trenckner, Pali Misc. 58, 59,
believes to have influenced khdnu y it is also spelt with the
dental in several instances, and where it is spelt with the cere-
bral this can be easily accounted for by assuming a confusion
with the root, ‘kshan.’ 6M4wa=ghrana, ‘the nose/ is always
spelt with the dental; goya, ‘ bullock/ spelt gona , Jat. ii. 300,
is derived from the root gur, * to growl ;’ gonaka most probably
=gaunika, ‘a woollen coverlet/ Gh\ 9, M. v. 10, 4 (comp.
Pischel, Beitr. iii. 236). Besides, we have the dental instead of
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CONSONANTS.
27
the cerebral in the terminations of the aorist — tVMo=ishth^s,
-ittha— ishta.
The Pali has one sound belonging to the cerebral class
which does not exist in classical Sanskrit, but only in the
dialect of the Yedas, viz. the cerebral l, distinguished from
the dental by a dot under the line. It is very difficult to give
exact rules for the use of this l as the manuscripts are even
less consistent in this respect than with regard to the dental
and cerebral n. Generally speaking, 1 or Ih between two
vowels represents d , dh , but we find it used promiscuously also
for the dentals. I have collected a number of instances from
Pali texts which will illustrate the use of these sounds : alulati
Pat. xvi., but dlulati Jat. i. 25, ii. 9, alolapeti Alw. i. 103 ;
Zw6Z>MZ«=budbuda, 4 a bubble/ Jat. i. 68, bubbulaka , Samanta
Pas&d. 336, but bubbula , Mah. 175, 213, Att. 10, 190, bubbvr
laka , Dh. 31, 336; palasa , ‘leaf/ Dh. 42, but palasa , ‘pride/
Mil. 289; kqbala , ‘ mouthful/ Pat. 22, Mah, 121, but kabala ,
Jat. i. 68, Mil. 180, kabalika , M. vi. 14, 5; kukkula, ‘hot
ashes/ Ab. 36, but, kukkula , Jat. i. 73, 423 ; mala , ‘pavilion,*
M. iii. 5, 9, but mala, Gr. 2, Mil. 16, 47 ; cola, ‘ cloth/ Pat. 86,
Mah. 219, colaka , C. v. 9, 4, but cola , Mil. 74, colaka , M. i. 25,
' 15, Mil. 53; celukkhepa, ‘ waving a cloth/ Mah. 99, 113, but
celukkhepa, Samanta Pasad. 336; galha, ‘ deep/ Jat. ii. 75, but
galha, Jat. i. 1 55, galhaka, Jat. i. 265 ; gddha also is found in
a later text, Saddhammopayana, v. 394.
(4) Dentals. — The change of a dental to a cerebral is
generally caused by a preceding r in the original form of the
word; for instance, ^?o;yw»wa=parjanya, Mah. 129 (pajjunna ,
Jat. i. 331), ‘cloud/ ^a^^a=kritakrita, ‘done and undone/
M. vi. 14, 7, but katakata, Dh. v. 50 ; sakkata— samskyita,
‘ Samskrit/ in a passage of Buddhaghosa quoted C. 322 but
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28
PALI GRAMMAR.
sakkata , Kacc. 10 ; pasanda , ‘ heretical,’ most probably =
parshadya, Kern, A 9 oka, 58. In a great many instances,
however, an r has no effect on a following dental, as in mud-
dikd = mridhvika, M. yi. 35, 6 ; in attha = artha, 4 cause,’ also
spelt and atfa ; in the verb vattati, ‘ to begin,’ = vartate
(vatfati means ‘to be right,’ see Childers, s. v.); pati and pafi=
prati (see Childers, s. v.); sithila, ‘loose,’ and safhila , ‘crafty,’
both from 9 rath (comp. Hem. i. 89), sdthalika , Ang. ii. 5, 3. The
n of the preposition ni preceded by y?a=pra is always changed
into 7i, as, e.g., panidahati= pranidba ; after part it is generally
changed, as in parindyaha , Mil. 38, Jat. ii. 393 ; we find, how-
ever, also parindyaha , Mah. 63, Mahaparin. 5, and parinaya =
parinaya, ‘ marriage,’ Ab. 318, parinibhdna , parinifthanti, S. P.
332. On the other hand we have also instances where the
change of a dental into a cerebral is not due to a preceding r,
as in 8und= ‘a slaughter-house,* also spelt sdnd , M. vi.
10, 2, Suttavibh. i. 59; jannu = janu, ‘kuee,’ Mahaparin.
69, Ab. 742; sakuna=q akuDa, ‘ a bird; 1 sakkundti = 9 aknoti,
‘to be able;’ sanim, sanikam^ q&n&is, ‘slowly’ or ‘quickly;’
sobhana = 9 obhana, ‘ resplendent ;’ dinna, past participle
of dd, ‘ to give,’ in pariyadima , Mil. 289 ; kaviftha and ka-
pittha , J&t. i. 237 ,=kapittha, ‘the tree Feronia Elephantum;’
A?fl^^«7ia=kapitana, ‘ the tree Thespesia Populneoides,’ Sut-
tavibh. ii. 35 ; patisallana = pratisamlayana, ‘ seclusion,* spelt
with the dental, Dip. 63, Jat. ii. 77 and Mil. 138, v. 1 .^pathcd-
Zi 7 i 0 =pratisarnlina, ‘secluded,* spelt with the dental, M. ii. 1,
2 ; vipdteti = vipateti, ‘to crush,* C. v. 11, 1, if the reading
introduced by Oldenberg is correct, but perhaps we ought to
stick to vipphadetvd , given by the manuscripts, and derive this
form from visphur with change of r to d , as in some other
instances given below, p. 33. VibMtaka=vibbitak&, ‘ beleric
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COKSOTTAKTS.
29
myrobalan/ Ab. 567, Jat. ii. 161, spelt with the dental, M. yi.
6, Att. 213; mdad^a^=vidagdhat4, ‘gallantry/ Att. 199;
twmafa=unnata, ‘high/ Ab. 289, urmametave , Fausb. 8. N. xi.,
umati, ib. 158; sanati= sv&n, ‘to sound/ Mil. 414, but sanita y
Ab. 747, sanantd , Fausb. S. N. 131. In some cases the change
of the dental to the cerebral is due to the influence of a sibi-
lant, as in most derivatives of the root sthst, ‘ to stand/ e.g.,
$hdmo= sth&man or sthamas, ‘strength/ Gr. 121, v. 1., Kacc.
315, Sutta Nipata, 34, ap. Senart, Mahavastu, 628, spelt also
thamo several ti mes (comp. Hem. iv. 267), ^Aana=sthana, ‘stand-
ing/ t hapeti , caus., &c.; exceptions are indapatta = indraprastha,
‘name of a town;’ mo;yAaft 0 =madhyastha, ‘impartial/ where
the aspiration is dropped besides, and 8anthdgdra=&amsthk +
agara, ‘ a royal rest-house/ M. vi. 31, 1, Mahaparin. 60. In
derivations of the root vas, ‘ to dwell/ we find the cerebral and
the dental used promiscuously. The past part, is vutfha or
utfha, Kacc. 291 ; in composition adhivattha , J&t. i. 99, adhi-
vuttha , Mahapar. 23, upavuftha , Cariy. ii. 3, 2 , patdvuftha, Pat.
6 : for the absolutive parivatfhabba in the same line we should
adopt the reading given in the foot-note. The roots dah ‘ to
burn/ and das ‘to bite/ take the cerebral d in those forms
where there is no cerebral in the second syllable ; there are,
however, exceptions to this, as dayheyya , Mil. 84, Att. 192,
208, Dath. iii. 10, upadamseti , Suttavibh. ii. 309 ; in some com-
positions of dah the d is changed to /, as in vilayhase (v. 1. vilay-
hase and vidayhase ), Jat. ii. 220, dldhana , ‘a cemetery/ pari-
Idha , ‘ fever, pain.’
D is often changed to Z, as in dlimpana y ‘light '=adipana 9
Mil. 43; alimpdpeti , ‘ to kindle/ Suttavibh. i. 85; dohala=- dau-
hyida, ‘ the longing of a pregnant woman/ and dohalim , Jat. ii.
395, Kacc. 203, bila=vida, ‘ part, bit;’ in bilasd, Kacc. 91, bilaso,
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30
PALI GEAMMAE.
Kb. 30, w7tt=udu, ‘lunar mansion,’ dveld=: apida, Prak. amela,
Hem. i. 105, 202, 234; kovildra =kovid&ra, ‘ Bauhinia variegata;’
ufdra= udara, ‘noble.’ Dh passes into l in gharagolikd=g riha-
godbika, ‘lizard.’ AT is changed to / in ela = enas, ‘fault,’
nela , ‘faultless,’ from the same, not as Trenekner suggests,
from nariya (Childers, add. s. v.): comp, anelaka, Senart,
Mabavastu 572, pilandhati = pinah, ‘ to wear,’ pilandhitvd ,
Jat. i. 100.
Change of d to y, forming an analogy to the ya- 9 ruti of the
Jainaprikyit, occurs in goyana=g odana, in Aparagoydna , ‘name
of one of the four Mahadipas, sayati, ‘to taste,’ =svadate,
&Myi7a=kh&dita, ‘eaten,’ and kdyitabba , C. v.34c,vikkhdyitaka,
‘one of the Asubhakammatthanas,’ Kern, Buddhism, 402.
Avdhayi , Jat. ii. 354, must be derived from the root had , which
we have in ohaddmase of the following verse.
I here add those cases where f is changed to l and t to r
without being able to decide whether we have to adopt an
intermediate form with d , d or not: d/atw=&tavi, ‘name of a
city in India;* dlavika =atavika, ‘ dwelling in forests;’ kakkhala
=kakkhata, ‘ hard, solid,’ Prak. kakkhada, Pischel, Beitr. iii.
251 ( kakkata , Mah. 57); khela=. kheja, Saliva,* in kheldpaka ,
C. vii. 3, l=khetatmaka according to Kern, Buddhism, 180;
kulahka= kutanka, ‘ roof,* in kulahkapddaka , C. vi. 3, 4 (v. 1.
kulunkap °); ^a/accara=palaccara, ‘old clothes.*
(5) Labials. — P is changed to m in sumanta = supanta,
‘ sleeping,’ Mil. 368 ; dhdmdyati = dhupayati, ‘ to fumigate,’
Jat. i. 360, Samanta Pasad. 315, Dip. 83. Bh is changed to m
in dindima= dundubhi, ‘ a drum ; * m is changed to v in mmams
=mim&rp8, Kacc. 243.
(6) Half-vowels: —
(a) Y is often changed to v, as in Htw=kiyant, ‘how
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CONSONANTS.
31
much ;’ ftVawyi&a=tryangika, * having three angas,* Saddham-
mop. v. 65; tivangula=. tryahgula, ‘triangular,’ Samanta Pasad.
336 ; Jcanduvati = kandfiyati, ‘ to scratch,’ Suttavibh. i. 117 ;
rnigava=zmxig&yk, ‘hunting,’ M. x. 2, 15; navutta =nayuta, ‘a
large number,’ Dh. 143 ; s 0 w^ 0 i>attfoj=samparyarika, ‘friend,’
Mahaparinibb. 6, Peer, Etudes Bouddh. 51, Weber, Indische
Streifen, iii. 397; pafivirnga or pativisa, M. vii. 11, 1, C. xii. 1,
1, Suttavibh. i. 60=pratyam9a, ‘ portion,* with sampras^rana,
tuVma==vijana, ‘ lonely,* Cariy. i. 1, 3 ; pavecchati , ‘ to give,’
J&t. i. 28, Mil. 375, is identified with some hesitation to payac-
chati by Trenckoer, Pali Misc. 61. Y is changed to b in
pubba = piiya, ‘pus, matter;’ jaldbu = jar&yu, ‘the womb;*
nibbujjhati^mvyudM, ‘to struggle,* C. i. 13,2, Suttavibh. i.
180, partic. nibbuddha, Q-r. 9, Mil. 232 ; to bh in sarabh4=
sarayu, ‘ name of a river.’
Y is changed to r in &w/ms=kujiya, ‘ mattress,’ according
to Buddhaghosa, Suttavibh. ii. 40, 357, PM. 86, spelt kulxra ,
C. vi. 2, 3 ; vedhavera = vaidhaveya, ‘ the son of a widow
sdmanera= 9 ramaneya, ‘a novice,* Kacc. 188; bdhira=zbkhyn,
‘ external’ ( bdhiya , Jat. i. 422); antardrati =antarayati, ‘to run
into danger.* It is changed to l in latthi = yashti, ‘ stick,’
jotalati = jyotayati, ‘to lighten,’ Kacc. 234, upakkamdlati =
upakramayati, ‘to manoeuvre,’ ib. 235 ; to h in nahuta=unyutB>,
‘a vast number,’ ranfl%‘a^a=rananjaya, ‘victorious in the
battle,* Mil. 21, Trenekner, Pali Misc. 83, sahampati= svayam-
pati, ‘epithet of Brahma,’ M. i. 5, 5, Yinaya Texts, i. 86,
upaUhdhaka=u\> 2 i\\hkyskfi, C. i. 18, 5. Y is changed to j (as
in Prakyit, see E. M. Beitrage zur Gramm, d. Jainaprak. p. 31)
in jantdghara,jantaggha=y 2 L\itx agriha, ‘bath-room,* Oldenberg
K. Z. xxv. 325.
(b) changed to y in daya— d& r a, ‘forest ’ ddyapdla, M.
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32
PALI GRAMMAR.
x. 4, 2, comp. Senart, Mahivastu, 633, layati , ‘to reap,’ Jit. i.
215, and Idyeti , Suttavibh. i. 64 = Idveti, chaya = $iva, ‘ the
young of an animal,’ Ten Jit. iii. (generally chdpa ), caccara =
catvara, ‘ a courtyard,’ through an intermediate catyara. Fis
changed to b in paribbasd/na , ‘ abiding,’ from vas, Eausb. S. N.
xii. 152; vdrabdna = viravina, ‘a woman’s jacket;* sibbana ,
‘ sewing,* =sivana, and sibbini, ‘a needle,’ M. viii. 1, 18, comp.
Prik. sivvini, Pischel Beitr. iii. 260 (most probably from false
analogy of *tiiflZZ=sivyate, ‘to sew*); subbaco^ suvacas, ‘com-
pliant;* subbutthi = suvyishti, ‘abundance of rain;* thabaka =
stavaka, ‘a cluster of blossoms;’ balibadda=bsL\iyaxd&, ‘an ox;’
sombdhati= saravih, ‘to shampoo,’ Jit. i. 293, Suttavibh. i. 83-;
sdribd=<fkriv8i, ‘name of a plant;’ £a5aZfl=kavala, ‘mouthful;*
kabaUkd=k&yelikk, ‘compress,’ M. vi. 14, 5.
Fis hardened toy? in Z<2y?a=liva, ‘quail,’ Jit. ii. 59; pajdpatt
=^prajivati, ‘ wife ;’ pettapiya = pitj-ivya, ‘ cousin,’ Trenckner,
Pili Misc.62; paldpa-=. paliva, ‘ chaff;’ chdpa=$ iva, ‘the young
of an animal ;’ opildpeti , ‘ to sink,’ M. iv. 1, 3, vi. 26, 6, ac-
cording to Trenckner, Pili Misc. 63, from plu (Childers, add.
derives it from pid); avdpurati , ‘to open ’ apdpunanti amatassa ,
dvaranh It. 84, v. 2, and pdpurati or pdrupati, ‘to dress,* from
yar; apadana = avad in a, ‘legend;* and also sapaddnam, ‘ regu-
larly,’ (Trenckner, Mil. 428, derives it from sapadi + ay ana,
which I do not quite understand) = sa+avadina, according to
Senart, Mahivastu, 595; $wy?<2/w*=suvina, ‘dog,’ Mil. 147 ; dhopana
=dhovana, ‘ cleaning,’ Jat. ii. 117 ; 8ipdtikd=<p\h\\kk, M. vi. 7.
C. v. 11, 2, 27, 3 (in the two latter passages, however, it seems
to have another meaning — Buddhaghosa explains it by kosaka ,
‘a sheath’).
(7) Liquids
The change of r to Z is frequent enough in Pili, although not
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CONSONANTS.
33
quite so frequent as in some other Indian dialects, especially
the Magadhi of the inscriptions. Instances are /ffc&fa==rudra,
‘dreadful,’ Trenckner, Pali Misc. 59; lujjati= ruj, ‘to break,’
M. viii. 21, 1 (Dhm. vinase), and its compound palujjati, M. iii.
5, 9, Mab&parinibb. 40 ; paloka , ‘ the necessity of dissolution,*
ib. ; aq^W<wa=sarjarasa, ‘ resin,’ M. vi. 7 ; elaluka = ervaruka,
‘cucumber,* Jat. i. 205, 312; elanda—e randa, ‘Ricinus,’ Assa-
layanasutta 35 ; salala= sarala, ‘a flower,’ Jat. i. 13 ; put huloma
=prithuroman, ‘a fish;* the preposition pari in palibodha ,
‘ hindrance,* which, according to Childers, is the result of a con-
fusion between parirodha and paribddha ; palibuddhati , ‘ to
hinder '•paligha = parigha, ‘ an iron beam ;* paligedha , a com-
pound of gedha , ‘ greed,* Ang. ii. 4, 7 (it has nothing to do with
the Sinhalese pali, ‘ reverend,’ in the Tissamab&r&ma inscrip-
tion); ^>aZtpawwa=paripanna, ‘covered,* M. viii. 26, 1 ; paligun-
thita, ‘entangled* (also spelt palihundhita, Jat. ii. 92); pdligun-
thima , ‘laced,’ M. v. 2, 3 ; palivetheti = parivesht, ‘to wrap
up,’ phalibhadda , J&t. ii. 163 = paribhadra, ‘ the coral tree,’
Prak. phalihadda , Hem. i. 232, 254 ; sukhumdla = sukum&ra,
‘ youthful,* by amalgation with sukhuma, Trenckner 66 ; agalu
=aguru, ‘ Agallochum ;’ vdla=vkr, ‘ water;* kafula == katura,
‘ buttermilk,* M. vi. 17, 1, Suttavibh. i. 66.
E is changed to d in purindada=. purandara, ‘a name of
Iudra/ also written purinda, Cariy. i. 9, 3, sdrandada , ‘name of
a yakkha,’ Mahaparin. 4; it is changed to y in sdyamya =
saraniya, according to Senart Mab&vastu 599 (see above, p. 21),
mdtyd , petyd = m&tr&, pitr&, J&t. 527, v. 3, 5, 528, v. 26,
Trenckner, P&li Mise. 56.
L is changed to r in akurati , from dkula, ‘ troubled ; * the
X)hm. v. 94 has a verb kwra saddddanesu , which possibly may
be identical with dhurati , although it is not known from any
D
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84
PALI GRAMMAR.
other text ; Tcira = kila, ( they say drammana = Mambana,
‘ support,’ aranj or a = alinj ara , ‘ water-jar.*
L is changed to n in naldfa = lalata, ‘ forehead ;* nangcda =
langala, ‘ plough ;* nangula = lahgula, ‘ tail dehani = dehali,
‘threshold;’ $witfm=tintili, ‘the tamarind tree,’ comp, tintin*
ant a, Jat. i. 243.
( 8 ) Sibilants: —
As there is only one sibilant in P&li, 9 and sh are also
represented by s. There are, however, a few exceptions to this
rule : 9 is represented by ch in chava = 9 ava, ‘ corpse,’ M. iii.
12 , 7 , and as an adjective ‘ vile,’ ch&pa and chdya , ‘ the young
of an animal,’ cheppd = 9 epa, ‘ tail ;’ it is represented by <J in
tjdka = 9 aka, ‘pot-herb,’ M. vi. 35, 6 ; 36, 8 .
H sometimes returns to its original medial aspirate, and this
gives us P&li forms which are older than the corresponding
ones in Samsky it : the root nah in composition with apt, ava,
upa , vi, gives pilandhati , onandhati, upanandhati, vinandhati ;
these forms show us that the original form of the root was
nadh and not nagh, as one would feel inclined to think from
comparing the Latin necto, (see Whitney’s Samskyit Grammar,
p. 76.) Similar forms are agghati, ‘ to cast,’ compared with
arahati, dubbhati, ‘to cheat,’ =druh, Jat. i. 267, iii, 13, 192,
and the adjectives belonging to the same root, ddbhin, J&t, ii.
386, ddbhaka, J&t. i. 363 ; adrdbhdga, ‘truly, without falsehood,’
M. x. 2, 17 ; y£a*nmatf=hammati, ‘to go,’ Naigh, 2, 14, Prak.
hammai, Hem* iv. 162, Rala 694, ghahna, ‘ destruction,* from
han ; the root har is found in its older form in samgharitabba
v. 1. to eainharitabba, M. i. 25, 10 . Dh. 143.
A curious change of h to 8 occurs in senesika = snaihika,
‘ oily,* M. vi. 1, 4, and 0 oJ«a=goliha, ‘ name of a plant.’
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GENERAL EEMAEKS ON CONSONANTS.
35
§ 9. General Remarks referring to Consonants of
Different Classes.
(1) Aspiration is very frequent in P&li with hard and soft
consonants. Instances are: #atf&t'=9akti, ‘ability/ dhona—
drona, ‘ a measure of capacity/ Dh. 43, Fausb. S. N, 58, 149 ;
*i#Mwmdfo=sukumara, ‘youthful/ thambhakari— stambakari,
‘rice/ kincikkJia=kmcid +ka, ‘some trifle / khalopi= karoti,
‘ pot/ Mil. 107, according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. 60 (also
spelt Jcalopi); Khandha = Skanda, ‘the god Skanda/ through
confusion with khandha , ‘ shoulder / paccaggha = pratyagra,
‘ new / pMLiphulla , ‘in full blossom/ J&t. i. 52, Mahaparin. 53 ;
phalibhadda = p&ribhadra, J&t. ii. 163; phasu, ‘ agreeable/ =
pra$u according to Trenckner, P&li Misc. 81 — I have derived it,
following Paul Goldschmidt, from a hypothetical form sma^u
(see my contrib. to Sinh. Gr. p. 13, note); phdBukd=pkrquk& 9
‘a rib/ also written pdsukd t C. x, 10, 1; pAw**a=pushya,
‘name of a month/ and pAt*$**fo=pushpita, ‘blossoming/
=parusaka, ‘ Grewia Asiatics/ M. vi. 35, 6 ; phalu
=paru, ‘joint / phallava = pallava, ‘sprout/ Jat. iii. 40; Bah-
Jchalikd = sankalik&, ‘ heap/ J&t. i. 433, Suttavibh. i. 105, Ang.
p. 114, through confusion with sankhalika, ‘chain/ Senart,
Mah&vastu 387 ; the reverse process is found in Pr&k., where
prinkhala is changed to samhala, according to Hem. i. 189;
valabhdmukha= vadab&mukha, erapatha = aira vata, ‘king of the
N&gas, J&t. ii. 145= C. v. 6, spelt erapatta Saddhammopayana
v. 349, erakapatta , Dh. 344 ; dpdtha=&p8Lt&, ‘ path/ Trenckner,
Mil. 298, M. v. 1, 25, Samanta Pas. 300 ; Bunakha , ‘ dog/ and
Idmakha, ‘ vile/ Jat. ii. 430, are most probably older forms, as
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86
PALI GBAMMAB.
we have the aspiration also in Prak. sunaho, Hem. i. 52,
Pischel Beitr. vi. 92.
(2) The aspiration is dropped in Muia=kshudha, ‘ hunger ;*
khudita , ‘hungry;* t*pdJwe*d5==upadhi9esha' (and with change
of the position of the component parts sesopddi , Dath. ii. 36),
Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 437, ff. ; wa# 0 =mrishta, ‘ polished ;*
abhivatta = abhivr ish ta, ‘wet from rain,* Mil. 176; anovafta ,
J&t. i. 18 ; patanga = phadinga, ‘ flying insect ;’ paggava =
phalgava, from pbalgu, ‘herb,’ J&fc. ii. 105; anahgana , ‘free
from impurity,* compared with anhas, ‘ sin,* Jainapr&k. anan-
haya (B. M. Beitr. p. 33); rajovajalla and rajojalla , Ass. S. 13,
J&t. i. 390, * dust and dirt,*=rajas+jhalla, comp. Jainapr. jalla,
E. M. Beitr. 34 ; dvajjeti^&v&dhyk, ‘ to reflect,’ Senart, Maba-
vastu 377; a curious instance of dropped aspiration is ka ,
J&t. ii. 258=kh&, ‘ spring,* Naigh., and perhaps we have to
notice the same process in kakkdreti , ‘ to express disgust,* Jat.
ii. 105, Five J&t. 2§,=khdt or khdf+kdreti , which, however,
might be also derived, with Childers, from kdt+kdreti. As in
Greek, two aspirations are not allowed in two syllables fol-
lowing each other, and when this happens the first is dropped,
as, e.g., nikkaddhati= nishkrish, ‘ to cast out.’
(3) There are also instances where the aspirate drops its
first part and h alone remains, as is done frequently in Samskrit
and later on in all the vernaculars. I believe, however, that a
number of instances, especially those with bh , are only due to
the bad writing of the Sinhalese, in whose alphabet h and bh
are so easily confounded ; M. i. 1, 3, four MSS. have the form
have, but Buddhaghosa reads bhave , which shows us clearly the
etymology of the word ; the same process can be observed in
the form hupeyya , M. i. 6, 9 (according to Trenckner, Pali
Misc. p. 62, a Burmese erior for huveyya). Other instances
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GENERAL REMARKS ON CONSONANTS.
37
are momuhato from momugha , ‘ foolish,’ Fausb. S. N. 161, ruhira
= rudhira, ‘blood,’ Jat. i. 274, ii. 276, Cariy. i. 9, 13, C. vii.
3, 9 ; at Bhikkhunipac. 60, Minayeff, p. 108, reads ruhita, the
Suttavibh. ii. 316 rdhita with the v. 1. rudhita , ‘ boil.’ Suhita ,
Jat. xx. 1, 4, quoted by Minayeff, § 43, is = Skt. suhita and
not sukhita.
(4) Softening of a hard consonant, that is to say, substi-
tution of a sonant for a surd, is frequent enough in P&li, as
in pasada= pyishata, ‘ the spotted antelope,’ Cariy. iii. 13, 2 ;
«<fo=uta, ‘or;’ ruda= ruta, ‘cry,* Jat. i. 207 (comp. ii. 388,
where we have the readings rdda and rdta) ; lcalandaka='ka . -
lantaka, ‘squirrel;’ patigocca = patikacca (v. 1.) from patika -
roti , ‘ to provide against future events,* M. i. 31, 1, Trenckner
at Mil. 48, 421 ; vedhati=vj&th&jeit\, ‘ to tremble;’ balasata=
parasvant, ‘rhinoceros,’ Trenckner, P. M. 59; *w/d=sruc, ‘a
ladle;* punj for punch=. pronch, ‘to wipe,’ Jat. i. 47, 318, 352.
A certain instance of this change is in my opinion jhdgati=
ksha, ‘ to burn,’ although Trenckner, P. M. 65, objects ; I have
found several new forms of this verb and its causative jhdpeti
or jhapeti, in addition to those given by Childers : jhatvd, Jat.
ii. 262 (Comm, kilametvd); jhatta , Mah. 146, Dh. 325 ; nijjhatta ,
Mil. 209, and most probably also jdpeti, Mil. 171, which seems
to be a misprint ; comp, nijhapeti , ‘ to injure,* in A^ka’s pillar
edict, no. iv. Cunningham, p. 112 ; Kern, Ind. Ant. v. 273 ;
Prak. jhijjai, Hem. ii. 3.
Instead of p we generally find v in this case, as in dveld=
apida, ‘garland;* theva=. stepa, ‘drop,’ Pischel Beitr. iii. 239,
▼i. 102 (Hem. ii. 125 derives it from stoka) ; posdvana , ‘ sup-
porting,* according to Childers =posdpana; vy Aprita,
covered,* Trenckner, P. M. 63, and veyydvacca , veyydvatika,
‘ service.’
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38
PALI GBAMMAB.
(5) The reverse process, hardening of a soft consonant, or
substitution of a surd for a sonant, occurs in pdydka=pr&-
yaga, ‘ sacrifice,’ Jat. 543 ; ajakara = ajagara, ‘ the boa con*
strictor,’ Jit. iii. 484 ; kildsu = glisnu, ‘ lazy,* Suttavibh. i. 8 ;
katupika , ‘going up to the waist/ Jat. 119, compared with
katupaga f Suttavibh. ii. 340; ddrdpaka , Jat. ii. 167 ; kulupika ,
C. x. 13, 1 ; iamsati for satnsadi, loc. of samsad, ‘ congregation/
Jit. iii. 493, 495 ; parisati and paruatim , loc. of parishad, Sut-
tavibh. ii. 285 ; Jctmta for kusida, ‘ lazy/ already in the Mait-
rayani Samhita ; pipa=. piba, ‘ drink/ Jit. i. 459 ; pokkharasd -
fo£a=pushakarasadaka, ‘name of a bird;’ dhopana = dhovana,
‘washing/ Jit. ii. 117 ; = lageti, ‘to stick;’ and laka-
naka , ‘ anchor/ Mil. 377 ; thaketi = sthagay ati, ‘ to cover/ some- 1
times spelt thakk°.y Suttavibh. ii. 54 ; palikha = paligha, ‘ an
iron beam/ Jit. 545 ; chakala = chagala, ‘ goat/ Suttavibh* i.
166 ; chakana— chagana, ‘ dung/ M. vi. 9 ; palikunthita^ pari-
gunthita, ‘ entangled/ Jit. ii. 92 ; pabbaja = balvaja, ‘ reed ’
(spelt labbaja , Suttavibh. i. 90) ; pappata = parvata, ‘ mount
tain/ I. O. G. 104; tippa for tibba = tivra, ‘sharp/ Mil. 148;
tuvamtuva , ‘ quarrel ’ = dvandva, through confusion with the
pronoun tvam ; pdceti = pra + aj, ‘ to drive/ and pdcanq y ‘ a
goad/ Cariy. i. 1, 1 ; sateratd = 9atahradi, ‘lightning;* jannu-
/«y^a=jinudaghna, ‘knee-deep/ Prik. °thaggha, Piiyal. 249;
Yamataggi=2a.m&&&gm > ‘name of a rishi ;’ vipdtikd=Y ipidiki,
‘ abscess on the foot.’ The root dhd in some derivations sub-
stitutes thy as pitMyatiy ‘ is covered ’ = apidhiyate (for which
the Burmese write pidhiyati) ; upatheyya , ‘ cushion/ A similar
process with regard to the root dhma can be observed in tan*
/Aaw0»t=sandhaman, ‘blowing/ Jit. i* 122.
(6) An interchange between the different classes of mutes
is not infrequent in Pili. Instances are kipillika = pipilika,
‘ an ant/ also written pipUika t Saddhammopayana, v. 23.
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GENERAL BEMABXS ON CONSONANTS.
39
pipillika , Jat. i. 202 ; takkola = kakkola, * Bdellium/ Jat. i. 291,
also used as name of a country, Mil. 359, where it most
probably corresponds to Skt. Karkota; jaMpika = jalukika,
4 a leech,* Mil. 407, originally jalauka, 4 living in the water
khajjopanaka = khadyota, 4 the fire-fly,* Dh. 338, Da^h. iii., 78 ;
gadduhana = dadrfighna, 4 a small measure of space or time,*
Trenckner, P. M. 89 ; kalopi = karoti (written khalopi , Mil. 107,
Ab. 456), 4 a pot;’ dlupa = aluka, ‘ebony,* J&t. 446, v. 1;
ehiggala = chidra+la, ‘hole,* Childers, s. v. taja, Pakudha =
Kakudha, C. v. 8, 1. In most of these cases the reason of the
change is dissimilation, as we find it also in phdsuli/cd = par-
§uka+ika, ‘a rib,’ M. i. 61, 1; sallaUkata = 9 alyakikrita,
‘ pierced,’ J^t. i 180. Other instances are not quite so easy
to explain, such as rumbh for rudh in sannirumbhitvd, Jat. i. 62,
80, 163, ii. 6 (v. 1. sannirujjhitvd ), comp. Fausboll, Ten Jat. 93,
and sakk if this is really = sarp, as Trenckner, P. M. 60,
believes ; perhaps we ought to derive it from cankram with a
similar abbreviation of the reduplicated root, as in jaggati for
jdgarati , but I give this merely as a hypothesis. The change
of c to 9 would make no difficulty ; the dissimilation adduced
by Trenckner does not hold good for all instances, as in osakkati,
msakkati , nissakkati, visakkiya , Suttavibh. i. 74, we have no p
in the prepositions ; comp, also Prak. osakka, 4 departed,*
Paiyal. 178. Khdnu , 4 the stump of a tree,’ is rightly referred
to Skt. sthanu by the Pr&k. grammarians Vararuci and
Hemacandra, and the same change of sth to kh is also adopted
fur the explanation of duhkha = duhstha by Jacobi K. Z. xxv.
438 fil, comp. Ascoli 236. Chambhati is derived from stambh,
‘to tremble,’ by Trenckner; Ascoli, p. 256, rejects this
derivation, but does not suggest any other instead. From the
Saipsk?it of the northern Buddhists we might compare icchat-
tarn = itthattam 4 existence,’ Mahavastu, 417.
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40
PALI 0BAMMAR.
§ 10. Consonants Added or Dropped.
A consonant is dropped in tbe beginning of a word in dkd
or i Xka = ytika, ‘ louse,’ Prdk. uka, Piscbel Beitr. iii. 241.
A consonant is added at tbe beginning of some verbal forms
commencing with a u, wbicb originates from Sampras&rana, as
in vuccati = ucyate, vutta = upta, 4 sown,’ Mil. 375 ; vuttha
and vusita from vasati, 4 to dwell ; ’ vudmat , 4 accomplished,’
Fausboll, S. N. 208. This euphonic v is not only used after
vowels but also after anusv&ra, and sometimes even at tbe
beginning of a line, as in vutthahante , Mah. 30. Where tbe u
is long, we have to assume two prepositions, as in vdpasamati
= vyupa°, comp. Senart, Mahavastu, p. 441, and tbe same
where the v is followed by o, as in voJckamati = vyutkram 0 ,
Hem. i. 116; and Pischel’s remarks, avossajimsu , D&th. iii. 15.
In tbe middle of a word consonants are often elided through
Samprasarana. Tbe syllable ya is contracted to i in mdhd-
bodhingana = mababodbyangana, 4 tbe yard of the great Bo
tree,’ Mab. 176 ; pajivimsa or pativisa , 4 portion,’ = pratyamga ;
aticchatha , 4 go further on,’ from ati + acch ; nibbijjhati =
nirvyadb, 4 to pierce mccika — satyaka, 4 true,* Mil. 226 ;
pattiya = pratyaya and pattiydyati, 4 to believe,’ Jat. i. 426 v. 1. ;
it is contracted to e in vedhati = vyath, 4 to tremble ; * to i in
intivatta = vyativritta, 4 having passed ;* amvaddta = avyava-
ddta, 4 confused,’ Fausbdll, S. N. 149 ; vttihdra = vyatihara,
4 long step.*
The syllable yd is contracted to i in vidveti = vi 9 yapayati,
4 to warm oneself,’ sometimes written vUibbeti through con-
fusion with visibbati , 4 to unsew, ’ e. g., M. i. 20, 15 Pat. 15,
Suttavibh. ii. 115; from tbe same root ddyati = a^yayati, 4 to
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CONSONANTS ADDED OB DBOPPED.
41
cool oneself/ Mil. 75; thina = sty ana, ‘idleness/ but pa-
tthinna , ‘stiff/ M. viii. 11, 2; to * in anabhijjhita = anabhi-
dhydta, ‘ not coveted/ M. viii. 12, 2, where, however, the y is
also contained in the group jjh ; to e iny’dyyossjy&yas, ‘ better/
ajjheyyaka = adhyayak*, ‘ teacher/ Rasavahini 19.
The syllable t;a is contracted to u in tupina = svapna,
‘ sleep / turita = tvarita, ‘ hasty / Jcuthita , ‘ cooked/ from
kvath, Yinaya texts, ii. 57 ; it remains doubtful whether the
root kuth f ‘to be distressed/ Dbm. Mil. 250, Suttav. i. 108, is
the same ; Dh. 155 we have koddhetvd , * having cooked / to o
in sobbhdnu = svarbhanu, ‘the ascending node/ sobbha =
^vabhra, ‘ hole/ and ku88obbha t ‘ small water/ Fausboll, S. N.
131 ; to u in catdha = catu+aban, ‘ four days/ M. i. 72, 2.
The syllable is contracted to u in lafukikd from latvaka,
‘ quail / the syllable vi in duratta = dviratra, ‘ two nights.’
Dohalim , which Kacc. 203 also considers as a compound of dvi,
has nothing to do with this numeral.
Ay a and ayi are contracted to e in a great number of causa-
tive verbs and also in a few primitives, as apasseti = apa^rayati,
‘ to lean/ C. vi. 20, 2 ; neti = nayati, ‘ to lead / ap assert a =
apa^rayana ; ajjhena = ad hy ay ana, ‘ reading/ Jat. iii. 114,
Fausboll, S. N. 40 ; acceJca = atyayika, ‘ accidental/ Aya and
4ya are contracted to e in paleti = pal&yati, ‘ to flee / to d in
Kdtiydni and Kaccdni = K k\y ay an i, Jat. iii. 427 ; Moggalldna =
Maudgalyayana, ekdniJca = ekayanika, Mil. 402 ; upatthaka =
upattb&yaka, ‘ servant/ also written upatthaka with a, Bv. ii.
70 ; patnalldna = pratisaralayana, ‘ solitude ; 9 abbhdna =
abhyayana, ‘rehabilitation/ upajjha = upadhy&ya, ‘preceptor/
abhinhd = abhijnaya, ‘ having known ; * patisankhd = prati-
sankhyaya, ‘ having reflected.’
The group ariya is first changed to ayira and then contracted
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PALI GBAMMAB.
to era in dcera = icarya, * teacher,’ Khuddasikkba ; or to ira 9
as in parihirati=ip&rih&ry8iti ; asamMra = asambarya, ‘ uncon-
querable,’ Dip. 31.
lya is contracted to t in K#a£a=kiyattaka, from kiyant,
‘how much;’ to e in etta , ettaka= iyatta, from iyant, Maba*
vastu, p. 384 ; in Prak. we have kettia and ettia, Hem. ii. 157,
Goldschmidt, Prakritica, p. 23. TVenckner takes etta to be
abridged from ettaTca , P&li Misc. 65, note 23.
Ava is contracted to o very often in compounds formed with
the preposition ava, as onita= avanita, ‘ cleansed,* in the phrase
onitapattapdni, frequent in the Vinaya, see Yinaya Texts i. 83 ;
ojahati= avaha, ‘ to forsake,* aorist passive ohiyi, Dh. 158, ohiy*
yaka , ‘ left behind,’ Suttavibh. i. 208 ; odahati = avadba, ‘ to
deposit ;’ vossagga = vy avasarga, Lotus, 312, and avossajjimsu,
Path. iii. 15 ; ogadha= avagadha, ‘ belonging to ; ’ ora = avara
and av&ra, ‘ lower ’ and ‘ hither ; * opatta = avapattra, ‘ without
leaves,’ Jat. iii. 496; uddosita=z udavasita, ‘stable,’ M. iii. 5, 9,
C. x. 24, Suttavibh. i. 200, Ab. 213. Other instances are
pahonaka = prabhavanaka, * sufficient,’ and pdhuna = prabba-
vana, Mah. 205 ; pona = pravana, * sloping ; ’ opeti = ivapati,
‘ to put,’ Trenckner, Pali Misc. 78 ; osdpeti causative of &vi$,
‘to sling,’ Jit. i. 25. In anavaya = anavayava, ‘perfectly
versed in,* Mil. 10, and appatissa= appatissava, Jit. i. 217,
the last syllable is dropped because the word was too long.
Instead of o we also find u in the same or similar cases, as
tihadati=zavahad, ‘to befoul with excrement * (see above, p. 15);
ujjhdyati = avadhya, ‘ to be annoyed ; * unnd = avajni, ‘ con-
tempt,* and uhfidtabba , Feer. Et. Bouddh. 128 ; dhuneyya =
ahavanfya, Mahiparin. 20 comp, the commentary to Ang. ii.
4, 4.
The group apa can undergo the same changes as ava , and it
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CHANGES OF CONSONANTS AT THE END OF A WOBD. 43
is sometimes difficult to find out which preposition we must
assume as the corresponding Samskrit word: ovara&o =apava-
raka, ‘store-room,’ Jat. i. 391; oggata = apagata in oggate mriye ,
‘ after sunset,* Suttavibh. ii. 268, ottappa = apatrapya, * fear of
sinning,* Senart, Mahavastu 463.
Other contractions have taken place in o£a=udaka, ‘water;*
Kugindrd = Ku^nagara ; kotthaka = kovashtika, ‘ paddy bird,*
Five Jit. 36; jantaggha = y antragriha, ‘bath-room,’ Suttavibh.
i. 55; paccdsamaya = paccdsasamaya, ‘morning;’ changtda =
shadangula, ‘ six inches,’ Mah. 211 ; pavissdmi for pavisissdmi,
Jat. ii. 68; so8drita=&u + osarita ; <fo*aWfo=durosarita, ‘ duly
and unduly restored,* M. ix. 4, 11; vivtcchd = vicikicchi,
‘ doubt ;’ ddpadhdrita = durupadh 0 , Suttavibh. ii. 275, the
opposite to sdpadhdrita , ‘ well kept in mind,’ M. v. 13, 9.
Metathesis is very frequent in Sinhalese, see my Contrib. to
Sinh. Grammar, p. 14 ; in Pali we have only a few instances,
as updhand= upanab, ‘shoe;’ pdrupana for p&varana or pivu-
rana, Suttavibh. i. 180, ‘upper robe,’ see Pischel, Beitr. iii.
247; ka8ata= saka^a, ‘insipid,* Mil. 119, Dh. 275, Jat. ii. 97,
Ang. ii. 5, 5 ; cilimikd , C. vi. 2, 6 and cimilikd , Suttavibh. ii.
40, most probably go back to a form cilaroilika or ciliminik&,
‘ an ornament,’ Yyut. 208, comp. Vinaya texts ii. 153.
§ 11. Changes of Consonants at the End of a Word.
According to the rule given above, p. 23, we only find
vowels or nasals at the end of a P&li word. Every nasal is
changed into anusv&ra and a preceding long vowel shortened
in consequence. Very often the anus vara is dropped altogether
especially in verse when a short syllable is required by the
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PALI GRAMMAR.
metre, as etam, buddhdna sdsanam = etad buddbanam $asa-
nam, ‘ this is the command of the Buddhas,’ Dh. v. 183.
Other cases will be treated of in the chapter on Sandhi.
Before a word beginning with a consonant the anusvara can
be changed into the nasal of the corresponding class, as in
hirin tarantam , J&t. iii. 196. Before a word beginning with
a vowel the anusvara may be changed into m, as in carom atari-
dito for caran=carant, Dh. v. 305.
The termination as generally becomes o whatever the con-
sonant beginning the next word may be, as in the nom. sing,
of a — stems almost regularly. There are a few exceptions to this
rule which are considered as Magadhisms by most grammarians.
A passage of this kind occurs in the Samahnaphalasutta Gr. p.
121, n'atthi attakdre rC atthi parakdre riatthi puri*akdre, ‘ there
is no action on our part, there is no action on the part of others,
there is no human action.’ Another M&gadhizing passage
from Majjhima Nikaya is quoted by Trenckner, Pali Misc. p. 75 :
dnahjddhimuttassa purisapuggalassa ye lo kdmisasannoj ane se
vante , where we find the e used for a neuter noun. I feel sure
that a more careful study of PAH literature will furnish us a
great many more passages of this kind. They all agree in this
point, that the nom. in e is only formed of stems in a and never
of any cousonantal stems, the same rule which holds good for
the Jainaprakrit, see E. M. Beitr. zur Gram. d. Jainapr. p. 38.
About the origin of this e several opinions have been advanced,
but I will not discuss them here, as the subject belongs more
especially to Pr&krit grammar. The vocatives bhante and
bhikkhave are taken over directly from the Magadhi.
Besides these nominatives in e we have several adverbs termi-
nating in a* f which change the as to e , as suve=. 9 vah, ‘to-
morrow fad'afo==tadahas, ‘on that day,’ which also occurs in
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CHANGES OP CONSONANTS AT THE END OF A WOBD. 45
the form tadahu ; atippage (and atippago) =atipragah, Senart,
Mah&vastu 418, most probably also tdvade , ydvade , which,
however, are explained by Childers as abridged forms of tava-
deva, ydvadeva.
The 8 is dropped and the a alone remains in okamokata for
okamokatas, ‘ from the water,’ Dh. v. 34 ; tdvatimsa = traya-
strirp 9 a, ‘ thirty-three ;* and with lengthening of the a, rajd -
patha = rajahpatha, * dust-hole ;* jardmarana = jaras -f marana,
‘ decay and death.*
The syllable as is changed to u through an intermediate o in
tadahu , mithu= mithas, ‘ mutually mithubheda , M. vi. 28, 8 ;
aq;yM=sadyas, ‘instantly.’
Other consonants at the end of a word are simply dropped,
and the remaining vowel generally is not changed. There are,
however, some cases where it is lengthened, shortened, or a
nasal is added : —
(1) It is lengthened in dhi = dhik, ‘ fie ;* brahd = bfihat,
‘mighty;* ^ort^=parishad, ‘assembly.’
(2) It is shortened, as in hayira for kayird = kuryat, Das.,
Jat. 28; assa= syat, &c.
(3) A nasal is added, as in the verbal terminations im=us,
eyyum=zeyj\iB f wtMw=ishus, 8anam= sanat, ‘always;* 8anim=
^anais, * slowly ’ or ‘ quickly,’ Mah. 156 ; visum = vishvak,
‘separately;’ &Aa#im=kritvas, a form which occurs also in the
Samskfit of the northern Buddhists, see Senart, Mahavastu 541 ;
manam = manak, ‘nearly,’ Jat. i. 149, M. ii. 12, 1, the same
form in Prak. Hem. ii. 169; tiriyam = tiry ak, ‘across.*
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46
PALI GRAMMAR.
§ 12. Compound Consonants.
Compound consonants are generally assimilated, as in all
Prakyit dialects. Sometimes the assimilation is avoided by
inserting a vowel, as we have seen above, p. 12. In the
beginning of a word, instead of a double surd or sonant result-
ing from assimilation, a single surd or sonant is written, and
instead of a surd or sonant aspirate only the aspirate.
The assimilation is generally progressive, so that the first
consonant is assimilated to the second, especially so with ex-
plosives.
Kt becomes tt in mtffta=mukta, ‘ released ' (but kk in pafi -
mukka , ‘ fixed ’) ; $akti, * power * (also written satthi) ;
sattu= $aktu, ‘barley * (also written satthu at Pat. 89) ; sippi
‘ pearl oyster,’ which Trenckner, Pali Misc. 60, identifies with
fuktiy I believe to be borrowed from some vernacular language.
Kth becomes tt\ as *tffrfo‘== 9 akthi, ‘ thigh.’
Odh becomes ddh , as in duddha= dugdha, ‘milk.’
G+bh=bbh: pabbhdra=zj>Y8LgbhkTa, ‘a cave.*
Mayya =khadga, ‘a sword.’
k=kk: i*M<2ra=utkara, ‘dung.’
T+p=pp : t^atetf==utpat, ‘ to jump.’
D+g=gg: payyaZa= pudgala, ‘individual.*
D+gh=ggh\ nyyforaZt=ud+gbri, ‘to ooze.’
D+b=bb: 5w55wZa=budbuda, ‘a bubble.*
D+bh—bbh: ubbhijj attend -fbhid, ‘ to burst ;* ubbhitodaka
=udbhyitodaka, Gr. 140.
rwZZa=upta, ‘shaven.’
B+j=jj : patikujjeti = prati + kubj, ‘to cover,’ J&t. i. 50,69,
Mah&parin. 56, Mahavastu 377.
i
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COMPOUND CONSONANTS.
47
B+d=dd\ 8adda=$abda, ‘a sound.*
B+dh=ddh\ Za<WAa=labdha, ‘taken.*
When an explosive meets a following nasal the assimilation
is generally retrogressive, or is avoided by the insertion of a
vowel. There are, however, some instances also of progressive
assimilation : —
K+n becomes kk in iakkoti or sakkundti (where the double
k can only be explained by false analogy) = 9 aknoti, ‘ to be
able;’ £u££u*a= kiknasa, ‘grain,’ C. x. 27, 4.
K+m = mm : rummavatt = rukmavati, ‘name of a verse,*
Vuttod. ap. Fryer, Pali Studies, p. 8.
G+n=gg in aggi or aggini=agn\, ‘fire,* Kacc. 54, J&t. iii.
820; gini, S. N. 8.
Gh+n=ggh: viggha=v ighna, ‘obstacle.’
J+n=fm: anfid= ajn^, ‘order.’ [In ofidta and avandta-=.
avajata, ‘lowborn,’ Pat. 83, and & 0 Zanfia=kulaja, ‘high born,’
Mil. 256, the roots jan axidjnd are confounded.]
Z>+m: kudumala=.k\idma\a f ‘a bud.’
T-J-n : mpatti = sapatni, ‘ hostile,’ but gahapatdni = gjriha-
patni, ‘ house- wife,* rat ana =ratna, ‘jeweL*
T+m : attd and dtumd=k tma, ‘self;’ tumo=tm&nk, Olden-
berg K. Z. xxv. 319.
Th+n=tth ; abhimatthati=. abhimathnati, ‘to grind.*
D+m : chadda= cbadman, ‘ roof ;’ paduma-=. padma, ‘ lotus ;’
dammi=d admi, ‘ I give.*
Dh+m bunda=. budhna, ‘the root of a tree.’
Dh+m : idhuma — idhma, ‘ fire-wood ;’ vemdhama = venu-
dhma, ‘ a flute-player ;* and from the same root uddhumdgati=
uddhma, ‘ to be blown up.*
B+n; pappoti and pdp undti = prapnoti, ‘to obtain;’ supina
and 8oppa— svapna, ‘ sleep.’
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PALI GBAMMAB.
P+ 01 : pdpimd=. papman, ‘sinful.*
Groups containing a nasal and following explosive generally
remain unchanged ; the following are exceptions : —
Nc becomes nfi in panfidsa = panca^at, ‘ fifty ;* m in pan-
nuvUam = pancavin^ati, ‘ twenty-five,’ Jat. iii. 138 ; nn in
pannarasa , ‘ fifteen,* pannaravi , ‘ the day of the full or new
moon,* comp. Sinh. panas, Pr&k. pan ivanna, Pischel, Beitr. iii.'
245.
Nj becomes nn in vinnitvd and vinndpetod from vrinj, Sut-
tavibb. ii. 264, but dvinji , Suttavibh. i. 127, dvinjand , ib. 121,
and with hardening of they to ch , dvinchand , C. v. 14, 3, 4.
Nd becomes nn in pumarika = pundarika, ‘ lotus,* in a pas-
sage of the Ang. quoted by Oldenberg, Buddha 424 ; simplified
in 5Maa&a=bh£ndaka, ‘a jar;’ dd in derfrfu5^a=dundubha, ‘a
kind of lizard.*
Mb becomes mm in ammd = amba, ‘ mother ;* drammana =
alambana, ‘ support.*
When two nasals meet progressive assimilation takes place,,
as in . ummagga = unmarga, * an underground watercourse,*
mwrtfl=nimna, ‘ deep.*
Groups containing y generally assimilate the same to the
other element. If, however, the first element is a dental the
whole group passes into the palatal class. In many cases the
assimilation is avoided by the insertion of an i or the group
remains unchanged.
(1) Gutturals : ussuTcka = autsukya, ‘ zeal ;* soJcMya =
saukhya, ‘happiness;’ dhhyata =&khydta, ‘announced;* yogya
=yogya, ‘ proper.’
(2) Palatals : vuccati = ucyate, pass, of vac ; joti = jyotis,
‘ light ;* jiyd and jyd = jyA, ‘ the bow-string ;* and adejjha =
adhijya, Jat. iii. 274.
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COMPOUND CONSONANTS.
49
(3) Cerebrals: kudda = kudya, ‘a wall;’ ddhya , addha =
adhya, ‘ rich ;’ punna= puny a, ‘ good.*
(4) Dentals : dhacca = abritya for aharya, ‘'having told ;*
ttAacc«=avahadya, ‘having befouled ;’ ekacca=ze\i atya, ‘ a cer-
tain,’ according to Senart, Mahavastu 388, comp, ekacciya,
M. viii. 14, 2 (Childers and Trenckner, Pali Misc. 56 derive it
from ekatara) ; dvajjati = avadhy a, <N to consider;’ «?ma:=anya,
‘ other cicca = cintya for cintayitva. The assimilation does
not take place in cetya , cetiya = caitya, ‘ a relic-shrine vyat-
taya = vyatyaya, ‘ opposition ;* pajaggi = pratyagni, ‘ fire in
return ;* patanTd = pratyailkin, ‘ a sedan chair,’ M. viii. 10, 3 ;
pdtekka from pratyeka, ‘ singly ’ (the regular form pacceka
occurs frequently) ; pasidiya = prasidya, ‘ believing,’ Mah. 5 ;
in compositions with ud we obtain the group yy, as uyyoga =
udyoga, ‘departure.*
(5) Labials: foyyafo‘==tapyate, pass, of tap ; labbhati= labh-
yate, pass, of labh; teyya=lepya, ‘plastering.’
(6) After r we generally find epenthesis, as in acariya =
aearya, ‘ teacher suriya = sfirya, ‘ sun ;* and sometimes the
position of the sounds is inverted so that we have the group
yir instead of the group riy , as in ayira — ary a, Jat. ii. 349 ;
bhayira = bhary a, ‘wife;’ &aymz==kuryat optative, and kayirati
=kriyate, passive of kar. Besides, we have cases of retro-
gressive and progressive assimilation ; when retrogressive assi-
milation takes place we get the group yy and sometimes a
single y, when progressive assimilation, we obtain a single r,
as this consonant cannot be doubled, with a long vowel before
it. Instances are: ayya — ary a, ‘ noble jiyyati, jiyati^ and
j%rati—y\v, ‘ to grow old $ 0 yy<m=$iryasi, from 9 ar, ‘ to decay,’
Jat. i. 174, Dh. 147 ; paripurati = paripuryate, ‘ to be filled.’
The group ry is changed to ll in vipallasa=.\ iparyasa, ‘change,*
E
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PALI GRAMMAR,
Suttavibh. i. 7 : pallahka = paryanka, ‘ couch pallattha =
paryasta, ‘posture,’ Jat. i. 163.
L+y is either preserved or assimilated : kalyana and kallana
= kalyana, ‘ fortunate.’
F+y is often written by in the beginning of a word where
it represents the preposition vi; this is the spelling of the
Burmese MSS. while the Sinhalese write vy ; in a few instances
I have found it in the middle of a word, viz. &ora 8 y 0 =kauravya,
Jat. ii. 371 ; w^a 5 amhy^/ia==upasamvyana, ‘ the outer garment,*
Ab. 292. We also find examples of assimilation in the begin-
ning, as vavatthdpeti = vyavasthapayati, ‘ to settle vdyamati
= vyayam, ‘ to struggle ;* vodaka = vyudaka, t without water
vo$8ajjati=\jwa&x\]> 6 to relinquish.* In the middle of a word
vy remains as in pathavyd , Dh. 32, or is divided by i, as in
puthuviyd , Mah. 19, puthuviyam , Att. 8 ; it may however also
be assimilated to bb , as in ahbocchirma = avyavachinna, ‘ un-
broken,* Mil. 72; abbohdnka= a vyavaharika, Suttavibh. i. 91 ;
bhdtubba = bhr&tyivya, ‘ cousin,’ B&l&vatara, p. 36 ; abhabba=
abhavya, * unable sibbati = sivyati, ‘ to sew pasibbaka , ‘ a
bag/ from the same root. Thq y is altogether dropped in
gdvuta= g&vy uti, ‘ a measure of length.* The forms in tayya=
tavya, given by the Grammarians as fidtayya = jn&tavya, pat -
tayya = pr&ptavya, I believe do not belong to the living
language. After a sibilant we have progressive assimilation ;
the only exception is alasya or <270siya=alasya , 1 sloth,* Dh. 49.
In the group hy the position of the elements is reversed, so
that it becomes yh , as mayham = mahyam ; exceptions are
bdhya , ‘ external * (also bahira with change of y to r) and etihya
= aitihya, ‘oral tradition,* Ascoli 244. Assimilation takes
place in leyya = lehya, ‘ to be licked ;* epenthesis in hiyyo or
Myo= hyas, ‘yesterday,’ Dor yh in vuyhati= uhyate we also
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COMPOUND CONSONANTS.
51
find Ih : vulhati (Ascoli 244 derives this from the part, vufha,
I doubt whether the form is correct).
Id before an explosive is always assimilated, and if the explo^
sive is a dental the group may become cerebral ; in a few
instances also the influence of the r is shown by aspira-
tion.
(1) Gutturals : sakkhard = 9 arkara, ‘ sugar,* spelt sakkard,
Jat. i. 238 ; vagga=- varga, ‘ class dtgha=^ dirgha, ‘long,* with
compensation; &aMa$a=karka 9 a, ‘ rough.*
(2) Palatals : acci = arci, ‘ flame,* spelt acchi in a passage of
Samyuttaka Nikaya quoted by Oldenberg, Buddba 434 ; muc -
chati = murchati, ‘ to faint sajja = saija, ‘ the sal tree.*
(3) Cerebrals : ^aww=karna, ‘ the ear ;’ kannakita = karna-
kyita, Suttavibb. ii. 282.
(4) Dentals : parivaffaka = parivartaka, ‘ a robe lent to a
priest and returned by him after a period,* P&t. 8. 13. 78, but
parivattaka Suttavibh. ii. 59 ; dvat{a= avarta, ‘ whirlpool,’ Mah.
213, but dvatta, Jat. i. 70 ; tw# 0 &a== vartaka, ‘quail ;’ vattati—
vartati, ‘ to be right,* but dvattati and nibbattati ; atiha =
artha, ‘ reason,’ but atfa, ‘ lawsuit ;* kevatfa=lz&ivartSL t ‘ fisher,’
also spelt keraffha in Wastergaard’s Catalogue 21 a ; chaddeti
=chard, ‘to throw away,* also spelt chaddh , Jat. i. 277; pari -
maddati — pari march ‘to excel,’ also spelt parimaddh , Jat. i.
145 ; addita = ardita, ‘ afflicted,* Mah. 3, but addita , Bv. ii.
129; daddhi— dardhja, ‘sloth,’ Trenckner, PAli Misc. 65. A
curious metathesis takes place in gadrabha = gardabha, ‘ a
donkey,’ but in yaJ^5Aa«e?a=gardabh^nda, ‘the tree Thespesia
populneoides,’ the assimilation is regular.
(5) Labials : kappdra = karpura, ‘ camphor ;* abbuda = ar-
buda, ‘ a high number ;’ gabbha = garbha, ‘ womb ;’ kamma =
karma, ‘ action.’ The group rv becomes bb, as in pabbaha =
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PALI GBAMMAB.
parvaia (spelt pappata sometimes in Burmese MSS.); cappeti
=carv, ‘to chew,’ C. 317.
(6) Sibilants: assimilation in dassana — dar^ana, ‘sight;’
epen thesis in arisa = ar9as, ‘ hemorrhoids / arista — arsha,
‘rishiship/ Kacc. 216. The group rsh is turned into h in
kahapana = karshapana, kdhiti = karshyati. From harsh we
have a present hamsati , ‘ to rejoice/ Suttavibh. i. 8, Kacc. 390.
(7) Before h we always have epenthesis, as in arahati =
arhati, barihisa= barhis, ‘ sacrificial grass.*
jB following an explosive is also generally assimilated, but
here we find several instances where it is retained or a vowel
is inserted : —
(1) Gutturals: 0aM#=vakra, ‘crooked/ kkidda (and Mid)
=krida, ‘ play ;’ khumeti = kru9, ‘ to curse/ comp. Pischel,
Beitr. iii. 253 ; vagga = vyagra, ‘ irregular/ Oldenberg K Z.
xxv. 324 ; paccaggha=^r&tjSLgrsi, ‘ new/ with epenthesis hiriyd
=kriya, ‘ deed ;’ &Mr$ra=krura, ‘ cruel.’
(2) Palatals : vajira= vajra, ‘ thunder-bolt.’
(3) Dentals: sattu = 9atru, ‘ enemy/ spelt satthu, Dip. 21 ;
sdvitthi = savitri, M. vi. 35, 8, spelt sdviiti , Fausb. S. N. 75 ;
tattha , yattha , kattha = tatra, yatra, kutra, ‘ there/ ‘ where,’
parattha=^axa,trsk, ‘elsewhere/ sotthiya=. 9 rotriy a, ‘a brahmin/
8abbathattd=&&rva.tr8Ltvht y ‘in every way/ according to Web«-r,
Indische Streifen iii. 397 ; haliddi = haridri, ‘ turmeric myro-
bolan/ Suttavibh. ii. 35, spelt haliddhi , C. 317. The r is
retained in utrasa = uttrasa, ‘ terror,’ Jat. ii. 336, participle
utrasta , Mil. 23, and utrassa , M. x. 2, 16 ( uttasati occurs Att.
205, Jat. i. 326, utiasta, Jat. i. 414); dudrabhi — dundubhi,
‘ drum / yatrd == yatr&, ‘ expedition / adruhha , ‘ undeceitful,’
M. x. 2, 17 ( adubha , Jat. i. 180). The group is changed
to nd in sawda=sadra, ‘coarse/ to jj in &Aw/ya=kshudra,
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COMPOUND CONSONANTS.
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‘ small/ Saddhammop. 93 ; dhr to jjh in gijjha=.gx idhra
‘ vulture.’
(4) Labials : After p the r is assimilated, as in piya=. priya,
‘ dear pati = prati, * in return / phositum from prush, .‘ to
sprinkle/ M. vi. 14, 5 f parippositvd, M. i. 25, 15 , paripphosaka,
Gr. 140. Br is generally retained, as in braviti , from brfi, ‘ to
speak/ brahman ; bhr is assimilated, as in sobbha = 9 vabhra
‘ cave ; mr only in the beginning of a word, as miyyati = mri-
yate ; in the middle a b is developed out of the m after which
the r disappears : amba = &mra, ‘ mango tamba = tamra,
copper.’ Vr is assimilated to v in the beginning, and to bb
in the middle of a word : vajati=vrajati, ‘ to go/ but yiribbaja;
abbuta= avrata or avrita, ‘ undisciplined/ Dh. 47.
B, after a sibilant, is generally assimilated, as in sdvaka=
^ravaka, ‘ a pupil ; ’ mas8u= qmaqru, ‘ beard ; ’ epenthesis takes
place in 8iri=q?i, ‘glory;’ daddha and uddha are=dasra and
usr& according to Kacc. 333, but Weber Indische Streifen iii.
370, identifies them with damshtr& and usbtra.
Hr is assimilated in hesa = hresha, ‘neighing/ sateratd =:
^atahrada, ‘ hail / rassa = hrasva, ‘ short / separated in hir%-=.
hri, ‘ shame / but hilita = hrifca and hileti , Jat. ii. 258, rahada
=hrada, ‘pond.*
L is on the whole treated very much like r ; before gutturals
and labials it is assimilated ; vaggult==va]guli, ‘ bat/ G. vi. 2, 2,
J&t. i. 493 ; kmjakkha =kinjalka, ‘ a filament / kappas kalpa,
‘time / pagabbha =pragalbha, ‘bold/ jammaz=. j&lma, ‘reckless.*
Exceptions are suhka = 9 ulka, ‘ tribute / sunkaghdta, ‘ smug-
gling/ Suttavibh. i. 47 ; gumba = gulma, ‘ thicket ; ’ simbalt =
9 almali, ‘the silk-cotton tree.’ Lv is assimilated to bb in kib-
£wa=kilvisba, ‘fault/ to ZZin khalldta =khalv&ta> ‘bald;’ billa
and bella , Jat. iii. 76,=vilva, ‘the Yilva tree/ but beluva=v ailva
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PALI GBAMMAB.
L after gutturals and labials is generally separated by i, as in
kilusati = kli ?y ati (but parikissati, Fausb. S. N. xi.); kilomaka=
kloman, 4 the pleura/ Mil. 26 ; Jclesa , without epenthesis, occurs
Db. v. 88 ; pilava ti = playati, Db. 59, Dip. 56 ; vipaldvita , Jat. i.
326 ; piluvati , Mah* 230 ; p7a£Ha=plaksha, 4 ficus infectoria/
Suttavibh. ii. 35, Jat. iii. 24 ; pibtiJcd = plota, * a cloth ;’ pihaJca
s= plihan, 4 the spleen ;’ ambila = amla, 4 sour / milahkka =
mleccha, 4 a barbarian,’ originally mlaska.
Bl gives ll, as in durlabha, 4 difficult to obtain/
L after sibilants and h is generally separated by i, as in
tildghd = 9 l&gha, 4 praise silesuma and = ^eshman,
4 phlegm hilddati= hl&d, 4 to be glad.’
V after gutturals, palatals and cerebals, is assimilated, as in
j?a££a=pakva, * ripe ;’ kathati= kvath, 4 to boil (also written
kuth , Vinaya texts, ii. 57, and koddh , Dh. 155),y«ZaZZ=jvalati,
4 to blaze;’ kinna= kinva, 4 yeast/
After dentals it is also generally assimilated, as in cattdro =
catvaras, ‘four;’ taco= tvac, 4 bark, skin/ comp., however,
sanAai7^a=9lakshnatva ! k, Dh. 412 ; it remains unchanged in
the suffix tva or tvana, in »Wtfvya=ritvij, 4 the officiating priest;’
and in the pronoun of the second person tvam, which is also
found as tuvam and tarn. Tv is changed into cc in caccara=
catvara, 4 court / anwvtcca=anuviditva (comm, janitva), Dh. 41,
J&t. i. 459, Fausb. S. N. xi. 91. Dv is assimilated in dipa~
dvipa, 4 island ; * udddpa = udvapa, 4 foundation of a wall ’
Mahaparin* 11 ; ubbasiyati = udvas, 4 to chase ;’ which is the
correct reacting at Mah. 45 for ubbdhiyati ; it remains un-
changed in dve, 4 two ’ (also duve, but bd = dva in barasa ,
4 twelve ’) ; dvdra , 4 door / advejjha = advaidhya, 4 sincere/ Bw
ii. 110. Dhv is assimilated to ddh, as in a JJM=adhvan, 4 road ;’
to jjh in majjharu, M. v. 13, 6, probably = madhvalu, 4 yam/
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COMPOUND CONSONANTS.
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-2Vp is changed to mm in dhammantari= dhanvantari, Mil. 272 ;
dalhadhamma = dyidhadhanva, Trenckner, P. M. GO (but
gandivadhanvd, Kacc. 182), comp. Pr&k. dhamma, ‘ bow,
Paiyal. 37.
After a sibilant v is generally assimilated, as in ossa =s a$va,
* a horse ;’ «^m*=sv4min, 4 lord,’ but also suvdmi , Fausb. S. N.
xi., suvdmini , Jat. iii. 288 ; it remains unchanged in svdna (or
sdna , suvdna), = ^va, 4 a dog ;* sve (and suve ), — $vas, * to-
morrow;’ ehwvdgata , 4 come and be welcome/ C. i. 13, 3,
Suttavibh. i. 181. Epenthesis in suvatthi = svasti, 4 welfare.*
Ev undergoes metathesis like Ay, as inyit>M==jihv£i, 4 tongue;
sometimes it becomes bbh , as in ya&£A<wa=gahvara, 4 a cavern.’
A sibilant preceding or following an explosive is assimilated
by the same and generally produces aspiration of the group.
K%h is mostly changed to kkh or cch, as in ca&M# =cakshus,
4 eye/ gavakkha , ‘bull’s eye/ but gavacchita , J&t. i. 60; rukkha
and i? 0 ccAa=svriksha, 4 a tree/ Mil. 209, Suttavibh. i. 179 ;
khudda=k&h\idr&, 4 small * ( chudda , 4 mean/ is not the same
word, but participle to the root cAwJAsakshiv, Trenckner, Mil.
130), &Aamd = ksham&, ‘patience * and 4 earth/ in the latter
signification also chamd , comp. Hem. ii. 18; akkocchi= akru-
kshit ^/kru 9 , Kacc. 13. Sometimes the aspiration is dropped,
as in Takkatild — Taksha^ild, 4 a city in the Punjab / ikka =
riksha, 4 a bear ’ (also written isa and ma in Abhidhanapp.),
Okkdka = Ikshvaku. Patissa, 4 obedience/ is = pratikshi
according to Senart Makavastu 516 ; appatissavdsa occurs
Jat. n. 352.
Ts and ps generally become cch, as in jighacchd = jighatsa,
4 hunger ;* chdta , 4 hungry, desirous,’ and its opposite nicchdta ,
Fausb. S. N. 143, from psa, samvacchara (and vacchara ,
Saddhammop. v. 239)=samvatsara, ‘year/ btbhacca= bibhatsa,
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PALI GBAMMAB.
‘ loathsome ;* and from the same root nibbhaccheti, ‘ to rebuke,’
Jat. ii. 388. Exceptions are most of the roots beginning with
s when composed with the preposition ut , which gives the
group 88 y as ti8sada= utsada, ‘desire,* Fausb. S. N. 149, generally
used in the compound ussadaniraya, where Burnouf translates
it ‘protuberance,’ comp. Mabavastu 372; and the verb ussa-
diyati , ‘ to be spoiled,’ C. vi. 11, 3, Suttavibh. ii. 99. We find,
however, also the regular form ucchadeti , Mil. 241 ; ucchddana ,
‘ rubbing the body with perfumes,’ Gr. 10, Mil. 315 ; ucchanga
= utsaUga, ‘ the hip.’
Qc becomes cch , as in niccharati= m* 9 car, ‘to proceed.’ An
exception is niccitta (for niccita , corr.), ‘ thoughtless,* Dh. 173,
Jat. ii. 298.
Shh and sJc generally become kick, as nihkha or nekkha =
nishka, ‘ golden ornament.* Exceptions are most of the roots
beginning with k when composed with the preposition nis, which
in Sap;skrit must result in shk, but in Pali only gives kk ,
e. g., nikkaddhati , ‘to expel, *=nishkrish ; we have, however, the
group kkh in nekkhamma = naishk&mya, ‘ abandonment of
desires,’ Yinaya texts, i. 104; and in nikkhamati = nishkram,
‘to depart* ( nikkam only Mil. 245, Kh. 8); takkara^te skara ,
‘ a thief ;* avakkara — avaskara in avakkarapdti, ‘ slop-basin,*
M. iv. 1, 2.
Sht and shth become tfh in fe^fl/^a=bhra8hta, ‘ fallen ’ and
=bhrishta, ‘fried;’ patfha = prasbtha, ‘clever* (Buddhagh.
cheka , samattha) Suttavibh. i. 210, ii. 60, 254, maftha and matt a
= mrishta, ‘ polished vatfa = vrishta, from vassati, ‘ to rain *
( vuftha , Jat. iii. 484); attaka-=- ash taka (Buddh. addhaka ),
Suttavibh. i. 81; leddu= leshpi, ‘a clod of earth.*
St and 8th generally become tth % as in acMmilMacadhivasta,
. ‘ living on ’ ( adhivuttha , Mahaparin. 23), parivattha , and pari -
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COMPOUND CONSONANTS.
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vuttha ; apattha= apasta, ‘thrown away/ Db. 27; pattha=
prastha, ‘a measure of capacity / asthi, ‘bone/ Tt in
wmtffo==nirasta, ‘rejected/ Fausb. 8. N. 150; Myattana=
• hyastana, ‘yesterday’s ;’ &fo(fcfawMfta=bbadramusta, ‘ Cy perus
rotundus/ M. yi. 3, 1; rte^iWa=nistrira$a, ‘ merciless/ Jat.
ii. 77 ; urattdlitn=z urastadam, ‘ beating the breast/ Mil* 11.
Si remains in viddha*ta=\ idhvasta, ‘ broken/ it becomes « in
=basta, ‘ goat/ but also bhasta , Jat. iii. 278.
Shp and Bp generally become pph 9 as in y?wppAa=pusbpa,
‘a flower / nipphala = n\^bpb^ 9 ‘fruitless / pp in bappa or
vappa = bashpa, ‘ a tear/ M. x. 2, 13 ; vanappati — vanaspati,
‘ a tree/ duppdra = dushpura, ‘ difficult to fill/ Db. 392 ;
nippdpa = nisbpapa, ‘ sinless/ Db. 37 ; potthabba for pho{-
fhabba , ‘contact/ Jat. ii. 81 ; appofheti = asphotayati, ‘ to snap
the fingers.’
Groups of nasals with sibilants can either be assimilated or
remain unchanged, or insert a vowel between the nasal aod
the sibilant, or change the sibilant to h with metathesis.
Qn and sn : paftha = prs 9 na, ‘ question/ and paripafihati ,
‘to consider/ sindna and nahana=Bnkn&, ‘bathing / for sindni ,
/ powder ’ Assalayanasutta 13 comp, sndniya — cfirna, Panini
3, 3, 113 schol.
Shn : unha = ushna, ‘ hot/ but dtunnaka for dtunhaJca , M«
viii. 10, 2 ; tanhd and tasind = trisbna, ‘ thirst ;’ osanhati , C. v.
2, 3, is a derivative from sanha = ^lakshna, ‘smooth.’
Qm, shm, sm : sita, mihita= smita, ‘ smile/ massu = ^a^ru,
‘ beard / gimha — grishma, ‘ summer / asman= a 9 man, ‘ stone/
but amhand , Fausb. 8. N. 71 ; amhe=. asme, ‘us/ but asme ,
Jat. iii. 359 ; usmd = ushman, ‘ heat/ Mil. 153 ; bhasma and
bhesma = bhisma, C. vii. 4, 8, Ab. 167 ; ramsi and rasmi=z
ra 9 mi, ‘ beam / pamussati , ‘ to forget/ is derived by S. Gold-
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PALI GRAMMAB.
schmidt, K.Z. xxv. 437, from a root smyish, to which also
belongs Pr&k. pamhusai, pamhuttha, Hem. iv. 75, 184, 258 ;
and this derivation seems to be confirmed by the spelling
pammuttha and pammussitva, Dh. 247, 248, Jat. iii. 511.
The groups hn , hm , generally show metathesis, as ganhdti =
grihnati, 4 to take;’ jimha = jihma, ‘ crooked,* spelt jima, Jat. i.
290 ; hn becomes nt in majjhantika for majjhahnika, ‘midday.*
The rules of the changes of three or more consonants are,
on the whole, the same as those concerning two consonants
which have just been laid down. When assimilation takes
place an explosive prevails over the other consonants ; sattha
= 9astra, ‘ a weapon,* but fern, satti = 9astri, ‘ a knife ;* uddha
and ubbha = urdhva, ‘ high tikkhina , tiJcka and £MiAa=tikshna,
‘sharp ;* kasina = kjritsna, ‘entire,’ but subhakinha or Q kima=
9ubha-kritsna ; dosina and junhd = jyotsna, jyotsna, ‘ a moon-
lit night;’ 0ttw/?0Maj/a=anupraskandja, ‘having occupied;’
uplavita = utpl&vita, ‘ floated,’ Mah. 230 ; bhastd = bhastra,
‘ bellows,’ is only known from Abhidh&napp.
Rdr is changed to ll in alia = &rdra, ‘ wet,’ Prak. alia, olla
or ulla, Hem. i. 82, but we find also adda , Jat. i. 244, and
«dWd = ardra, ‘name of a Nakshatra,* Ab. 58, flddaAra ==&rdraka,
‘green ginger,’ Ab. 459; rdhr becomes ddh in vaddha = vardhra,
‘ leather,’ Jat. ii. 154, Ang. p. 110.
Tty and ttr , where they are not assimilated, are simplified
into ty and tr or tt, as in ratya instr. of ratti = r&tri, ‘ night ;’
inmuttdyatana = vimukti-j-&yatana, ‘point of emancipation;’
utrdsa and utrasta , or uttdsa and uttasta = uttrasa, uttrasta,
satra = sattra, ‘ sacrifice ;’ udriyati , M. iii. 8, 1, Suttavibh. i.
254, stands for uddriyati, ‘ to split open,’ and the substantive
udriyanam occurs Jat. i. 72.
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BTTLE5 ON SANDHI.
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§ 13. Buies on Sandhi.
The rules on sandhi in Pali may be divided into rules on
vowel-sandhi, and rules on mixed sandhi where a vowel and a
consonant are concerned. Consonantal sandhi does not occur
in P&li. All the rules we are about to give only deal with the
so-called external sandhi, as the rules on internal sandi form a
part of the phonetics we have given above. We only speak
here about the sandhi of words, the sandhi of compounds
belonging to the chapter on the formation of the stem.
Word-sandhi is not imperative in Pali as in Sauiskyit ^ it only
takes place in certain cases, and the MSS. vary greatly as to
its use or neglect. In prose it is almost oonfined to inde-
clinables and pronouns, in juxta-position or in connection
with a verb or a noun, as e.g., my ayam— me ayam, yan ndna—
yad nuna, tasseva = tassa eva, tatth Ananda, etc. The par-
ticles that are almost regularly found in sandhi are ca, iti (i ti ),
api (pi), eva , as kathah <?a = katham ca, kincid et?o = kinci eva,
tathdpi = tatha api, etc. The negative na, followed by a vowel,
generally loses its a, as n'atthi , n'eva , ndhosi , which Trenckner,
Pali Misc. 81, prefers writing na tthi , as though the root as had
lost its initial a. So he also writes tdva 'ham, eva 'ham, Mil.
219 ; tattha ' ham and ndma 'ham, and the same with ayam,
although ndmdham and ndmdyam are equally frequent.
The other cases of word-sandhi in prose, without any inde-
clinable or pronoun, are divided by Childers into three cate-
gories : (i) a vocative beginning with a vowel is preceded by
a word ending in a vowel, as gacch' dvuso, pancah ' Updli , dydm'
Ananda ; (2) a verb is preceded or followed by a noun in
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PALI GRAMMAS.
grammatical relation with it, as utthdydsana , dsand vu\\hdya,
upajjh&yas8 ' arocesum ; (3) two nouns are in grammatical
relation, as dukkhass ' an lam, dmh ’ dkdrehi.
In verse word-sandhi is much more frequent than in prose,
under the influence of metrical exigency ; in later texts, like
Dipavamsa, Mah&vamsa, Buddhavanisa, Cariyapifaka, and espe-
cially Khuddasikkba, it is not uncommon that whole syllables
disappear in a sandhi where it is required by the metre, as e.g.
changula = chadahgula, Mah. 211 ; dasahasd = dasasahasd ,
Bv. xiii. 21 ; ticattdrisahassdni, Bv. xvi. 15.
I. Vowel Sandhi.
A + g, d followed by a single consonant gives d, as ndhosi =
na + ahosi, nasakkhi = na -f asakkhi ; if a double consonant
follows the a remains short, and an apostrophe is put generally
after the terminating consonant of the first word, to show
that a vowel has been dropped, as in n' atthi = na atthi,pan *
annam = pana annam. In a few instances we find a long d
before a double consonant, as ndssa = na assa, Dh. 23, comp,
above the chapter on the quantity of vowels, p. 13. A short
a before a single consonant occurs also in a few instances, as
<?’ aham, Jat i. 3 ; n' ahosi = na ahosi , Dh. 155.
A or d+t or % gives e , as in Skt., e.g. kokildyeva=kokilaya +
iva , neresi — na iresi. An exception is iti, which always gives
dti with a preceding a , e.g. Tissati = Tissa iti ; i is elided by
a preceding a in yena 'me = yena ime , pana 'me = pana ime ;
d + i sometimes gives i, as seyyatMdam = seyyathd idatn.
A or d + u or u gives o, as in nopeti = na upeti , pakkhandita -
dadhim = pakkhanditd udadhim, Mah. 117. Seldom we find &
instead, as cuhhayafn = ca ubhayam.
A is frequently elided by i or u whether .followed by a
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RULES ON SANDHI.
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conjunct consonant or not, as in passath * imarti = passatha
imam, y ass' indriy&ni = yassa indriydni.
A is generally elided before e , 0 ; ganhatK ' etanx = ganhatha
e&am, iv 1 otatam = fra otatam.
sometimes elides a following i, u or * in era ; tfcrtf
panissayam—dwva upanissayam, sutva * ra = sutvd eta, Das. 4.
Q-enerally i is elided before a long vowel or before a short
vowel followed by a conjunct consonant : tatV eva = tathd era,
toy' ajja = taya ajja, seldom before a short vowel followed
by a single consonant ; muncitv’ aham = muncitvd aham ;
Jkt. i. 13.
I is generally elided before short or long vowels, as gacchdm *
aham = gachdmi aham, idatC ime = iddni ime, dasah ’ updqata =
dasahi updgata, dmh* dkdrehx = diraAf dkarehi, etc. Sometimes
it remains and elides the following vowel : phalanti *8aniyo=:
phalanti asaniyo , iddni y ssa = idani ossa ; i + a occasionally
gives d : kincdpi = kind api,paham = pi aham.
I is seldom elided: tunh' ossa— tunhi ossa; at Jat. iii. 414,
we have dassdham = dad aham.
I+i gives i : pal ujjiti —p a l ujji iti , Par. 40. I preceded by
t (tt) and followed by another vowel may become y : jivanty
elaka =jivanti elaka, guty atha = gutti atha. Generally, how-
ever, the group ty is changed to cc, especially when the first
word is iti : iccevam = ity evam. The corresponding change
of dy to jj is not attested by any good authority. Api followed
by a vowel may become app through an intermediate apy ; app
eva =api eva ; itv, tv for iti, ti is most probably only a corrupt
spelling.
TI is elided before a vowel : eamet ’ ayasmd == sametu dyasmd,
tdsi ’ eva = tdsu eva. Earely it elides a following vowel : nu y
itha^nu attha, kinnu ’ md — kinnu ima. TJ+i sometimes gives
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PALI GBAMMAB.
H : sddhuti = sddhu+iti. Before a or e it can be changed to
v : vatthv ettha = vatthu ettha , sesesv ayam = sesesu ay am .
E may be elided before a long vowel or before a short vowel
followed by a conjunct consonant : m' dsi=.me dsi, sac * assa =
sace assa ; sometimes it elides a following vowel : fc’ me= te
ime , rtf’ yya = re ayya, Mil. 124 ; occa-
sionally e + a gives d, as sacdyam — sace + ayam , Dh. 140, 165 ;
but the e can also be turned into y, as if it were i, and an a
following lengthened by compensation when a single consonant
follows : tydham = te aham, mydyam — me ayam , ty ajja = te
ajja ; exception, tydssa = te assa.
0 is elided before a long vowel or a short vowel followed by
a double consonant : Jcut ’ ettha = kuto ettha , tay * = fay©
uddham = tatfo uddham. It elides a following vowel
in so'ham^so aham, cattdro' me=cattaro ime, etc. O+a gives
d : dukkhdyam = dukkho ayam , J&t. i. 168. O can also be
turned into (as e into y) and an initial a lengthened if
followed by a single consonant : yvdjiam = yo aham, khvassa
=zkho assa, yveva=yo eva : exceptions, svdssu—so assu, J&t. i.
196 ; khvdssar = kho assa , Payoga Siddhi.
Euphonic consonants are often inserted when two vowels
meot, to avoid a hiatus ; especially the semi-vowels y and v
are used for this purpose.
T is inserted between a word terminating in a or d, when
followed by idam or any of the oblique cases of this, pronoun
which begins with * ; na yidam = na idam, md yime = md ime,
yathayidam = yathd idam with shortening of the d. The same
process takes place with eva and iva , which latter, however, is
changed to viya by metathesis. When a, d is followed by u , d 9
v may be inserted for euphony : bhantd vudikkhati = bhantd
udikkhati .
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BTJLES ON SANDHI.
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Sometimes a euphonic m is inserted between two vowels :
idha-m-dhu = idha dhu , pariganiya-m-asesam = pariganiya
asesam, Girimanandasutta in Paritta, kapi-m-agantvd, Cariy. ii.
5 , 4 ; or r if the following word is iva : dragge-r-iva = dragge
iva, sdsapo-r-iva = sasapo iva , sikha-r-iva = sikhd iva, Maha-
samayas. 21. Pinal d is shortened before this r in yatha-r-iva ,
tatha-r-iva = yathd eva, tatJid eva, Kacc. 19.
In a great many cases a lost consonant is revived to avoid
the hiatus, as in yasmad apeti = yasm&d apeti, kocid eva =
ka$cid eva, tunhim dsina = tushnim asina, vuttir esd = vrittir
esha, chalabhifind = shadabhijna, puthag eva = pyithag e\&,pag
eva ~ prag eva, with shortening of the d, sammadahna =
samyag ^jna, with change of g to d, and anvad = anvak in a
passage of the Maggasamyutta quoted by Morris, ‘ Keport on
Pali literature,’ p. 5. DJiir atthu , Jat. i. 59, stands for dhig atthu ,
vijjur eva for vijjud eva. Jat. iii. 464 we have jivar evafov jivann
eva ; attadaiha stands for attanattha = atman + artha, satthud
anvaya for satthur anvaya, punad eva for punar eva .
II. Mixed Sandhi.
Original double consonants simplified by assimilation at the
beginning of a word, can again be doubled after a word ter-
minating in a vowel : yatra tthitam = yatra thitam for yatra
sthitam. This is often done, in verse when a long syllable is
required.
In a. few cases a lost final consonant is revived before a
consonant, as ydvan <?’ idam = ydva ca idam, suhanus sahd, Jat.
ii. 31, tayas 8U = tray as svid , Kh. 9.
As we have seen above, p. 45, sometimes anusv&ra stands
for an original consonant, and in this case before a vowel it is
liable to be replaced by the original consonant. Sakyit becomes
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PALI GRAMMAR.
eakim in Pali, but before a vowel we have sakid ; in tbe same
way we have tad for tam ) yad for yam , etc.
In verse when a short syllable is required, anusvara can be
elided before a consonant : no ce munceyya' candimam for
munceyyam Oandaparitta, akahkha viragam for akankham ,
Dh. v. 343. Or else the w T hole syllable may be dropped, as in
rajovajalV ukkutikappurndnam as the metre requires, Dh. v.
141; piyan' adassanam for piydnam , Dh. v. 210; papari aka -
ranam , for pdpdnam , v. 333 ; nipajj' aham for nipajjim , J&t. i. 13.
When the anusvara is dropped the remaining a can be con-
tracted with a following a to d , as in saccaharn—satyam aham ,
Suttavibh. i. 190 ; labheyydham^lablieyyam aham , Parin. 59;
idakam=idam-\-aham in the phrase ekam idaham samayam , comp.
Oldenberg, K.Z. xxv. 325.
Only in late texts an anusvara can elide a following vowel,
as ctrassam ’ dhund for adhund , vassantam * malakam in two
passages from Pali Burmese books quoted by Oldenberg,
‘ India Office Catalogue, p. 121,’ sovannamayam ’ nunnatam for
anunhatam , Khuddasikkha, xxxvi. 15.
§ 14. Declension.
We distinguish in Pali, as in Sarpskrit, stems ending in
vowels and stems ending in consonants, and according to this
division the whole declension of substantives and adjectives is
arranged. It must however be remarked, that the vowel stems
have largely encroached upon the consonantal stems, and that
only fragments of a consonantal inflexion have remained.
Especially consonantal stems identical with roots, which are
frequent enough in Satnskrit, have almost totally disappeared
from Pali, and have been replaced by dissyllabic stems increased
by the addition of a vowel. A careful investigation of the old
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65
texts has only yielded the following instances of consonantal
root-stems : tctco, pi. of tvac, ‘ skin,* Dh. Ill, Kh. 3; pddd, instr.
of pad, ‘foot,’ Dh. 164; vdcd , instr. of vie, ‘speech,* Kh. 9 ;
pamudi, loc. of pramud, ‘joy,* G-r. 139 ; parisati and parisatim,
Suttavibh. ii. 285, loc. of parishad, ‘ assembly.* *
There are two possibilities of turning these consonantal
stems into vowel-stems: (1) The terminating consonant is
dropped, and the word passes into the declension of that vowel
which now stands at the end, e.g. wpaww<2=upanishad ; dpa=:
apad, J&t. ii. 317, which are inflected like feminine ^-steais ;
dsi = a$is, 4 blessing,* inflected like an t-stem ; maru = marut,
name of a ‘ deva,’ iuflected like an if-stem. (2) The stem is
increased by the addition of an a (which may represent ori-
ginally the termination of the acc. sing., comp, however Pischel,
Beitr. iii. 262), and the word is now inflected like an a-stem,
masculine, feminine or neuter, according to the gender of the
original noun. Such instances are kita = krit, and visagata for
vi&z£ala=vishakrit, Suttavibh. i. 80; tftrw^=trivrit, name of
a ‘ plant ; ’ fariAi*a=barhis, ‘ sacrificial grass.’ Sometimes the
y gender is changed, as in sarado m. ‘year* = $arad f. comp.
Pischel gramm. Pr&c. 5 ; Beitr. iii. 240. Change of gender is
very frequent in P&li,as for instance in vacibheda, Khuddasikkba
r xl. 1, we have instead of d the thematic vowel I, and as this is
also found in some other compounds, I do not believe that vaci
is a locative like tvaci in tvacisara, Pan. vi. 3, 9; comp. Jain-
f aprak. vatijoa Beitr. 5. Ap is generally used in the nom. pi,.
dpo y we find however a gen. dpassa , Mil. 363.
r Only very few vestiges of the dual occur in the texts known
to us at present : to idh * dgato , 4 these two having come/
Dip. 56 ; ubJio = ubhau, Dh. v. 74, 306 ; maldpitu , ‘father and
i mother,* Cariy. ii. 9, 7, if this does not stand for the acc.
F
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PALI GBAMMAB.
°pitpn. Generally the plural replaces the dual even in such
cases as jayampafi and tudampatt , ‘ man and wife,’ where
the meaning clearly points to a duality.
I. Towel Bases.
Masculine and Neuter in a.
Dhamma , ‘ The Law.*
Singular.
Plural.
Norn.
dhammo.
dhammd , dhammase .
Voc.
dhamma , dhammd.
dhammd.
Acc.
dhammam.
dhamme.
Instr.
dhammena.
dhammebhi , dhammehi.
Dat.
dhammassa ( dhammdya ) .
dhammdnam .
Abl.
dhammd , dhammasmd ,
dhammebhi , dhammehi.
dhammamhd .
Gen.
dhammassa.
dhammdnam.
Loc.
dhamme , dhammasmirp ,
dhammesu.
dhammamhi.
Btipa , ‘ The Image.’
Norn.
Singular.
Plural.
Voc.
rtipdni , rtfpd
Acc.
J
rtipdni ,
Instr.
rtipena.
rtipebhi , rtipeht.
Dat
r tip ass a ( rtipdya ).
rtipanam.
Abl.
rtipasmd , rtipamhd.
rtipebhi , rtipeht.
Gen.
rtipassa.
rtipdnam.
Loc.
rtipe , rdpasmim, rtitpamhi .
rtipesu.
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The form given in the table as dative is, properly speaking,
the genitive = Skt. dharmasya, rupasya, which has taken up
the functions of dative in Pftli. The old dative in dya , which I
have given in paranthesis, is only used to denote the intention,
and is almost synonymous with an infinitive ; only few in-
stances occur where the dative has a terminative meaning as
Dh. v. 174, saggdya yacchati, ‘ goes to heaven,’ and Dh. v. 311,
niraydya upakaddhati , ‘ brings to hell,* comp. Pischels remarks,
Beitr. zur kunde d. indog. Spr. i. Ill, 119 ; lokdnukampdya =
lokam anukampitwn , ‘ through compassion for the world na
patthaye nirayam das sandy a , * I do not wish to see the hell.’
Especially the dative atthdya is used frequently with the
meaning ‘ for the good of, for the sake of,’ as in Buddhassa
atthdya jtvitam pariccajami, ‘ for Buddha’s sake I will lay down
my life,* comp. Childers, s. v. We have also an abridged form
atthd used in the same sense, e.g. in hhojanatthd , ‘for the
sake of food,* J&t iii. 425. Other instances of this abridged
dative are esand = esanaya , ‘ in search of,* Ten Jat. 48, 81 ;
andpucchd = an&pucch&ya, ‘ without asking leave,* comp, pari-
pucchaya , Mil. 93 ; Idhhd in such sentences as Idhhd vata no ,
‘this is for our advantage,* which Childers explained as a
dative, is in reality a nom. fern, identical with the masc. Idblia ,
comp. Senart Mabavastu 550.
The ablative stands for the instrumental in javd, ‘ speedily, *
Dip. 23 ; and ahimud, ‘ through pity,’ Dh. v. 270. The suffix sd
is very often also used to denote an instr., as in vahasd t ‘by
dint of,* Mil. 379 ; Suttavibh. ii. 158 (comp, the v. 1.) ; talasa ,
‘ by the sole of the foot ’ (com. pddatalena ), Jat. ii. 223 ; rasasd,
‘ by taste,’ Jat. iii. 328 ; bilasd , padasd , Kacc. 91 ; balasa , ‘ by
force,’ Cariy. ii. 4, 7.
In the ablative the terminations in dhammasma , dham-
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PALI GBAMMAB.
mamhd , and in the loc., dhammasmim , dhammamhi, are taken
from the pronominal inflection. Besides, we have two other ter-
minations for the ablative, to = skt. tas, and so = 9 as, which
occur mostly in later texts, but also in a few instances in the
Jataka and Dhp. Instances are ganandto y 4 by number,’ Jat.
i. 29 ; cdpdto , 4 from the bow,* Dh. v. 320 ; devato , 4 from a
deva,’ Bv. xvi. 7 ; orato pdram gacchati , pdraio oram dgacchati
4 goes from this end of the field to the farther end and back
again from the far end to this,’ Jat. i. 57 ; mettdto y 4 from friend-
ship,’ Saddhammop. v. 487, 489. With so we have bhdgaso ,
4 by portion,’ Mil. 330 ; parivattaso y 4 by turns,’ Mahaparin. 60 ;
tini yojanaso, 4 three yojauas wide,* Bv. xxi. 24.
In the locative the forms in e and in smim or mhi are almost
equally frequent already in earlier texts, see Torp, Die Flexion
des P&li, p. 18. The forms bilasi and padasi given by Kacc. 91
do not occur anywhere else. The locative is used instead of a
dative in brdJimane , Cariy. i. 9, 47.
In the nom. pi. of the masculine we have a form in dse
which corresponds to the vedic nom. pi. in dsas y as panditdse ,
4 the learned,’ Fausb. S. N. xi. 167 ; rulcJchdse y 4 the trees,*
Jat. iii. 399, comp. Oldenberg, KZ. xxv. 315.
The acc. pi. of the masculines in e is somewhat difficult to
explain : Kuhn compares it to the vedic pronominal forms
asme y yusbme 9 which are used likewise for the nominative and
accusative, and refers to the explanation offered by Schleicher,
Compendium p. 611 for these forms ; comp. Torp p. 19,
S. Goldschmidt, KZ. xxv. 438.
The instr. pi. in ebhi or ehi quite corresponds to the vedic
form in ebhis (or to the ablative in ebhyas , as the forms are the
same in Pali) . Instances for the form in bhi are given by
Oldenberg, KZ. xxv. 316, 317. In old texts we find besides a
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DECLENSION.
69
form in e corresponding to the instr. of the classical Samskrit
in ais, for inst. vanipake, used as a dative, ‘ to the beggars/
Cariy. i. 4, 9 ; ydcake, ib. i. 8, 12 ; adhane dture jirme ydcake
patfhike jane samanabrahmane khine deti ddnam akincane ,
ib. i. 1 , 9 ; gune dasah ’ upagatam, instr., J&t. i. 6.
In the plural of the neuter we have the regular form cittdni
for nom. and acc., and besides rdpd for the nom., and rdpe
for the acc., which are both taken from the masculine de-
clension. Thus we have satte dukkhd pamocayi , ‘ he released
the beings from pain/ Mah. 2 ; pane vihimmti, v. 1. for pdndni
kimsatiy ‘ he hurts living creatures/ Vasala sutta v. 2. The
same confusion of gender occurs in pabbatdniy Dh. v. 188
(probably through attraction from vanani ), in dukkhd, ‘sorrow/
which may be used as neuter and masc., and (according to
Pausboll), even as fern.
In the locative pi. Childers gives a form milakkhusu from
milakkha , ‘ a barbarian/ but without any reference.
Feminine in d.
Kannd, ‘The Girl/
Singular.
Plural.
Nom.
kanfid.
kannd, kanndyo .
Voc.
kanne.
kannd, kanndyo .
Acc.
kannam .
kannd, kanndyo.
Instr.
kanndya.
kannabhi, kannahi.
Dat.
kannaya.
karmdnam .
Abl.
kanndya .
kanndbhi, kanndhi .
Gen.
kanndya.
kanndnam.
Loc.
kanndyam, kanndya .
kanndsu.
In the vocative we have the following exceptions : amnia.
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PALI GRAMMAR.
anna , ambd , all signifying 4 mother,* form the voc. like
the nom., Kacc. p. 64 ; of ammd , we have besides a voc. amma ,
frequent in Dh. The loc. kahndya is taken from the genitive.
For the nom. pi. in d and dyo, comp. Oldenberg, Kz. xxv. 317,
Masculine and Neuter in t.
Aggi, 4 The Eire.*
Singular. Plural.
N. & V.
aggi .
aggayo, aggi.
Acc.
ciggim.
aggi, aggayo .
Instr.
aggina.
aggibhi, aggihi.
Dat.
aggino, aggissa.
agginam.
Abl.
aggind , aggismd, aggimhd.
aggibhi, aggihi.
Gen.
aggino , aggissa .
agginam.
Loc.
aggismim , aggimhi .
aggisu.
Akichi, 4 The
Eye.*
Singular.
Plural.
N.&Y.
akichi, akkim .
akkhini, akkhi.
Acc.
akkim .
akkhini, akkhi.
Instr.
akkhind .
akkhibhi, akkhihi.
Dat.
akkhino, akkhissa.
akkhinam.
Abl.
akkhind, akkhismd , ak -
khimhd.
akkhibhi, akkhihi.
Gen.
akkhino, akkhissa .
akkhinam .
Loc.
akkhismim , akkhimhi .
akkhisu .
A voc. ise, corresponding to the Skt. rishe, occurs in
Eupasiddhi, and J&t. xix. 1, 2. A gen. mune, is giveti by
Oldenberg, KZ. xxv. 318. The ancient loc. in o, is only forijved
from the stem ddi, according to Kac<$. 41, ddo and ddu, Din 96 ;
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DECLENSION.
71
a loc. gvre , after the analogy of the a-stems, occurs Jat.
iii. 157. An instr. after the same analogy is buddharamsena ,
Bv. x. 28. Besides, we very often, especially in Dip., find the
simple stem used for almost any case of the sing., see Olden-
berg, KZ. xxv. 318.
A noin. pi. aggino , is found Saddhammop. v. 586, together
with the regular form aggayo. In the oblique cases of the
plural we only find the short i occasionally in verses, as ndtihi ,
pafisanthdravuttinam , Dh. 146.
Instances of the nominative accusative of neuters in m, formed
after the analogy of the a-stems are not very frequent, but
numerous enough to show that the form really exists : akkhim ,
Dh. 140 ; atthim , Das. J. 5, 12. The nominative plural akkhi ,
occurs Dh. 82.
Feminine in t.
Haiti, , * The Night.’
Singular.
N. Voc. ratti.
Acc. rattim.
Ins. Abl. rattiyd.
D. Gen. rattiyd.
Loc. rattiyam , rattiyd.
Plural.
rattiyo, ratti.
ratti, rattiyo.
rattibhi, rattihi.
rattinam.
rattuu.
The nominative plural ratti, is formed exactly like the cor-
responding form of the masculine stems aggi , most probably
after the analogy of the a-stems (Torp. 41) . In the genitive sing,
we have a form kasino like aggino in Kasibharadvajasutta v. 1,
and in the locative ratto — ddo, Dh. v. 299. The locative sin-
gular in d, is properly speaking a genitive, as we have noticed
also in kannd confusion between these two cases. Instead of
the group iy in the oblique cases of the singular, and in the
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PALI GRAMMAR.
nominative accusative of the plural, we also find simple y, and
this may be coutracted with a preceding dental according to the
rules given above, p. 49. In this way we obtain forms like
ntkaiyd, from nikjriti, * fraud,* J&t« ii. 183, nikacca with shortened
d, Suttavibh. i. 90; jaocd for jdtiyd; sammuccd for sammutiyd ,
etc., comp. Fausb., introd. to the Suttanip&ta transl. p. xi.
Instead of rattiyd we have ratyd, Dh. 178.
The declension of the stems in * is very much the same as
of those in i :
Nadi , ‘ A River.*
Singular.
N. Voc* nadi .
Acc. nadim.
Ins. Abl. nadiyd , nadyd , najjd.
Plural.
nadiyo , najjo, nadi.
nadi , nadiyo , najje
nadibhi , nadihi .
D. Gen. nadiyd , nadyd , nojyd. nadinam .
Loc. nadiyam , najjam , nadiyd. nadim.
In the ablative singular we have a contracted form for
pesvyd , Mil. 421, an ablative in to is from = £ri,
Samanta P&s. 304. From da&W, ‘ spoon,’ we have the genitive
davyd, J&t. iii. 218. The nominative plural najjo occurs only
Kacc. 56. An enlarged form of the genitive plural in iydnam 9
is met with in a few examples : hhaginiydnam , Mah. 4 ; tevisa -
tiydnam , Dh. 117; caturadtiydnam, Dh. 850; it supposes a
nominative singular in tyd, like qriyk for 91 $ in the Samskrit of
the Northern Bhuddhists.
The declension of itthi or thi = strf, 1 a woman,’ follows
nadi in general ; in the acc. singular we have an additional
form itthiyam = striyam, in the genitive thiyam = s try am, in,
the locative itthiyd .
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73
Masculines and Neuters in u.
Bhikkhu , 1 A
Singular.
Nom. bhikkhu.
Voc. bhikkhu.
Acc. bhikkhum.
Instr. bhikkhund.
D. Gk bhikkhuno , bhikkhussa.
Abl. bhikkhund, bhikkhusmd y
bhikkhumhd.
Loc. bhikkhusmim, bhikkhum*
hi.
Mendicant Friar/
Plural.
bhikkhavo , bhikkhd.
bhikkhavo , bhikkhave ,
khd.
bhikkhd , bhikkhavo.
bhikkhdbhi, bhikkhdhi.
bhikkhdnam.
bhikkhdbhi, bhikkhdhi.
bhikkhdm .
In the voc. sing, we find Sutano , J&t. iii. 329. A rest of the
old gen. in ns, survives in Ae*it = hetos, Dh. v. 84. In the
oblique cases of the plural again we find the short it (like the
short » ) occasionally in verses, as jantuhi, Anecd. 33 ; bhikkhusu ,
, Dh. v. 73 ; jantunam , Ten. Jat. 91. A form bahunnam with
double n instead of d occurs Dh. 81. Irregular forms of the
nom. pi. are jantuno and mittaduno from MiMaJit=mitradruh,
Mah. 10, jantuyo and hetuyo.
Masculines terminating in d keep it in the nom. sing., as
abhibhd , Dh. 255, but shorten it in the other cases. The
plural is abhibhd or ahhibhuvo , from sabbahfid = sarvajn& :
sabbafind or sabbannuno, from sahabhd : sahabhd , sahabhuvo ,
sahabhuno.
The neuters in it form the nom. voc. acc. pi. either in d or
dni, as madhd or madhdnu The nom. and acc. sing, can take
m like the corresponding forms of the t-stems, as cakkhum
udapadi, Kacc. 27.
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PALI GRAMMAR.
Feminines in u.
Dhenu , 4 A Cow.*
Singular.
Plural.
n. v.
dhenu.
dhenuvo, dhenuyo , dhend.
Acc.
dhenum .
dhend, dhenuyo.
I. A.
dhenuyd .
dhendbhi , dhendhi.
D. Gt.
dhenuyd.
dhendnam .
hoc.
dhenuyam , dhenuyd.
dhendsu.
The nom. pi. dhenuvo occurs Dh. 237, where Fausboll has
altered it to dhenuyo. Bhd, 4 the earth/ makes in the loc. sing.
bhuvi, Kacc. 45 ; massu , though being a neuter, forms its gen.
according to the fem. fashion massuyd y Jat. iii. 315. An abL
with the termination to occurs in natthuto , ‘into the nose/
M. viii. 1, 11, jambuto , Bv. xvii. 9, the loc. dhdtuyd, C. ix. 1, 4.
The feminines terminating in d follow the declension of
dhenu with the only exception of the nom. sing., which may
adopt the form in d as vadhd y 4 a wife,* Ab. 230 (but vadhu t
Suttavibh. i. 18) ; sarabhd= sarayu, 4 name of a river camd =
camu, ‘ an army padd = padu, 4 a shoe sassd = ^va^u,
4 mother-in-law.*
Stems ending in a diphthong.
Go y 4 A Cow.’
Singular.
Plural.
N. V.
go.
gavo , gdvo.
Acc.
gavam, gdvam, gdvum.
gavo, gdvo.
Instr.
gavena , gdvena .
gobhi y gohi.
D. G.
gavassa, gavassa.
gavam y gonam , gunnam ,
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Singular. Plural.
Abl. gavd , gdvd, gavasmd, gd- gob hi, goki.
vasmd , gavamhd , gr(2-
vamhd .
Loc. gave , grave, gavasmim , gom, gave*u,i dvesu.
gdvasmim, gavamhi ,
gdvamhi .
We find throughout the declension a new stem, grava or g^ava,
which is inflected like a masculine a-stem ; we meet even with
a nom. pL yav<$, J&t. i. 336, together with the nom. pi. gaviyo ,
of the fern, gravt.
All other diphthongic stems have disappeared in P&li : nau
has become ndvd following the declension of the feminine d-
stems, dyu has become divo with the only exception of the
instr. sing, divd , which is used like an adverb in P&li.
Consonantal Stems.
Stems in nasals .
These are considered by the native grammarians as belong-
ing to the vowel-stems.
(1) in an.
Alton = atman, * Self.*
Singular. Plural.
Nom.
attd .
attdno.
Voc.
atta , attd .
attdno .
Acc.
attdnam , attam.
attdno .
Instr.
attand , [attvrta].
attanebki , attanehi.
D. G.
attano .
attdnam.
Abl.
attand .
attanebki , attanehi ,
Loc.
attani .
attanesu .
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PALI GRAMMAS.
A parallel form is dtumd with the same inflexion, and besides,
tumOy Fausb. S. N. 170. The instr. attena, the abl* attasmd ,
attamhdy and the loc. attasmim , attamhi , given by Clough, have
not yet been found in any old text.
Brahman , * Brahma.*
Singular.
Plural.
Norn.
brahmd.
brahmdno.
Voc.
brahme .
brahmdno.
Acc.
brahmdnamy brahmam .
brahmdno .
Instr.
brahmandy brahmund.
brahmebhiy brahmehi .
d. a.
brahmuno , [ brahmaesa ].
brahmdnam, brahmunam .
Abl.
brahmand , brahmund .
brahmebhiy brahmehi .
Loc.
brahmani .
brahmesu.
The voc. sing, hrahme , Kacc. 96, is formed after the analogy
of the i-stems.
Rdjan , 4 A King.*
Singular*
Plural.
Nom.
rdjd.
rdjdno .
Voc.
rdja t rdjd.
rdjdno.
Acc.
rdjdnam , rdjam.
rdjdno.
Instr.
round , rdjena .
rdjdbhiy rdjdhiy rdjebhiy rd-
jehi.
d. a.
r annoy rdjinOy [ rdjassa ].
rannam, rdjunamy rdjdnam .
Abl.
ranhd.
rdjdbhiy rdjdhiy rdjebhiy rd-
jehi .
Loc.
ranne , rdjini.
rdjdmy rdjesu .
We find an instr. muddhand from muddkdy ‘the head,*
Mah. 117, and a loc. muddhant , ib. 108 ; an instr. rdjand f which
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I think cannot be correct, has been given by Fausboll, Jat.
iii. 180, and a gen. rahnassa , J&t. iii. 70. The forms rajam ,
rdjena suppose a stem rdja, rdjino and rdjini are simply formed
by epenthesis ; in the plural we have to adopt a stem rdju , from
which all the cases can be derived. The legend PAONANO
PAO on the Indobactrian coins does not represent a Pali form
rdjundnam rdjd with double suffix, as Kuhn believed, but is
a Skythian title formed on the model of r&jadiraja, comp.
Oldenberg, Ind. Ant. x. 215 note.
Some substantives belonging to this declension in Samskrit
follow the o-declension in Pali, as Ptssa&amrw>= Vi 9 vakarmau,
* name of a celestial architect,’ spelt Vissukamma , Cariy i. 9, 41 ;
rira^acAae/c?o=vivfittachadman, * one by whom the veil is rolled
away;’ puthulomo= prithuloman, ‘a fish ;* athabbana = atharvan,
yaAraw0=yakaD, ‘ the liver chaka , chakana—qokvin, ‘ dung.’
Tuvan , 4 Young.’
Nom.
Voc.
Acc.
Instr.
d. a.
Abl.
Loc.
Singular.
Plural.
yuvd.
yuva, yuvd, yuvdna, yuvdnd.
yuvdnam , yuvam .
yuvdnd , yuvdnena , yuvena .
yuvdnassa , yuvassa .
yuvdnd , yuvdnasmd ,
namhd .
yuvdne , yuvdnamim , ywrd-
namhi , ywtte, yuvasmim ,
yuvdno , yuvdnd.
yuvdno , yuvdnd.
yuvdne, yuve.
yuvdnebhi , yuvdnehi, yu -
yuvehi .
yuvdnebhi, yuvdnehi, yu *
vebhi, yuvehi.
yuvdnesu , yuvdsu, yuvesu.
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78
PALI GRAMMAR.
Most of these forms suppose a new stem yuvdna , formed
from the acc. sing. Besides we have a stem ydna, from which
the nom. sing, ydno, f. ytint, is formed, according to Kacc. 328.
Sd = $van, 4 A Dog.*
Singular. Plural.
Nom.
8d.
sd , [sdno].
Voc.
8a.
sd.
Acc.
8am , [sanam].
se.
Instr.
sena .
sabhi, sdhi.
Bat.
say a, sassa.
sanam.
Abl.
sd, 8a8md , samhd.
sdbhi, 8a hi.
Gen.
sassa.
sdnam.
Loc.
se , sasmim , samhi.
sdsu .
Besides we have for the nom. sing, the forms sdno t svano,
suvdno , sono and s4no . Other words following the same inflec-
tion are paccakkhadhammd = pratyakshadharman, 4 whose
virtues are evident,’ and gandivadhanvd , 4 using the bow
Gandiva,* Kacc. 182.
A few substantives form only some cases according to the
nasal inflection, while the other cases follow another declension,
as £amwtfm=karman, ‘action,’ which forms the instr. sing.
kammund, kammand and kammena , the gen. kammuno and
kammassa, P&t. 11 ; abl. kamvndy Db. v. 127, loc. kammani .
TAamo=sth&mas, ‘strength,’ forms part of its cases after the
nasal inflection as the instr. thdmund , Kacc. 81, but generally
thdmasd, Suttavibh. ii. 134, Mah. 143 (Tumour thdmavd ), gen.
thdmuno . In the same way addhd= adhvan, 4 a road,’ forms
addhano and addhuno ; bhasmam = bhasman, ‘ ashes,’ loc.
bhasmani .
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DECLENSION.
79
Ptma= puips, *a man.’
Singular.
Nona, pumd .
Voc. pumam.
Acc. pumam.
Instr. pumdna , pumund , pumena •
D. Q-. pumunOy pimassa.
Abl. pumund.
Loc. pumdne , pume, pumasmim ,
Plural.
pumdno.
pumdno.
pumdnebhiy pumdnehi.
ptmdnam .
pumdnebhi , pumdnehi.
pumdsu , pumesu .
A nom. sing, pwn# occurs Cariy. iii. 6, 2, similar to turnon
atm a, Fausb. S. N. 170.
(2). Adjectives terminating in wumtf and vantf.
Gunavant, * virtuous.’
Singular.
Nom. gunavdy gunavanto,
Voc. gunavam , gunava, gunava.
Acc. gunavantam, gunavam.
Instr. gunavatd, gunavantena.
D. Q-. gunavatOy gumv ant assay
gunavassa .
Abl. gunavatd .
Loc. gunavatiy gunavantey gum-
vantasmim t gunavantamhi.
Plural.
gunavantOy gunavanta.
gunavante.
gunavantebhiy gunavantehi .
gunavatam , gunavantdnam.
gunavantebhiy gunavantehi,
gumvantesu.
The neuter has in the nom. voc. acc. sing, gunavarriy pi.
gmavanti 9 gunavatitdni. The fem. is made by adding i to the
strong or the weak form, gunavanti or gunavati ; it follows the
declension of the 2-stems.
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80
PALI GRAMMAR.
The participles in ant follow this declension with the only
exception of the nom. sing, which they form in am or anto , as
gaccham , gacchanto, t going.*
A nom. from the weak form jivato for jivanto occurs in a
verse, J&t. iii. 539 ; an acc. vajatam , Vasala Sutta, v. 6 ; asatam ,
Dh. v. 73, Vasala Sutta v. 16. From the root kar we have the
part. nom. pi. masc. harontd, Dh. v. 66 ; nom. sing. fern, karonti ,
Dh. 246 ; gen. sing. masc. karoto , Dh. v. 116 ; instr. samkhd -
rontena , in a passage of Petavatthuvannana quoted I. O. C. p. 79 ;
all these forms follow the 3rd pers. pi. karonti \ Besides we
have the gen. anukubbassa , Jat. iii. 108, rendered in the Maha-
vastu by krityanukaryasya.
Arakant f ‘ an Arhat/ forms the nom. sing, araham and arahd ,
the former being the regular one, the latter following the
analogy of mahd . In the nom. pi. we have arahanto and arahdy
Dip. 30, Anecd. 7. A similar nom. pi. mahd occurs Ab. 413.
Kacc. 94 gives a nom. sing, maham which does not occur
anywhere else; the nom. sing, mahd occurs separately, Dh.
298, Mah. 132, and besides very often in compounds.
In the pi. we have one instance of an old form sabbhi=z
sadbhis, Dh. v. 151.
In the neuter nom. sing, we have the forms brahd, Ab. 700,
madhuvd, Dh. v. 69; asam= asat, J&t. ii. 82.
Of participles of the perfect in vams we have bhayadassivd=.
°dar<jivams ; vidvams forms nom, sing, aviddasu , Dh. 47 ; nom.
pi. aviddasdy C. xii. 1, 3 ; besides we have sabbavidd, Dh. v.
353 ; lokavidu = \<A&v\d of the Northern Buddhists, Lotus 860.
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DECLENSION.
81
Bhavam , ‘Sir.*
Singular.
Norn, bhavam .
bho, bhonta.
Acc. bhavantam , bhotam.
Instr. bhavatd , bhotd, bhavantena.
D. G. bhavato, bho to, bhavantassa.
Abl. bhavatd , bhotd.
Plural.
bhavanto , bhonto, bhavantd .
bhavanto , bhonto , bhante.
bhavante , bhonte.
The fem. shows the forms bhavanti , bhavati , PL bhotiyo .
(3). Stems in in.
Dandin , ‘a mendicant.’
Singular.
Nom.
Voc. dandi.
Acc. dandinam y dandim .
Instr. dandvnd.
D. G. dandino, dandissa .
Abl. dandind, danffi&md, dan -
dimhd.
Loc. dandim, dandismim , <fezn-
dirnhi.
Plural.
dandino, dandi .
dandino, dandi .
dandino , dandi .
dantfibhi , dandihi .
dandinam.
dandibhi y dandihi.
dandisu.
At M. vi. 28, 11, we have an acc. pL brahmacariye , of brah-
mac&rin, ‘ holy and at Mabaparinibb. 16, we have the same
passage with the v. 1. brahmacd/rayo ; the nom. pi. sabrahmacdri
occurs Mahiparin. 5. 2)£p=dvlpin, ‘a leopard,’ forms the
nom. pi. dipiyo, Jit. xiv. 1, 27. The oblique cases of the
plural have a short * only in verses : pdninam , Dh. 135, anuyo-
gvnam , Dh. v. 209. An instance of a nom. sing, with » is
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Google
82
PALI GRAMM AB.
= 9 reshtin, ‘ a treasurer, merchant,’ Jat. i. 120, 122, where all
MSS. agree in the spelling.
Examples of an enlarged stem are sdramatino nom. sing.=
s&ramati, Mil. 420 ; verinesu from verin, ‘ hostile,’ Dh. t. 197.
(4). Stems in r.
Satthd=$totri, ‘ the teacher.*
Singular.
Nom. satthd .
Voc. sattha , satthd .
Acc. satthdram , sattharam .
Instr. satthardy satthdrd , satthund.
D. G. satthu , satthussa .
Abl. satthard , satthdrd.
Loc. satthari .
Plural.
8atthdro.
satthdro .
satthdro, satthdre.
sattharebhi, satthdrehi.
satthdnam , satthdrdnam
8atthdrebhi , satthdrehi.
satthdresu .
Here also some stems have adopted the a-declension, as
*aZZa&atfa= 9 alyakartjri, ‘a physician,’ Mil. 110, Att. 208, to
which Childers compares rt<fA^&a=sn&pit]*i, * a barber;* kattara
=kartri, ‘a weak man,* in kattaradanda , M. v. 6, 2; kattara-
suppa, M. vii. 1, 4; and tffotfa=sth&tri, ‘firm,’ Gr. 5. In
composition the base generally terminates in w, as «tfu= 9 rotri,
‘ hearer,* Dath, vi. 6 (the gen. pi. sotdnam occurs in a passage
of the Mah&vagga of the Dighanik&ya, quoted I. O. C. 60) ;
6Aattu=bhartri, ‘husband,’ J&t. ii. 348 ; manc?A<fow=mandhatri,
J&t. ii. 310. The voc. sing, sattha occurs Kacc. 116 ; the acc.
sattharam , By. xxii. 14 ; an instr. satthdya , Dh. 87 ; the gen.
satthussa , Mah. 240.
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DECLENSION.
83
Pitd— pityi, ‘a father/
Singular.
Nom. pitd.
Voc. pita, pitd.
Acc. pitaram , pitum.
Instr. pitard, pitund , petya.
D. G. pita, pit uno, pitu88a.
Abl. pitard.
Loc. pitari.
Plural.
pitaro.
pitaro.
pitaro , pitare.
pitarebhi, pitarehi , pitdbhi ,
pituhi.
pitardnam , pitdnam , pitunam ,
pitunnam.
pitarebhi , pitarehi , pitdbhi ,
pitdhi.
pitaresu , pitdsu.
Mdtd-=. matj-i, ‘a mother/
Singular.
Nona.*
Voc. twiM.
Acc. mdtaram .
| mdtard, mdtuyd, mdtyd.
D. G. mdtuyd, mdtyd.
Loc. mdtari, mdtuyam, mdtyam,
mdtuyd, mdtyd.
Plural.
mdtaro.
mdtaro.
mdtaro , mdtare.
mdtarebhi, matareki , matu-
bhi , mdtuhi.
matardnam, mdtanam, mdtd-
nam, mdtunnam.
mdtaresu, matUsu.
The acc. sing, occurs Cariy. ii. 9, 3 ; the instr.
and petyd, Jat. 527, v. 3, 5 ; the gen. matussa , given by Kacc.
98, is not found anywhere else, and belongs most probably to a
b&huvrihi (Torp. 33). An abl. pitito and matito, ‘ on father’s
and on mother’s side,’ occurs Kacc. 102, and in a passage from
a commentary quoted by Alwis, Introd. xlv.
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84
PALI GRAMMAR.
The nom. pi. mdt&rapitaro, where both stems are inflected,
occurs Ang. p. 121 ; the gen. mdtdpitunnam, Ten J&t. 92. An
acc. pi. bh&te occurs Dip. 6, 21, 22.
The declension of dhitd> ‘daughter,* is on the whole the
same as that of mdtd ; we find, however, a voc. dhtie, Dh. 364,
Jat. iii. 21 ; and an acc. pi. dhdtd , J&t. i. 240. In composition
we have dhitifthdna , Mah. 222 ; dhituhetu, Mil. 117.
Sakhi, 1 a friend.*
Singular. Plural.
Nom. sakhd. sakhdyo , sakhdno , sakhino.
Voc. sakha, sakhd, sakhi, sakhi, sakhdyo, sakhdno, sakhino.
sakhe.
Acc. sakhdnam , sakham , sakhd - sakhd , sakhdyo , sakhdno ,
ram . sakhino.
Instr. 7 7 7-4 f sakhdrebhi , sakhdrehi , sakhe -
AW. l bhi,sakhehi.
D. G. sakhino , sakhissa . sakhdrdnam , sakhdnam.
Loc. sakhe. sakharesu , sakhesu .
The acc. sakham occurs J&t. ii. 348,; an abl. sakharasmd is
found Jat. iii. 534 ; sakhito , Att. 216. Acc. pi. sakhi,
Att. 203.
(5). Stems in #.
Manas , ‘ the mind.*
Singular.
N. V. A. mano, man am.
Instr. manasd , manena.
D. G. manaso , manassa .
Abl. manasd , manasmd , manamhd.
Loc. manasij mane , manasmim, manamhu
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COMPARISON OP ADJECTIVES.
85
The plural of manas not in use. The others form it after
the o-declension. The nora. acc. manam occurs Dh. v. 96,
Cariy. i. 8, 5; rajam , ‘dust,* Dh. v. 313, but rajo (with the
adj. iu the masc.), Dh. v. 125; sumedham , Dh. v. 208, but
svmedhato, Dh. v. 29 ; voc. dummedha, Dh. v. 394 ; a gen.
tapas8a occurs J&t. i. 293 ; nom. pi. sumand, Kh. 6.
Can dram as, ‘ the moon,’ becomes candimd ; jaras, ‘ old age, 1
jara ; and apsaras, * a celestial nymph/ acchard ; all these follow
the d-declension.
The comparatives in yo 9 iyyo, follow the declension of mono;
seyyo=$ reyas, 4 better;’ yarzyo=gariyas, from guru, 4 heavy.’
Ayu8, 1 life.*
Singular.
N. V. A. dyu 9 dyum.
Instr. ayusd 9 dyund . ,
D. G. dyussa , dyuno.
Loc. dyti8t f dyuni.
Plural.
dydni, dyd.
dydbhi , dydhi .
dydnarn.
a y Hsu.
The instr. dyusd occurs Kh. 16; dyund , Dh. 288; the gen.
ayu88a , Mah. 220 ; dyuno , Dh. 128.
§ 15. Comparison of Adjectives,
Adjectives with vowel bases form their comparison in two
ways : —
(1) By adding tara for the comparative and tama for the
superlative.
(2) By adding iyo , yo for the comparative and ittha for the
superlative.
Thus, from pdpa , ‘ bad/ we can form pdpatara , pdpatama
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86
PALI GRAMMAR.
and pdpvyo , pdpiffha, Kacc. 196. The comparative of no. 1
may be combined with the superlative of no. 2; thus we obtain
papitthatara , C. i. 6, 2. Besides, the comparative of no. 2 may
be increased- by the addition of the suffix i ka, which gives us
pdpiyyasika in tassapapiyyasikdkamma, M. ix. 6, 2 ; and with
contraction pdpissika.
Adjectives terminating in numt , vant arfd vin, drop these
suffixes before the comparative and superlative suffixes, as for
inst. gunava comp .yuniyo, sup. yuniffha ; medhdvt comp, medhiyo,
sup. medhiftha.
Some adjectives form their comp, and sup. from entirely
different bases :
antika, ‘ near.*
balha , ‘strong.*
vuddha, ‘old.’
appa, ‘ small.’ 1
yuvd, ‘ young.’ )
pasattha, ‘excellent.’
Comp, nediyo .
„ sddhiyo.
„ jeyy°-
„ haniyo.
>i *eyy°'
Sup. neditfha.
„ sddhiffha .
„ jeffha.
„ kanitfha.
„ seftha.
§ 16. Pronominal Inflexion.
(1) Personal Pronouns of the First and Second Persons .
First Person.
Singular.
Nom. aham.
Acc. mam , mam am.
Instr. Abl. mayd.
Dat. Gen. mama , mamam .
may ham, amham.
Loc. mayi.
Plural.
vayam , may am, amhe.
asme, amhe , amhdkam.
amhebhiy amhehi.
amhdkam, amham.
amhesu ,
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PRONOMINAL INFLEXION.
67
I Second Person.
Singular. Plural.
Nom. tvam, tuvam. tumhe.
\ Acc. tv am, tuvam . turnkey tumhdkam.
tarn, tavam.
Instr. AbL tvayd , tayd. tumhebhi , tumhehi.
\ Dat. Gen. /am, tavern. tumhdkam , tumham .
f tuyham , tumham.
| Loc. /ray*, /ay*. tumhesu.
Besides, we have the enclitic forms : me, te for instr. dat.
and gen. sing.; no, vo for acc. dat. and gen. ph
| The old form of the nom. pi. v ay am occurs Dh. 105, the acc.
pi. asme, Jat. iii. 359. The acc. pi. amhdkam and tumhdkam
are borrowed from the gen. The nom. pi. amhe and the gen.
j amham and tumham, amhdnarn and tumhdnam , are only found in
I Kacc. 83, 84.
I The enclitic forms no and vo may also be used for the nom.,
according to Kacc. 78.
! (2) The Demonstrative Pronoun.
(a) Stem /a, ‘ this.*
Singular.
, Masc. and Neuter. Feminine.
' Nom. so, sa, tarn (tad), sd.
Acc. tan t, tam (tad), tarn.
Instr. tena. tdya .
Dat. Gen. tassa. tassd, tassdya , tissd, tissdya, tdya.
Abl. tasmd , tamhd. tdya.
Loc. tasmim, tamhi. tassam, tdsam, Ussam , tdyam.
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88
PALI QBAMMAB.
Plural .
Masc. and Neuter.
Nom, Acc. te, tdni.
Instr. Abl. tebhi, tehi.
Dat. Gen. tesam, tesdnam .
Loc. tern.
Feminine.
td, tdyo .
tdbhi, tdhi.
tdsam , tdsdnam .
tdsu.
For all the forms beginning with £ we may substitute the
corresponding forms of the stem »a. At Kacc. 89, the follow-
ing forms are given : ndya, nam , ne, nesu , namhi , Besides
we have the stems and ena, which are inflected like ta and
na respectively.
In the nom. sing, we generally have so, the form of the
substantives, sa occurs Dh. v. 142, 267, 268. A gen. sing,
masc. tasmassa is found Anecd. 15, and at Mil 136 all MSS.
give tdsam for the loc. sing, fem., which is no doubt a correct
form, comp, nesam , ib. 179.
(b) Stem ima, 1 this.’
Singular .
Masc. and Neuter.
Nom. ayam y idam , imam .
Acc. imam, idam , imam.
Instr. imind, anena .
D. G. imassa y ossa.
Abl. imoimd , imamM, asmd.
Loc. imasmivrt, imamM, asmirn ,
Feminine.
ayam.
imam .
vmissd, imissdya , imdya, assd ;
assdya.
imdya.
vmissam , imdsam , imdyam , ot-
sam.
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PBONOMINAL INFLEXION.
Plural.
Masc. and Neuter.
Feminine.
N. A. ime, imdni.
In. Ab. imebhi , imehi, ebhi , ehi.
D. G. imesam , imesdnam ,
esam, esdnam.
Loc. imesu.
imd, imdyo.
imdbhi , imdhi.
imasam , imdsdnam .
vmdsu.
In tadamind for tadimind , Vaaala Sutta, v. 22, t is changed to
a by dissimilation.
(c) Stem amy, ‘ that.*
Singular.
Masc. and Neuter.
Feminine.
Nom. aw, adum.
Acc. amum, adum .
Instr. amund.
Dat. Gen. amussa .
Abl. amutmdy amumhd.
Loc. amusmim, amumhi.
08 U.
amum.
amuyd.
amussd , amuyd .
amuyd.
amussam, cmuyarn.
Plural .
Masc. and Fem. Neuter.
Nom. Acc. owl, amuyo. atnd, amdni.
Instr. Abl. amdbhi amdhi.
Dat. Gen. o«ft4*am,am4fcdnafn.
Loc. amdsu.
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90
PALI GRAMMAR.
(3) Relative Pronoun .
Stem ya y 1 which.*
Singular .
Masc. and Neuter.
Feminine.
Nom.
yo, yam (yad).
yd.
Acc.
yam , yam (yad).
yam.
Instr.
yena .
ydya.
Dat. Gen.
yassa .
yattd, ydya.
Abl.
yamhd.
ydya.
Loc.
yasmim , yamhi .
Plural
yauam, ydyam.
Masc. and Neuter.
Feminine.
Nom.
ye,ydni.
yd, ydyo.
Acc.
ye> ydni.
yd, ydyo.
Instr.
yebhiy yehi.
ydbhiy ydhi.
Dat. Gen. yesam.
ydsam.
Abl.
yebhi 9 yehi.
ydbhi , ydhi.
Loc.
yesu.
ydsu .
(4) Interrogative Pronouns .
Stem ‘ which.*
The inflexion of this stem is like that of ya with the follow-
ing exceptions ; The nom. sing. neut. is kim ; in the dat. and
gen. masc. and neut. Bing, we have Tcassa and kissa, in the
loc. kasmim , kamhi , kismim and kimhi .
The indefinite pronouns are formed by adding the particles
ei y api and cana to the forms of the interrogative.
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NTJMEEALS.
91
Besides, we have a number of words which although not
being pronouns in the true sense of the word, still follow the
pronominal inflexion : First of all, possessives like tnadtya,
mdmaka , * mine,’ amhadiya , ‘ our,’ would belong to this class,
but of these we only find nominatives in our texts. Next
come the adjectives composed with dri£, as mddisa , ‘ like me
etddisa or etdrisa , and tdisa, ‘ like this ;* Jddisa , * like what ;*
cirassam for cirassa , 1 long since/ seems to be a pronominal
form.
By adding the suffixes tara , tama (already found in com-
parison of adjectives) to the interrogative stems, we obtain the
pronominal adjectives katara and katama , which do not differ
in their signification much from the single pronoun.
The other adjectives inflected according to the pronominal
inflexion, are sdbb'a and vissa = sarva and vi^va, ‘ all anna =
anya, * other/ with its derivatives annatara , annatama ; itara,
‘other;* uttara, uttama, ‘ higher;* adhara , ‘inferior;’ apara, para,
1 other dakkhina , ‘ right ;* pubba, ‘ former ;* amuka and asuka ,
‘this.* The numeral for one, eka, also follow the same
declension.
The grammarian MoggaMna (Alwis Catal., 184), asserts that
these adjectives can also follow the regular declension of the a-
s terns, and gives some passages from unknown texts.
§ 17. Numerals.
(1) Cardinals .
1 eka . 5 parlca .
2 dvi . 6 cha.
3 t%* 7 salt a .
4 catu. 8 a\\ha .
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92
PALI 6EAMMAE.
9 nava.
10 data.
11 ekddasa , ekdrasa.
12 dvddata , bdrasa.
13 terasa.
14 catuddasa, coddasa ,
cuddasa.
15 pancadasa.
16 solasa.
17 sattadasa, sattarasa.
18 atthdd&sa, atthdrasa .
19 ekunavisam, ek&namsati.
20 vUam, vUati.
30 timsarp, timsati.
40 cattdruam,cattdIUam , tdlisam .
50 panndsam , pahndsa.
60 8 a ft hi) safthim.
70 zattati) sattari .
80
00 navuti.
100 satam.
1000 8aha8sam.
The forms vfacm, timsam , eta, show that the termination It
of the Samskrit, can be replaced in Pali by the anusvara. We
find the anusv&ra occasionally also where it has no right to be,
as in dvddasam, Mah. 8 ; safthim = shashti, Dh. 211. When
the nasal is dropped the remaining a may be lengthened.
The intermediate numerals between vtsam and timsam , etc.,
are regular, with the only exception that instead of dm we
generally find dvd y bd (or dva , ba before a double consonant),
as in dvdvUati, bamsati, dvattimsa,) battimsa , dvenavuti , and
instead of ti , fe as in tevisati. For catura^fci we have culld-
8tti, for pancavirp 9 ati pamuwsam, Jat. iii. 138.
From cha we have a plural chaldni , Dip. 108, and for twelve
dviccha = dvishasb, Ab. 19').
About the declension of eka , see the Pronouns.
and the synonymous ubho have the following inflexion .
N. A. dve, duve. ubho , ubhe.
I. A. dmbhi , ubhobhi , ubhohi , ubhebhi , ubhehi,
D. G-. dvinnam , duvinnam. ubhinnam.
Loc. drnsu, ubhosu, ubhesu.
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NUMERALS.
93
Ubho = Skt. ubhau is one of the few rests of the Dual
remaining in Pali (see above, p. 65).
In the numerals ti and catu we have separate forms for the
fern., very much in the same way as in Skt. :
Masc. and Neuter.
Nom. Acc. tayo, tint.
Instr. Abl. tibhi, tiki.
Dat. Gen. tirmam, tinnannam.
IiOC. tisu.
cattdro , caturo , cattdri .
catubbhi , catubhi, catdhi.
caiurmam.
catdsu.
Feminine.
Nom. Acc. tisso .
Instr. Abl. iibhi, t£hi.
Dat. Gen. tissannam.
XiOC. tisu.
Cat <1880.
catubbhi , catdbhi } catdhi '.
catassannam .
catdsu.
Fanca forms the instr. abl. pancahi , Gen. Dat. pancannam ,
Loc. panca8u y and this is the declension all numerals in a
follow.
The numerals in i are declined like the fern, i-stems, satam
and sahassam like neuters in am.
Satam and sahassam , in conjunction with a noun, can be joined
to nouns in the following ways :
(1) With a noun in the gen. pi., as itthinam panca satdni t
‘five hundred women.’
(2) With a noun in the nom. pi. (satam being either in the
sing, or in the pi.), as pancasatam yati , ‘ 500 yatis,’ or pancasata
bhikkhdy ‘ 500 mendicants.’
(3) With a noun in the sing., as chacattdUsam vassam
atikamma, ‘ after the lapse of 146 years. ’
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91
PALI GRAMMAR.
(4) As a compound, the numeral being the last part, as
gdihdsatam, 1 100 stanzas.’
(5) As a compound, the numeral being the first part, as
sahassajaftld, ‘ a thousand jatilas.’
Another form of sahassa is sahassi, which is used pro-
miscuously as a masc. and fern, in connection with caJckavala
or vasudhd , &c., as dasasahassi-cakkavdle , ‘in ten thousand
worlds,’ Dh. 91. Sometimes the subst. is omitted, and dasasa -
has A is treated like a fem. noun, as dasasahasA pakampati , ‘ten
thousand worlds quake,’ comp. Senart, Mahavastu 373.
The Ordinals .
The Ordinals for five, and from seven upwards, are formed by
adding the suffix ma to the cardinal, as pancama , ‘ the fifth,’
sattama, ‘ the seventh the fem. terminates in i, the neuter in
am, and they a*e declined like the corresponding substantives.
The Ordinal forms of the first numerals are : one, pafhama ;
two, dutiya ; three, tatiya ; four, catuttha ; six, chatfha ; sattha
(ouly known from Kacc. 200) and chatthama, Jat. i. 22, Bv.
ii. 142.
From twenty upwards we have two forms, one by adding ma
to the cardinal in ti, as vUatima, 1 the twentieth and one by
dropping the termination ti, as visa, timsa, Ac.
From satam , sahassam , we have the ordinals satama, sahas -
sama.
Besides, we have fem. ordinals in i to designate the day of
the month; as pancami, ‘the fifth day ;* ekddasi , ‘the eleventh
day,’ &c.
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CONJUGATION.
95
§ 18 . Conjugation.
The division of the Pali Verb, as established by the native
grammarians, is on the whole the same as that of the Skt.
They admit of seven classes, of which the first again is divided
into four conjugations; these correspond to the classes i., vi.,
ii., iii of the Samskyit grammarians, and the other six classes
to the remaining Samskyit classes in the following order, vii.,
iv., v., ix., viii., x. Thus we obtain the following divisions of
the Pali Verb:—
First class: — (a) Verbs terminating in i, u or a consonant,
which take guna and the vowel a : \/ bhd, bhavdmi , ‘ to be.*
(b) Verbs ending in consonants which take the vowel a , but
no guna : \/ tud, tuddrni , ‘ to pierce.’
(c) Verbs ending in vowels which take gun*, but add the
personal endings without an intervening vowel: y/ 1, emi ‘ to go.’
(d) Verbs forming their bases by reduplication: y/ Jiu
juhomi , ‘ to sacrifice.’
The third division (c) is given in the Dhatumanjusa as huva-
dayo , where M is another form of the root bhd, * to be/ forming
its present homi.
Second class: — Verbs taking the 0-vowel and inserting a
nasal before the final consonant of the root : \/ rudh , rundh-
dmi, ‘ to restrain.’
Third class : — Verbs adding the suffix ya , yd to the root :
y/ div, dibbdmi , ‘ to play.*
Fourth class: — Verbs adding the suffixes nd , nu (which
becomes no by guna) or und to the root : \/ $ru, sundmt or
sunomi , ‘to hear;* y/ dp f pdpundmi, ‘to attain.’
Fifth class: — Verbs ending in a vowel, which add the suffix
nd to the root : y/ kri , kindmi, ‘ to buy.’
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96
PALI GRAMMAR.
Sixth class: — Verbs ending in a consonant, which add u (or
o by guna) to the root : y/ tan , tanomi, * to stretch.’
Seventh class : — Verbs adding the suffix ay a (or e by con-
traction) to the root : y/ cur , coraydmi or coremi , ‘ to steal.'
Verbs have two voices, the Parassapada or Transitive, and
the Attanopada or Intransitive ; the use of the latter is much
more restricted than in Sarpskjit, most of the Attanopada verbs
having adopted the Parassapada terminations.
We distinguish in P&li, as in Samskrit, special and general
tenses. It must, however, be observed that the special and
general bases very often take the place of one another, as will
be shown hereafter.
Special tenses : —
(1) Present Indicative, Subjunctive, Optative and
Imperative.
(2) Imperfect.
General tenses : —
(1) Perfect.
(2) Aorist.
(3) Future.
(4) Conditional.
Terminations of the Present Indicative .
Parassapada. Attanopada.
Sing.
PI.
Sing.
PL
mi
ma
#
mhe (make, mho)
si
tha
se
vhe
ti
nti
te
nte , re
These terminations are very similar to the corresponding
ones in Samskrit. In the first pers. pi. of the Attan. we some-
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CONJUGATION.
97
times find the fuller form in make , as bhasmibhavd?nahe , Mah. 6;
the termination mha shortened from mhe occurs in dadamha ,
Dh. 188, mannamha , Db. 205 (the long a is crasis for the i of
the following iti, see above, p. 60). Instead of ante in the
third pers. pi. we frequently meet with the termination are ,
especially in old texts, metrical as well as prosaical, as miyyare
= mriyante, 4 they die/ Das. Jat. 34 ; udiccare from udiksh,
4 they looked/ M. I. 15, 6 ; abhikirare , 4 they overwhelm/ Jat.
iii. 57. This are is most probably the vedic termination re of
the third pers. pi. atmanep. as in 9 ?*invire ; it also exists in
Prak. Hem. iii. 142.
We have to consider first the verbs that add the termina-
tions immediately to the root (which form the second class in
Samskrit, in Pali division (c) of the first class). The paradigm
adopted by the native grammarians is hu = bhu, 4 to be.’ It
forms its present as follows : —
homi
homa
ho8i
hotha
hoti
honti
Other roots belonging to this class are those terminating in
d, like yd, 4 to go/ vd, 4 to blow,’ which have entirely the same
inflexion as in Skt., only that they shorten the d in the third
pers. pi., y<wifo*=^Skt. yanti. Besides, the root yd may follow
the third class, as in ydyanti , M. v. 9, 4. Tha=. stha, 4 to stand/
forms its present fhdti and tifthati, e.g., thdta , Dh. 123, sam-
thdti , Dh. 429; from da we have a present, dati , Kacc. 264,
imper. first pers. pi. nipadamase , Jat. iii. 120 (explained by
the commentary nikdrapakara upasagga ddmase ti attho). Paj-
jhdti , Jat. iii. 534, is most probably derived from jha = ksha,
4 to decay/ comp, pajjhayi, pajjhayasi, Suttavibh. i. 19, ii. 5.
H
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98
PALI GRAMMAR.
From dhyd we ha ve pajjhdyanto, ‘groaning,* Mil. 5, if Trenckner’a
translation is correct, and according to Senart, Mahavastu 377,
also the present dvajjati and dvajjeti , 4 to consider,’ which
would have dropped the aspiration. From snd , 4 to bathe,’ w©
have an imper. nahdhi belonging to this class, J&t. ii. 325.
From fhdti and dhdti = dadhati we come to the forms \hahati
and dahati which are in very frequent use in P&li.
Of verbs terminating in i we have to mention here besides
i and pi, which belong to this class also in Skt., ni, 4 to lead,’
9 ri, 4 to lean,’ ji, 4 to conquer,’ di and \i, 4 to fly.* I seems to
form its present very much as in Skt., for the first and second
pers. pi. of course we get etna , etha , instead of imas, ita ; for the
third pi. Childers adduces a form samudayanti from Brahmaj&las.
Atth. which is formed from samudenti by false analogy. In
the present vyapanenti quoted by Mioayeff, p. xxxii. from Cda-
nagatha and in vassdpandyika , M. iii. 2 , 2, we have derivations
from i with the prepositions apan and upan respectively, which
make them look as though they were derived from ni, comp.
Vinaya Texts, i. xxxvii. A present ayati belonging to the Ihd-
class is given in Dhm., but has not yet been found in any
text.
(Ji forms its present semi, Cariy. ii. 2, 3, third pi. senti , Dh.
28; in the part, we have semdna, Jat. i. 180, Mah. 49; saya-
mana , Att. 218.
Ni forms neti and nayati according to Kacc. 261 ; part, upa-
nento, Dh. 154 ; gerund apanetvd instead of °mtvd by false
analogy.
(Jri forms a present apasseti , C. vi. 20 , 2 , comp, apassena for
apa^ayana.
Ji has the present j ayati, jeti and jindti, Kacc. 261 ; opt.
jeyya for jayeyya, Dh. v. 103.
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d here besides
t., ni 7 L toWC
s ; Z seems to
first and second
for **
om BrahmajAl^
\se axatoSJ- In
xixii- fr°m p(fr
e have **•*»
■effectively, " bic
ed from *'», «"*■
been fo“ nd mtnJ
third
, S 0,U«k- 49; ^
,e»d of °**® ° 7
l0 ,i, com?- a P <uUM
CONJUGATION.
Di (and li) forms its present cfetf, Gr. 1*36. Th
compounds of this root, oddeti and uddeti , the ex]
which causes considerable difficulty. Oddeti oc<
signification, ‘ to place, to lay nets,* Jat. i. 274, ii.
153, 183, 238, Suttavibh. i 22 (v. 1. otfi, Buddh. oa
mukham thapesi ), uddeti , ‘ to cast a net,* Ang. i. 24,
in a note to this lost passage, identifies the two fo
is no doubt right, but I believe uddeti to be the o
and oddeti a later change. Instead of omdna , J&t. i:
we ought to read demdna . A causative of the si
utfepeti, ‘ to frighten away,* M. i. 51, comp, uddapit
91, and perhaps nidddyati, Jfit. i. 215, nidddpeti ,
but these two might also belong to d&, dyati. I
have uddihijara, Paiyal. 182.
The root bru, which is generally given as parad
class in Skt;, shows the following conjugation in Pi
Parassapada.
brdmi bruma
brdsi brutha
bruti, bramti bravanti
Attanop
brave
bruse
brdte
The root han has Jianti in the third pers. sing.,
Mil. 220, hananti in the third pi., Dh. 64, for Skt.
Yac forms vatti and vacati , according to Saddanit
forms have not yet been found in any text.
The root as, ‘to be,’ has the following inflexion
asmi, amhi asma , amha
asi attha
atthi santi
At Jat. iii. 309 we have a curious first pers. pi., am
looks like an imperf. attanop. but is used like a pre
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100
PALI GBAMMAB.
The synonymous root acchati is now proved beyond doubt
to belong to 4s, from which it proceeds through the aorist
acchi , see Trenckner, Pali Misc. 61, Pischel, Gott. Anz. 1865,
p. 627, Torp 88. We find the compound samacchati , in the
original signification, ‘ to sit down/ Jat. ii. 67. The aorist
acchi occurs Dh. 158, Suttavibh. i. 35.
The present pdheti, ‘ to send/ also belongs to this class,
although it is given by the grammarians among the svadayo
and tanddayo. The d in the first syllable shows that it is only
deduced by false analogy from the aorist pdhesi= Skt. pra-
haishit) but it is considered as a genuine present in Pali.
As a paradigm of division (d) of .the first class, I give here
the conjugation of the root hu, * to sacrifice/
juhomi . juhorna.
juho8i. juhotha,
juhotiy j uvhati. juhonti y juvhantu
Besides, there seems to be a new root, juh taken from the
• special base, and inflected with the vowel a, as in jvkamdna ,
Jat. ii. 399 ; and from this is also derived the subst .juhana,
‘sacrifice/ J&t. i. 493, wrongly spelt jdhana, Gr. 16.
Other roots belonging to this class are those ending in d ,
some of which I have already mentioned ; hd forms the present
jahdtiy but we find also vijahati , Dh. 99, 261, from a new root,
jah.
D& and dha can also have the regular forms daddti and
dadhdti, besides the new ones mentioned above, and from
dadami is also derived the contracted form dammi = dadmi, pi.
damma , Dh. 123, 129 ; Jat. i. 127, etc. Besides we have a
present demi, which shows exactly the same inflexion as emi,
‘I go / Childers derives it either from the Skt. dayate, or by
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CONJUGATION.
101
false analogy from the imper. dehi detu , but I confess that
none of these explanations seems to me quite satisfactory.
From dha we have nidheti , Kh. 12 ; nidhetum , Kbuddasikkha,
xxxi. 2 ; and besides a distracted form daheti (analogous to
ddhati from dhati) in the aorist pidahesi ’, Mah. 4, and the future
paridahessatiy Dh. v. 9. Pass, antaradhdyati .
From stha we have the imp. ut\hehx , Rev. v. 3 ; Dip. 60 ;
nifthdyati, C. v. 26, generally nitfhdti. From hnu, Kacc. 135
gives the present hanute , but the Dhm. omits this root
altogether.
The division (a) of the first class has considerably encroached
on most of the other classes. Nearly all the roots terminating
in u or a consonant, and belonging to the second class of the
Skt. have migrated into this class in Pali: lih forms lehati ,
Jat. i. 19 ; lehenld , Jat. ii. 31 ; Suttavibh, i. 46 ; duh : dohati ,
Kacc. 144 ; but duh anti, ib. 141 ; rud : rodati and rudati ,
Jat. iii. 214 ; roddmi , Das. Jat. 33. Vetti, from vid, * to know,*
is entirely lost m Pali, and generally replaced bjjdndti. We
find, however, a present vindati formed according to the 6th
class of the Skt., and vijjati = vidyate ; besides vedeti and
vediyati. Mil. 60 ; Suttavibh. ii. 167 ; Part, vedayita , Mil. 60.
From jagar, i to watch,* we have the present jdgarati , Dh. 8,
11, 41, and jaggati , Dh. 201 ; Jat. iii. 403 ; comp, the Prak.
forms jagarai and jaggai, Hem. iv. 80 ; from daridra , 1 to be
poor,* the Dhm. gives daliddati; but this form has not yet
been found in any text. In some cases the e is only due to
false analogy, as in the fut. gahessati , and aorist aggahesi ,
from grih, see Childer’s ‘ Corrigenda,* s. v.
Da$, ‘to bide,* forms dasanto , dasitvd and darns ento, dam -
setvd, dasapetvd , damsdpetvd , Ten. J&t. 42, 43, 44, 54.
Dhm a, ‘to blow,* forms dhamati and dhameti ; besides we
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102
PALI GRAMMAS.
have a reduplicated form dhamddhamayati , Mil 117 ; nid-
dhamana , ‘ a water-course,* is also derived from this root.
The root v% or ve , ‘ to weave,* is given in the Dhm. among
those that follow the first conjugation, and indeed we find an
infinitive vetum , C. vi. 2, 6 ; a present abbeti occurs, Jat. iii.
34, where Eausboll has altered it into appeti , comp. Trenckner,
P. M. 64. A new present vindti, formed according to the fifth
class, occurs J&t. ii. 302 ; and besides we have the regular
passive vtyati or viyyati , Pat. 11.
Vad f ‘to speak,* supplying the lost special tenses of vac
forms its present vadati and vadeti. The Dhm. only gives a
root vad with the signification ‘ to praise * following coraydmi.
Besides, vajj may be substituted throughout all the tenses,
according to Kacc. 254 (derived, no doubt, from the opt. vajju y
Jat. ii. 322), e.g. vajjdsi , J&t. iii. 443, comp, viv&dyanti, Maha-
vastu, p. 378.
Tas = tras, ‘to tremble,’ forms its present regularly tasati,
Dh. 24; we find, however, an aorist vitthdsi , Kamm. 4, a present
vitthdyati , M. i. 76, 3 ; C. x. 17, 3, and a participle vitthata Mil.
36 ; for vitthata comp. Pr&k. hittha, Hem. ii. 136, P. G-old-
schmidt’s remarks ‘ Setubandha,’ ii. 42 ; vitthdsi reminds one of
a form tr&hi, Lalitavistara, p. 286, which I have corrected into
trasi (Der Dialekt der Gath&s des Lai. p. 284), and vitthdyanti
seems to be formed after the false analogy of this aorist in the
same way as pdheti from pdhesi .
Tud forms vitudati with lengthening nittudana, Mahaparin.
54, besides vitudam (?) Dh. 146 ; from Jchan , ‘ to dig,* we have
an irregular inf. nikhatum , Cariy. iii. 6, 16.
Huh forms abhirohati , abhiruhati with lengthening, and even
abhiruhati.
BU i ‘ to fear,’ forms bhdyati f comp. Hem. iv. 53. The redu-
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CONJUGATION.
103
plicated form bibheti is entirely lost in Pali. The Imper. bhdtha f
J&t. i. 26, is contracted from bhayatha.
Svap , 4 to sleep,’ forms mpati ; Part, sumanta , Mil. 368.
Vyath , 4 to tremble,’ is also given under this class in Dhm.,
but I have only found it under the form vedhati. At C. vii. 4, 6,
Oldenberg has suggested to read vyathati for the senseless
vyddhati. The causative is vedheti , Trenckner, P. M. 76.
The second class of the Pali, corresponding originally to
the seventh of the Skt., forms its present after the fashion of
those verbs of the sixth class' which adopt n : so we obtain
from rudh a present rundhami, just as we have from vid, vinddmi.
Kacc. 238 gives besides the forms rundhiti , rundhiti , rundheti ,
of which the last occurs also in the imper. rundhehi ,
Cariy. iii. 10, 7 (where, however, the corresponding passage of
the Jat. i. 332, reads randhehi) . About the passive rumh> see
above, p. 39.
The other roots belonging to this class, as muc, 4 to release,*
chid, 4 to cut,’ lip, 4 to smear,’ bhuj, 4 to eat,’ are regular.
The third class comprises the verbs that take the suffix ya
(with assimilation of y to the consonant terminating the root).
Some of the verbs belonging to this class are real passives, as
vijjati , 4 to be found, to exist,’ pass, of vidati ; udriyati , 4 to go
to ruin,* from dar, dfinati, M. iii. 8, 1; Suttavibh. ii. 254.
Others have adopted the meaning of actives, as bujjhati from
budh, 4 to know, to understand,’ sibbati from dv, 4 to sew,’
dajjati is most probably not the Skt. dadyate only given by
grammarians, but a derivation from the opt. dajjd, just as
vajjati from vajjd (see above, p. 102).
Mar forms the present marati and miyati or miyyati. At
Saddhammop. vs. 139, we find martyati , which certainly is not
classical.
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1
104 PA. LI GRAMMAR.
Jar, ‘ to decay,’ forms jiyati or jiyyati and jirati ; beside s
we have jdrasi in a passage quoted by Childers, J. R. A. S. xi.
110, from an unknown author. Comp. Prak. jural. Hem. iv. 132.
Qar y ‘to throw down,’ forms seyyasi = 9 iryasi, Jat. i. 174.
Part, visiima = vi^rna.
Ld, ‘to reap,’ forms layati, Das. 31, Jat. i. 215; la yeti,
Suttavibh. i. 64 ; laveti , with change of y to v , Kacc. 262 ;
Idpayati , Mah. 61, and the regular lundti, Kacc. 238.
Gd , ‘ to sing/ forms gdyati, Dh. 85 ; imper. gdJit , Jat. iii. 507.
The fourth class corresponds to the fifth of the Skt. ; but
most of the verbs belonging to it can also form their present
according to the ninth, by adding the suffix na to the root.
From ^ru, ‘ to bear,’ we have the present sunoti and sundti ’,
imper. sunohi and sundhi , inf. sunitwn , Mil. 91. From ci, ‘ to
collect,’ we have cindti ’, Dh. 209 ; vinicchinati, Dh. 377 ;
ocindyatu , Cariy. iii. 6, 7 ; samcinoti , Att. 200 ; part, samca -
yanto , according to the first class, Mah. 127. Roots ending in
a consonant can assimilate the n to this consonant, or insert u
before the Suff. nu or nd , e.g. pappoti, pdpunoti and papundti,
from v/&P> ‘ to attain,' sakkoti and sakJcunati (where the second
k is due to the false analogy of sakkoti ), from ‘ to be
able;' sakkdti occurs Saddhammop. v. 385, and a shortened
form sakkati is induced by Childers from Nav& S. and Sad-
daniti.
Gar , ‘ to sound,’ forms anugindti = anugrinati, ‘ he answers,’
Kai-c. 139. Besides we have uggirati , ‘ to rattle,’ Jat. i. 150 ;
Pat. 18.
AbhisambJiumtiy ‘ to obtain,’ Lotus, 313, Pat. vii., is referred
by Childers to the root bhyi of the Dhatupatha, and this expla-
nation is adopted with some hesitation by JSenart Mahavastu
406. The Dhm. gives an especial root sambhu.
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CONJUGATION.
105
SumbhoU , Face. 238, is perhaps identical with Skt. 9 ubh,
9ubhndti, 4 to kill,’ comp. Mahavastu, 381. The Dhm. gives a
root sumbhy 4 to beat,’ following the first class, and Jat. iii. 185,
w© have sumhdmi , v. 1. sumbhami explained by pahardmi:
From var, 4 to cover,’ we have several forms according to this
class ; Trenckner, P. M. 63, gives the following : vanimhase ,
Jat. ii. 137 ; apdpunanti , It. 84, v. 2 ; vanomi , Jat. 513, v. 14 ;
dvunitvd, ‘having pierced,’ Cariy. iii. 12, 2 ; samvunoti and
samvundti , Face. 238. But it can also follow the first class as
vivarati ( vivundti seems not to exist), samvarati , Mil. 152 ;
papurati and pdrupati , 4 to dress avapurati , F. J. 29 ; avdpu-
riyati , Jat. i. 63 (comp, av&purana , * a key,’ Ab. 222).
The fifth class corresponds to the ninth of the Skt., but
includes also some verbs belonging originally to other classes.
The Pali grammarians reckon among this class several verbs
which originally belong to the fifth class of the Skt., like
cindti , ‘ to collect,* dliunati , ‘ to shake,’ Skt. cinoti, dhunoti.
About jindti see above, p. 98. From pu , ‘ to purify,’ we
have opunati , Dh. v. 252 ; Jat. i. 467 ; Mahaparin. 49. From
kindtiy 1 to buy,’ we have an irregular inf. ketum, Jat. iii. 282.
Mushy ‘ to steal,’ forms its present musatiy Has. 32 ; pamus-
sati derives most probably not from mush but from smrishy
see above, p. 58.
A$y i to eat,’ forms asndtiy Mettanisams&, vs. 8 ; imper.
asndtha, Mahaparin. 59.
Mdy ‘ to measure,’ forms mindtiy caus. mindpetiy Jat. ii. 378;
nimimhasey Jat. ii. 369, Dh. 417.
Badh forms bandhati instead of badhndti with a metathesis
similar to that of rundhati = runaddhi ; lag 9 ‘ to stick,’ forms
laggati = lagn&ti, besides lagati after the first. From ma:hy
4 to grind,’ we have abhimatthati = abhimathnati.
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106
PALI G BAM MAE.
Jnd forms jdndti regularly ; from grih we have ganhdti and
gcmkati , Dh. 160.
Other verbs following this class are mun = man, ‘ to think/
in mundti , comp. Hem. iv. 7 ; Fausb. S. N. 169; and thun =
stan, ‘ to thunder 7 in thunanti (meaning ‘ to proclaim,* which
points really to a confusion of the roots stan and stu, as one
would think from Dhm.), Eev. 3 ; anuttkundti, Dh. 28, 323.
From the same root we have thanayam , Mah&samayas. vs. 23 ;
thanita , Att. 210; J&t. i. 64; nitthananta , Jat. ii. 362;
nitthanamdna , Jat. i. 463.
The sixth class corresponds to the eighth of the Skt. In
P41i, however, in this case the root kar , * to do/ can form its
present quite regularly in the following way :
karomi. karoma.
karosu karotha.
Jcaroti . Icaronti.
Besides, we have a form Jcummi for the first pers. sing., J at.
ii. 435, to which we may compare kurumi, Lalitavistara, 270.
In the attanopada we have kurute, Dh. 9, 39, Mah. 219 ; and,
besides, Icubbate, fcubbati , Kacc. 261 ; vikubbati , Jat. iii. 114 ;
tan has tanomi regularly.
The Dhm. reckons several more roots to this class, of which
some have been dealt with before, and others do not occur in
any text, so that we need not mention them here.
The seventh class comprises the denominative verbs, the
causatives, and a few primitive verbs, which have migrated
into it from other classes. The inflexion of these is the same
as of the verbs terminating in i or % which belong to the first
class, as ji, 91 , ni, etc. ; ay a can always be contracted into e,
and also ayi of the past and future undergoes very often the
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same change. Even verbs in dyati can be contracted, as
paleti for paldyati, Dh. v. 49.
Among this class I also reckon verbs like dgildyati, ‘ to be
weary, to pain/ C. vii. 4, 2, which is given by the Dhm. as
belonging to the third. A doubtful word is samkdyati ’, C. x.
18, with the v. 1 . sahdyati.
Primitive verbs that occasionally take the suffix of this class
are vac in vacehi , Dh. 159, vad in vademi, vadehi , Has. 21, dajj
in dajjehi , M. vi. 23, 3; Suttavibh. i. 217, tud in vitudeti , Sut-
tavibh i. 105. About vediyati and vedayita see above, p. 101.
Imperative .
Parassapada. Attanopada.
mi
ma
e
mase
hi or °
tha
88U
vho
tu
nti
tam
ntam
Mi is most probably transferred from the present by false
analogy. In the second person the short form without suffix
is not so frequent as in Skt. We find hi also in such cases
where we are not accustomed to see it in Skt., as in ganhdhi
for </anAa=grib 9 a. From gacch we have gacchahi, Kacc. 248,
besides gacchdhi. Pafimdse , Dh. v. 379, is contracted from
pafimdsaya. The termination tha of the second pers. pi. is
evidently taken from the present, e.g., etha, passatha f Dh. v.
171, brdtha y J&t. iii. 520. From a$, ‘ to eat/ we have asndtha
Mahaparin. 59.
The termination sm of the second pers. sing, attanop.,
derived from Skt. sva, is very frequent even in verbs which
follow the parassapada inflexion, e.g., bhavassu, Dh. v. 371,
pilandha88U f Mil. 337, dsassu, ‘ relate/ G-r. 1 18 for dsasassu ,
comp. Kacc. 288 ; third pers. labhatam , Mab&par. 62. The
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PALI GRAMMAR.
termination mate of the first pers. pi. is either very old or very
modern (comp, for the first eventuality Kuhn, p. 101, for the
second, Torp, p. 47) ; besides we have one instance of a form
terminating in maham , gacchdmaham, , Dh. 86 . For the curious
form in vho of the second pers. pi. (we would expect vham=
Skt. dhvam) I can only adduce one example, nivattavho , Jat.
ii. 358.
The form of the root is the same in the imperative as in the
indicative. Thus we have from 9 m, second pers. sing., tunohi ,
Att. 134; from kar, second pers. sing., Jcarohi, Dh. 42; besides
kurUy Mah. 18, 61, second pi. karotha t first pers. pi. attan.
karomase, Jat. ii. 258. From d& we have the Skt. form dehiy
besides daddhi, Jat iii. 109 ; dajja and even dajjehi , M. vi. 23, 3.
From as a second pers. sing, dhi is given by Childers and
Minay eff, but has not yet been found in any text. The form
is always expressed by bhavay bhavattu, or kohi f Dh. 187.
About the existence of the attanop. forms of kar and da
given by Minayeff, § 178, 179, I feel very doubtful.
Subjunctive.
The subjunctive in Pali has been discovered by Pischel, K.Z.
xxiii. 424, who adduces a few examples from Dh. and J&t.
It differs from the indicative only by the lengthening of the
vowel a. Farther instances are pa[xbhandtiy Jat. iii. 404, ha*
ndsi, Jat. iii. 199, and perhaps dahdsi , dahdti, Fausb. 8 . N.
161, 169.
Optative .
Parassapada. Attanopada.
eyydmiy e, eyya eyydma y ema eyyam eyydmhe
eyydsi, e, eyya eyyatha, etha etho eyyavho
eyya, e eyyum etha eram
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This form of the optative originated from contraction of the
optative suffix iya with the a of the first class, but it is in use
with the other classes as well. When stems end in a vowel,
this vowel is dropped before the e of the termination, as, e.g.,
dadeyya , and even deyya , from daddti.
Roots terminating in d , and following division (c) of the first
class form their optative by inserting y , as yayeyya , from ya,
Pat. 110, nhdyeyya from nahd=$nk, nibbayeyya from nirva, ‘to
be extinguished ;* from the last we have besides an abbreviated
form parinibbaye, Das. 6.
The forms of the sing, in e are frequent enough in older
texts, as dnaye (first pers.), Jat. i. 308 ; labhe , Cariyap. i. 1,
9; rode , Jat. iii. 165 ; nivase (first and second pers.), Jat. iii.
259, 262 ; pdpune (third pers.), C. vii. 4, 8 ; dade, Cariy. i. 3,
8. In Khuddasikkha we find even a third sing. de.
The termination eyya of the first pers. originated from eyyam
after the nasal had been dropped ; it is a form of the parassap.
identical with the Skt. eyam, as we can see from instances like
deseyyam , Dhp. 119, puccheyyam , Pat. 1, etc.
The first sing, in eyydmi , as far as I know, is only given by
grammarians as hey y ami, bhaveyydmi , huveyyami , from Rupa-
siddhi, at Alwis Introd. 48, in the second we have e and eyyasi ,
as sikkheyydsi , Jat. i. 162, ahar eyyasi, Dh. 248, once eyya in
ydjeyya, Jat. iii. 515 ; in the third e and eyya. One instance
of the fuller form eyydti occurs : janeyydti , C. vii. 3, 4. In the
first pers. pi. we have emasi } emu , and ema, as vidhamemasi,
Jat. iii. 261, passemu , Jat. iii. 495, janemu , Kasibharadvajas.
vs. 1, Dh. 96, and dakkhema , Mahasamayas. vs, 25; generally
eyydma .
In the second pi. we have only one instance of the shorter
form samdsetha in the phrase sabbhir eva samasetha ; besides
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PALI GBAMMAB.
we have eyydtha in dgameyydtha , Cariy. i. 8, 5, samvatteyyatha,
Dh. 129, j pahineyyatha, Dh. 215. In the third pi. we have
always eyyum=. Skt. eyas.
The second sing, attanop. in etho , and the third in estha , are
formed after the old fashion = Skt. eth&s, eta; the third is very
frequent also in such verbs which otherwise follow the parassap.
inflexion, as rakkhetha , Dh. v. 36, abhittharetha , v. 116, and
in passives, as jdyetha , Dh. v. 58, from %/ jan. Besides, we
have dgaccheyydtho , manasikareyydtho given by Alwis, Cat. 184,
from Moggallana’s grammar. The first and second pers. pi.
do not occur in any text, but the third is frequent, as bhaveram ,
gaccheram , &c.
Shortened forms of the regular opt. occur of some roots in
d , as stha and dha : adhiftheyya for adhi[\hdyeyya, , Khudd. 16,
apanidheyya , Pat. 16, and so we ought to read parinibbeyam
instead of parinibbdyi, Dip. i. 24. Prom roots ending in i we
have niccheyya , Dh. v. 256, for nicchayeyya, from nis-f ci, ana -
bhineyya , Pat. 4, vineyya , Khudd. 31, from ni; jeyya from ji,
Dh. v. 103 ; from i we have abbheyya , Pat. 6, second eyydsi,
Jat. iii. 535. From M=bhu : huveyya and Jiupeyya according
to the Burmese writing, M. i. 6, 9 ; Trenckner, P&li Misc. 62 ;
besides, we have a contracted form heyya , only known from
Bflpasiddhi ap. Alwis Introd. 48, but not yet found in any text.
* The optatives of the seventh class can be shortened in two
different ways ; from corayeyya we get coraye on one side and
coreyya on the other ; from bhdvaydmi we have a contracted
third sing, attanop. bhavetha , Dh. v. 87 for bhdvayetha.
Besides this regular form of the optative, which corresponds
to the optative of the Skt. first principal conjugation (com-
prising the first, fourth, sixth, and tenth classes), we have a
few rests of the optative of the second principal conjugation.
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Jll
Some of the roots ending in d can form, besides the regular
optatives of the type dadeyya and deyya given above, the old
dajj&=> Skt. dadyat, Dh. v. 224; first pers. dajjam , Mah. 63,
dajjdkam, M. iii. 8, 1, and dajjdmi , Mah. 8. From this opta-
tive dajjd was formed the verbal base dajjati (see above, p. 103)
and this can again take the terminations of the optative, as in
dajjeyya , Kacc. 256, anuppadajjeyya , Fat. 11 ; first pi. anup-
padajjeyydma, Pat. 11.
From jna we ha vejdniyd, corresponding to Skt. janiyat with
shortening of the i , and contracted from this jannd; besides a
form after the analogy of the verbs with vowel a , as j&neyya.
From as 9 ‘ to be/ we have an old optative which preserves
throughout the a of the root dropped in Skt. : —
assam assama
assa assatha
assa , siyd assu , siyum
The first pers. assam occurs Dh. 186, the second assa , Jat.
iii. 515, in the third both forms are equally frequent ; assama
is found in Saccavibhanga, assu, Dh. v. 74, Jat. ii. 425.
From vad, ‘to speak,' we have a second sing, vajjdsi , Jat. ii.
443 ; third pi. vajju, Jat. ii. 322, explained by the regular forms
vadeyydsi and vadeyyum . By false analogy of this optative we
have a present vajjdmi (just like dajjdmi , from dajjam ), vajjemi
and a secondary optative vajjeyya given by Kacc. vi. 4, 19.
Kar forms its opt. in the parassap. third pers. sing, hare
and hareyya , Dh. v. 43, Kacc. 263, pi. kareyydtha, Dh. 147,
hareyyum , Dh. 1 67 ; attanop. hubbetha , C. vii. 4, 8. Besides,
we have an old opt. kayird or hayira from karyat instead of
kury&t, attan. hayirdiha or kayiratha.
Ap forms the old opt. pappuyya = prapnuyat, Das. 37,
C. vi. 4, 4.
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PALI GBAMMAB.
Imperfect and Aorist .
First formation.
Parassapada. Attanopada.
am a
amha
...
amhase
a o
atiha y u
ase
avham
d a
um
attha
aithum
Second formation.
Parassapada.
Attanopada.
im
imha
imhe
i
ittha
ise y ittho
ivham
i
imsu , isum
ittha
The first form belongs to the imperfect and simple or strong
aorist, which cannot be distinguished in Pali, the second to the
weak aorist, which is formed by adding the root as , ‘ to be/ as
in Greek.
A third formation is only distinguished from the second by
the plus of an *, so that we have sim instead of im, &c. It is
used mostly in verbs ending in vowels, and in causatives.
Examples of the first sing, in am : — avacam , Dh. 242, addam
and addasam, ‘ 1 saw/ Jat. iii. 380, Anecd. 35, once with the
present termination addasdmi, Oldenberg, K. Z. xxv. 320, ad -
dasa , M. ix. 1, 5, where the reading of the MSS. ought not to
be changed; from da we have adam, Jat. iii. 411, Cariy. i. 9,
30; from bhfi ahum, Jat. iii. 411; from £ru, assum, Jat. iii.
512.
Second pers. in o = as : pamddo y Dh. v. 371 ; dsado y Jat. i.
414, iii. 207, C. vii. 3, 12 ; in a: avaca , Pat. 99; and from a
reduplicated aorist identical in its formation to the Skt. avo-
cam : avoca y Dh. 185, voca , Db. v. 133.
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113
In the third pew. we have d and a = at: dbhavd , ahuua ,
Buddha 443, addasa , udacchida , Anecd. 77, and with a curious
doubling of the rf, unexplained as yet, acchidda , Dh. v. 351;
amardy Jat. iii. 389 (v. 1. amain), 1 he died.’ Ajjhagamd , Has. 78,
papato, C. v. 20, 5, is the only instance known of o in the third.
In the first pers. pi. we have amha or mha in adamha, Jat. ii.
71 ; assumha , Jit. ii. 400 ; vutthamha , Dip. 79 ; ahumha, Dh.
105 ; besides a form corresponding to the Skt. addasdma ,
Db. 96.
Second pers. : ahuvattha , Dh. 105 ; avacuttha, Pit. 5 ; dat -
tfAa, Jat. ii. 181.
In the third pers. we have d, u and um, all representing the
Skt. us. Examples in um are very numerous ; d we have in
ajjhagd from adhigacchati , Jat. i. 256, anvagd, Das. 36 ; and u
in agu , passim in Mahasamayasutta. The following instances
deserve notice because they form their aorist in Skt. with s :
aggahum , Mah. 253, upatthahum , Mah. 132, 256, randhayum
Dh. v. 248, abhikkdmum , Mahasamayasutta vi. 4 ; adalchhum ,
ib. vs. 3 corresponds to adrakshus.
The second and third sing, of the attan. in ase , attha , are
influenced by the corresponding forms of the 8 aorist in tee
ittha (see later on). Examples are suyattha, Dh. 86, adattha,
Jat. ii. 166. Besides, we have the regular form in ^a=Skt.
ta for inst. avocatha , Mah. 132, adassatha , Mah. 199, khiyatha
Cariy. iii. 10, 1, passive ajdyatha , Mah. 24.
Mkase is also influenced by the 8 aorist, and besides it is a
present termination; instances are ahuvamhase , akaramhase ,
F. Jat. 13, 38; vanimhase , Jit. ii. 137 ; nimimhcae , Dh. 417 ;
Jat. ii. 369 ; the form of the imperfect mhasa occurs in aka -
ramhasa, Dh. 147. The second pi. in vham corresponds to the
Skt. dhvam, the third in atthum is formed by false analogy
i
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114
PALI GBAMMAB.
from the sing, attha . Of these I have not found any instance
in texts.
Bru forms abravi and abruvi , pi. abravum and abruvum.
From g& we have a second pers. sing, dgd, Fausb. S. N. 101,
corresponding to Skt. agas, a third accagd, upaccagd and
ajjhagd, Dh., corresponding to ag&t, From stha a third
person atthd, Mah. 78.
From kar we have the regular forms, and besides an
abridged aorist akd, Mah. 23, 37, corresponding to the vedic
akar. Other forms of the same root will be given later
on.
Labh forms an aorist alatthnm , Jat. i. 141 ; second pers.
alattha or lattha , Dh. 240 ; third alattha = alabdha (attan).
The first and second pers. are formed after the analogy of the
third.
The first sing, of the second formation is contracted from
the Skt. iaham, as in vedic irn ; examples are abhdnim , J&t. iii.
394, from b han, ‘ to speak,* adassim , Cariy. i. 2, from darp,
‘to see,* uddtarim from tar, Jat. ii. 317; updgamim, Jat. iii.
373 ; ovddim , Bv. xxvi. 4 ; we also have a form in i without the
nasal aggahi , Jat. iii. 373 ; updgami , Cariy. i. 195 ; nimmini ,
Cariy. ii. 6, 11 ; passive ajdyi, Cariy. iii. 5, 1. Sometimes we
find mam with a double instead of a single a, as in sandha-
vissam , Dh. v. 153 (comp. Childers’ Notes on Dhamm. 4,
Trenckner, P. M. 56) ; nandmam , J&t. 432, vs. 9, and most
probably titikkhwam , Dh. v. 320 ; some forms with a single*
are given by Oldenberg, K. Z. xxv. 320 ; with change of i to #
(Trenckner, p. 75), we have icchasam , S. N. vii, 14, vs. 1, 6 ;
pamddaAsam , M. N. 130 ; Ang. iii, 4, 6.
In the second pers. we have i or i in poetry when a long
syllable is required, as in ddigi, Suttavibh. i. 44; kandi, gili %
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Dh. y. 371 ; agami , Mah. 6. In the third person we have
the same termination in dviUji , Suttavibh. i. 127 ; vedi> Dh. v.
423 ; abhinimmi from abhinimmdti , Dh. 315 ; alcari from kar,
F. Jat. 13 ; or a new form in isi, as agaechisi , Mah. 206 ;
antaradhdyisiy Mah. 112 ; ajdyisi , Mah. 18, 20.
In the first pers. pi. we have imha = ishma, as in sarimha ,
Dh. 188; labhima y Dh. 236; apayvmha , Jat. i. 360; in the
second ittha == ishta, as in saddhayittha , Dh. 123 ; dadittha ,
Dh. 238 ; and in the third mwsw or isum = ishus.
In the attanopada the second pers. ise as given by the
grammarians, is not found in any text (just like ase of the
first formation) ; we find instead ittho = ishth&s in atiman -
nittho , Ten. Jat. 40; asajjittko , Jat. i. 297; akkamittho , Bv.
ii. 53 (always spelt with the dental group).
In the third pers. we have ittha = ishta, as in pasaray -
ittha , Jat. i. 135 ; dsahkittha , Jat. i. 151, and several passive
forms given by Kacc. 289 — 293 ; comp, similar forms in the
Mahavastu, Senart’s ed. p. 378.
In the first pers. pi. we have imhe; second, ivham\ but
these forms have not yet been found in any text. The third
pi. terminates in imsu, isum , or in um, as upagacchum , Maha-
parin. 21 (see above, p. 113).
The first sing, of the third formation terminates in the sim,
as anna aim, Pat. 95 ; cintesim , Dh. 206 ; or si, as cintesi ,
Cariy. i. 8. 1 ; adasi, Cariy. i. 9, 47 ; paccannasi , M. I. 6, 27,
28, where the reading of the MSS. should be followed.
Second pers. si y as akasi , Suttavibh. i. 44, with assimilation
pativekkhi , M. vi. 23, 8, and third the same as adhosi , Fausb.
S. N. 150; nimasif Mah. 27 ; avatthasi , Suttavibh. i. 79, from
avattharati , padhdpdsi , M. I. 15, 4, Suttavibh. ii. 109, 132.
Uddnesi , Jat. i. 141 ; with assimilation sakkhi , Jit. iii. 424 ;
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PALI GRAMMAR.
aklcocchi, Dh. v. 4; acchccchi , Buddha, 441 (spelt wrongly
acchejji , ib. 434) ; from k&r, akdsi = akarshit ; from har, vihdsi.
First pi. 8tmha = sishma in addsimha, Jat. iii. 120 ; second
= sishta.
The third pi. in simsu is not found, but is replaced by a form
in sum or msu, corresponding to Skt. bus, as in adcmsu ,
pahesum, drocesum ; from sth& we have afthamsu, Dh. 233, and
utthimsu , Mah. 166 ; from jna, annimsu, Jat. iii. 303 ; from
khy&, akkhairisu , J&t. iii. 481 ; from y&, parinibbimsu, Dip. 51 ;
from dhk, samddahamsu , Mahasamayasutta vs. 2 ; from kar,
akamsu.
After the false analogy of the aorists in An we find also
some aorists of verbs ending in a consonant, as agamdsx, pi.
agamamsu (not agamamsum , which is a mistake of the Burmese
MSS.); addasdsum , J&t. ii. 256, and adassainsu, Fapanca Sudani,
ap. Alwis Introd. 73. Even the perfect Aha , c he spoke,’ follows
this inflexion, as we have dhamsu, Jat. i. 121, comp, ahamsus
of the Mahavastu ap. Minay eff, Pat. xliii. Another dharnsu
is found in payiruddhamsu , ‘they uttered,’ from y/har, comp.
Weber, Hala, 184; Tnd. Streifen iii. 396.
The imperfect of the root as, ‘ to be,* is entirely formed
after the analogy of these aorists :
dsim a8t. dsimha.
asi. dsittha.
dsi. dsimsu.
The first pers. dsi occurs Cariy. i. 4, 1. For the third we
find a form ehi, Bv. xvi. 7, which looks like an abbreviation
of the fut. of i, ehiti, but perhaps the reading is incorrect.
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Perfect .
Parassapada.
Attanopada.
a. mha .
t. mhe.
e. ttha.
ttho . vho .
a. u.
ttha . re.
Verbs ending in consonants insert * between the root and
the consonatal terminations. Examples are not very frequent :
hd, ‘ to leave/ forms jahdra , with a euphonic r, Kacc. 243 ;
chid, ciccheda, ib. 242 ; budh, bubodha , Att. 203 ; sue, susoca,
Att. 212; ah, dha, third pi. dhu ; vid, vidu , Mah. 141.
Parassapada.
ssami. ssdma.
ssasi. ssatha.
ssati. ssanti.
Future.
Attanopada.
ssam. ssamhe.
ssase . ssavhe.
ssate. ssante (ssare).
The termination am of the first sing, attan. is only an
abbreviation of ami in parassap. and occurs frequently in old
texts as dassam, bhokkham, Das. 7, 29; hessam , purayissam.
Ten Jat. 91. This form is identical with the first sing, aorist
according to the second formation in issam, as sandhavwsam,
and this is the reason why they have often been mistaken one
for the other.
The future may be formed from the root or from the special
base. If it is formed from the root the terminations may be
added directly, or by the auxiliary vowel i.
(a) Futures formed from the root directly : pacessati, Dh. 9 ;
vicessati , Kacc. 27, both from ei ; vijessati, from ji, Dh. 9 ;
<faH;Aa<e=drak8hyati, v'dar^ sakkhiti from $ak; lacchati from
labh Dh. 96=?latsyati for lapsyati (comp, the aorist alattha for
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PALI GRAMMAS,
alabdha), sambhossama from bhd, Mah. 28 ; vacchami from vac
Khuddasikkha 17 ; pavekkhati from Mah. 153 ; checcham
from chid, Jat. iii. 500 (samucchissatha, Gr. 254, is formed after
the false analogy of the other futures in issatt) ; from t we have
esam, Jat. iii. 535, and upessam, Dhaniya S. Childers, s. v. upeti;
from han , first pers. pi., hanchema , Jat. ii. 418, with an e, instead
of a, that 1 cannot explain. Trenckner takes this and dak-
khema , Mahasamay, v. 25, as optatives of the fut., but this is
without any analogy. Ahaftchi , M. i. 6, 8, Trenckner, P. M. 74 - ;
bhejjati , Ang. i. 5, 7, is most probably a mistake for hheccJiati
(like acchejji for acchecchi , above, p. 116).
The future is sometimes used in the sense of an imperfect, as
da88dmi, Cariy. i. 3, 4 ; pariyesissdmi, Cariy. i. 6, 5 ; pavusdmi
for pavuwdmi, from vi* 9 , Cariy. i. 9, 56 ( pavusdmi as future occurs
Jat. ii. 68). Perhaps these are only aorists with primary ter-
minations like addasdmi (above, p. 112).
( b ) Futures formed from the root by the auxiliary vowel i :
agamiscam , Jat. ii. 284 (and Agamicchati , Dh. ix. 12, formed after
the false analogy of dicchati, if it is not merely a blunder) ;
niggah%88(iti , Dh. 96 ; samvasissare, in a passage of the Apadana,
quoted in Oldenberg's Buddha, 419 ; labhissati , Dh. 121 ; nahd-
yis8ati from sna ; parinibbayissati, Dh. 333, from parinirva
and parinibbmam , Bv. xxvi. 23, with loss of the root-vowel.
( c ) Futures formed from the special base, mostly by the
auxiliary vowel * : jinissati from ji, and cini88ati from ci, Dh.
209 ; dgacchissati, Dh. 84 ; passissati , Dh. 88, 89 ; pajahissati
Dh. 311 ; pahini88ati , Dh. 84 ; pdpunmati, Dh. 101; sunusdmi
from 9 ru, Jat. i. 129; paridadhassaii, Dh. 115.
With e in paridahessati, Dh. v. 9 ; niggahessdmi, Dh. v. 326
(see above, p. 101).
In the 2nd pers. sing., 3rd pers. sing, and pi. we find some-
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110
times i, instead of a, most probably from the y assimilated in
the consonantal group, as sakkhUt for sakkhati, Sadda Niti
sakkhinti , Dhaniya S. ; dakkhisi , F. J. 23 ; dakkhinti, Mah. 83 ;
M. i. 7, 10.
In some futures the sibilant has migrated into h , as kaMmi
for karshyami, from kar, Cariy. i. 5, 9, J&t. i. 214; kdhati , Jat.
ii. 443 (besides kassdma , Mah. 12 ; kassam in a modern text,
I. O. C. 121) ; comp, k&biti of the Mabavastu Minayeff, 109 ;
mhdhisi from vihar, Dh. 68 (besides vihassati , Arunavatisutta,
v. 2) ; hahasi , from ha, Jat. iii. 172 ; panndyihinti , Jat. xvi. 1,
5, from prajna, ehiti from i. From M=bhu we have hohiti=:
bhoshyati and Jiehiti = bhavishy ati which may be further con-
tracted into heti.
A peculiarity of the Pali is the double future formed from
bases like dakkh by the ordinary termination issati. The base
dakkh came to be used exactly like a present base as we see
from the imperf. dakkim, Jat. i. 25 (which cannot be identified
directly with the Skt. aorist adrakshaip); from the present
dakkh ati, frequent in later texts, from the inf. dakkhitum , M,
v. 1, 2; dakkhitdye (not dakkhitdya), Mahasamayas, vs. 1, and
from the causative dakkhdpita , Mil. 119. So we get a secondary
future dakkhiesati , sakkhmati , Dh. 84 ; Bukkhmati , from 9 ush,
1 to dry,’ Dh. 234 ; pavakkhmam from vac, Cariy. i. 1, 2,
hehissati , Kacc. 249.
A curious form is dicchati , Jat. 450, vs. 7 (dicchati, 1 to see,*
Alwis, Introd. 42, evidently derives from dri^). Trenckner,
P. M. 61, following Yanaratana derives it from adikshat, but
the comm, explains it by dadantu I think it is the desideratire
of dd used as a new root with the meaning of the primitive verb,
and this would speak in favour of Weber’s explanation of
dakkhati and dekkhati as desideratives (see Kuhn’s Beitr. vii.
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120
PALI GRAMMAR.
485 ff., Indische Streifen xiv. 69 ff.). Childers and Pischel
(Beitr. vii. 450 ff.) explain them as futures, P. and S. Gold-
schmidt derive them from the part, drishta with a change of
sounds similar to that in cfo&Ha=duhstha (see above, p. 39).
The secondary base iukkh from £ush (see the Causatives)
speaks in favour of Goldschmidt’s theory. As for pavecchatt,
J&t. i. 28, Mil. 375, 1 am unable to decide whether it is really
the future of vi$ or, as Trenckner suggests, identical with
payacchati .
Conditional.
Parassapada.
88am, 8samhd.
88e, ssa , ssasi , ssatha .
88a, ssa, 88ati , ssamsu.
Attanopada.
ssam , ssamhase
ssase, 8savhe.
ssatha , ssimsu.
With regard to the base the same rules apply to the con-
ditional as to the future. Instances are, 1st pers. apapessam,
J&t. ii. 11 (v. 1. papeyyum); 2nd pers., bhavissa ib., agghdpe-
ssasi , Jat. ii. 31, v. 1., for agghapeyydsi ; 3rd pers., agamissd ,
Kacc. 263 ; alabhissa , asakkhissa, Dh. 292 ; panfidpessa , and
abhavissati in a passage of Samyuttaka Nikaya Buddha, 443,
where Oldenberg wants to change it into abhavissa . For the
pi. I can adduce no instances from texts.
Passive .
The passive is formed by adding the syllable ya, already
mentioned as characteristic of the third class. This syllable
may be added to the root or to the present base, as gaccMyati ,
Kacc. 236 ; and gamxyati , Dip. 70, from gam , £ to go ; vussati
and vasty ati from vas, ‘ to dwell hdyati, Dh. v. 364, and hiyati,
Kacc. 257, from hd, i to forsake gayhati and gheppati from
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CONJUGATION 1 .
1 2 L
grah , ‘ to take tayati from tan , ‘ to stretch/ J&t. iii. 283 ;
Rup. 37. About vuddkate from vah , Kacc. 237 (seeabove, p. 51).
The rules about the assimilation of y, which is options], are
given above, p. 48 ff.
The terminations of the passive are those of the attanopada
and parassapada without any fixed rule.
An anomalous form of the passive is suaaute, from ^ru, ‘ to
hear,* Indische Streifen, iii. 398.
Causative .
Just as ya is the characteristic of the passive, ay a is the
characteristic of the causative (being the seventh class). The
root is generally strengthened before this termination, as Idveii
from Id, £ to reap,’ ndyeti from ni , to lead,’ gdhayati from guh ,
‘to hide,’ but we have also exceptions to this rule, as cudita instead
of codita, M. iv. 16 ; bhaneti = bhanayati, gamed = gamayati.
The second form of the causative with p is much more
frequent in Pali than in Skt. It may be formed almost from
every root. Thus we ha \ejirdpeti from jar, Jat. i. 238; bhim -
sdpeti (v. 1. hirnsapeti ), from bid, Pat 15 ; pimsapeti from pish,
Mah. 175, besides pimseti , Jat. ii. 363 ; jinapeti from ji (present
base jin), Kacc&yanabbedatfka, I. O. C , 91 ; sukkhdpeti , Dh.
188, from 9 Ush (secondary base suJckh , derived from the Part.
9 ushka, in sukkhamana, Jat. i. 304) ; upaldped from upalt,
M. v. 2, 21 ; Jat. ii. 266, comp. Rhys David’s Buddhist
Suttas, p. 5 ; sundpeti , Dh. 166, from 9ru (present base sun) ;
cefdpeti from ci (through confusion with cit) ; chejjapeti from
chid, Mil. 90 ; dndpeti from dni. On the difference in the
signification of the two forms of the causative comp. Oldenberg
KZ. xxv. 323.
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122
PALI GRAMMAR.
A causative with double p is vihndpdpeti , from vijn&, ‘ to
cause to be asked for,* Pat. 105.
Pivati forms its caus. pdyati and pdyeti , yah • gaheti and
gdhdpeti; han : haneti and ghdteti ; sampiydyamdna , Jat. i. 297,
361, ought to be corrected into sampiyamdna , according to
Senart Mahavastu, 556*
Desiderative.
The desiderative is formed from the reduplicated root, by
adding an 8 : jighacchati from ghas, 1 to eat,* sometimes written
jigacehati (Grunwedel das sechste Kapitel d. Rupasiddhi,
p. 70) ; jigucchati from gup ; titikkhati from tij ; cikicchati and
tikicchati from kit ; pipdsati and pivdsati from pd ; bubhukkhati
from bhuj ; sussusati from 9 ru ; dicchati from dd (see above) ;
jigimsati from har. Han has a desiderative without redupli-
cation, pahamsatiy Jat. ii. 104 ; Pass, pahamsiyati , Mil. 326 ;
vimam8ati from man , is only a phonetical change for mimamsati .
Intensive.
Intensives are also formed from the reduplicated root, and
sometimes take ya, as daddallati = jajvalyate ; Idlapatti from
lap ; kdkacchati from kath, Jat. i. 61, 160, 318, Mil. 85 ;
without ya y but with a nasal in the reduplication syllable, we
have cankamati from kram; jangamati from gam, cancalati
from cal.
Sakacchati , ‘to talk/ Pat. xv. Beams to be formed after the
false analogy of kdkacchati without reduplication.
Denominative •
Denominatives may be formed with and without reduplica-
tion. The terminations are the following :
(1) Ayati in pabbatdyati, samudddyati, ciccifdyati and cifirftd-
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PABTICIPLES.
123
yati , ‘to splash,’ M. vi. 27, 7, Mil. 258; doldyati, Jat. ii. 385 ;
tintindyati, Jat. i. 243, 244 ; gaggardyati , Mil 3 ; verdyati , Dip.
83 $ galagaldyati , Mahaparin, 48 ; pariydyati , Samanta Pasad.
332 ; pattiydyati, 4 to believe,’ Jat-i. 426, where Fausb. wrongly
has adopted the reading saddhim ydyasi , comp. Trenckner, P. M.
79; harayati , M. i. 63, 1 ; Suttavibh. i. 68.
(2) Iyatiy iyati in the examples given by Kacc. 233, which T
have not found in any text, and besides in pafiseniyati , Fausb.
S. N. 64; ganiyati , Mil. 114; attiyati, 4 to be hurt,’ M. i.
63, 1.
(3) Ayati, eti, in the examples given by Kacc. 235, which
are not found in any text, and besides in bdheti from bahis, ‘ to
remove,’ Senart Mahavastu, 431 ; y ant eti, Jat. i. 418; vijateti
and vijafdpeti, 4 to disentangle ;’ samodhdneti, 4 to join,’ part.
samodhdnita , Jat iii. 272; theneti , 4 to steal,’ Dh. 114, Jat.
iii. 18.
For 8ammanneti , Ras. 69, we ought most probably to read
sammanteti (Dh. 333), which is a denominative from mantra.
(4) ati in pariyosanati, 4 to cease,’ Dh. 331 ; sdrajjati , 4 to
be ashamed/ Pat. xliv. ; osanhati , 4 to smooth,’ C. v. 2, 3.
§ 19. Participles.
The present participle terminates in ant or anta , which is
added to the present stem, e. g., labham or labhanlo . About
the declension of these participles and some other peculiarities,
comp. p. 80. The same termination ant or anta is also used
for the participle of the future, which, however, does not occur
very frequently, e. g., karissam , Da|h. iii. 80.
In the attanopada we have the terminations mdna and dna
used almost without any difference from verbs of all classes,
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124
PALI GEAMMAE.
the latter being more or less restricted to the ancient language.
From Jcar we have the regular form kubbdna^= kurvana, Dh. v.
217, but also kardna in purekkhardna , Fausb. S. N. 173 ;
kurumdna , Sam. Pis., 323, and karamdna; from 91, ‘to lie
down,’ we have sayamdna , Kh. 16 ; from 9ush, ‘to dry,* tukkha-
mdna , Jat. i. 304 ; from vat, ‘ to dwell/ vuttamdna , Mah. 121 ;
from as, ‘to be/ tamdna, Kacc. 258. A contraction takes
place in tampajdno for sampajdndno from jn&, ‘ to know/ Dh.
v. 293.
The old perfect participle in vams has almost totally disap-
peared ; a few remaining traces have been given above, p. 80.
The past participle passive is formed by adding the termina-
tions to and no as in Sanskrit. These may be added to the
root or to the present stem with or without the vowel i . From
vat we have, according to Kacc. 291, vusita and vuttha, e. g.,
upavutfha, Cariy. ii. 3, 2 ; parivuttha , Pat. 6 ; pavuttha, Mil.
205 ; v utitam brahmaeariyam , ‘ the religious duties have been
fulfilled/ a locution very frequent in canonical texts, e. g., M.
v. 1 , 18 ; besides vasita , Mah. 123, where we ought to read
pabbajjdvasitallhdne and adhivattha , Dh. 165, 341, 392 ( adhi -
vuttha , Mahaparin. 23). From jhash, ‘to hurt/ we ha vejhotta,
Mah. 146, Dh. 325, where the correct reading is chdtakajjhattd .
From^atf, ‘ to fall/ we ha vepatita but sAaopatta mpattakkhan -
dha , ‘ crestfallen/ Mil. 5, Ass. S. 17. From icchati, ‘ to wish/
we have ittha (or yiffha after a word ending with a vowel) and
icchita, which is wrongly given as a separate article by Childers.
Dha forms the regular participle hita; dhdta, Mil. 238, Q-r.
301, M. vi. 25, 1, S. ii. 51, is most probably from dhra (see
M. 384). Somewhat irregular is khata for khata from hhan,
‘ to dig/ Kacc. 296, and the participles with n , where the Skt.
drops it as bandha=. baddha, Kacc. 130; pilandha, Mil. 337,
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PARTICIPLES.
125
from pi+nak; randha-=- rad dha, Mil. 107; parikanta—ip&ri-
kyitta, Suttavibh. i. 89 (but parikatta, Mil. 188).
Participles in na are somewhat more frequent in Pali than
in Skt. and in a few instances we find both forms from the
same root, e. g., from dd we generally have dinna , but also
datta in afta=adatta, Fausb. S. N. 150, 153, Dh. v. 406 ; from
rtid, ‘to weep,’ we have rodita y Ab. 165 and rurna or ronna,
Kb. 12, Das. 86, Jit. iii. 166, which is not an equivalent of
rttdana as Childers thought. From li we have sattina, ‘de-
pressed,’ but also sallita , Cariy. iii. 11, 10. Jja forms jina ,
Suttavibhanga, i. 220, comp. Pan. viii. 2, 44, schol. ; $a, sina in
samdnapatta , S. N. 7. At v. 30 of the same Khaggavisinasutta
we have samchinna , for which Senart Mahavastu, 629, 630,
gives the better reading samchanna from chard:
From this past participle passive is formed a secondary
derivative by adding the suffixes vat or vin (the latter with
lengthening of the a). This derivative has succeeded in its
use to the lost past participle active in vams. Examples are
vusitavantOy Mil. 104 ; hutavd , hutdvi , bhuttavd r bhuttdm y
Kacc. 281.
The participle of necessity is formed by adding the termina-
tions tabba , tayya=. tavya, aniya y ya. These terminations can
be joined with or without the vowel i. Examples with tabba
are frequent enough: jinitabba , Dh. 101 ; metabba, Kamm. 8 ;
parijdnitabba , Dh. 151 ; pativijjhitabba , Dh. 259 ; pariydpuni-
tahba , Alw. N. 23; tutthabba 9 Jat. i. 47 6 — tayya is, as far as
I know, only given by grammarians. Amy a we have in karamya ;
ya in saJckuneyya , Mah. 141, and in asamhira for asamharya,
Dip. 31.
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126
PALI GRAMMAR.
Infinitive .
The infinitive generally terminates in turn, as gantum , * to go ;’
sunitum , ‘ to hear,* from the present stem, Mil. 91 ; satthum ,
Ten J&t. 104 ; thutum , from stu, 4 to praise,’ S. N. 38 ; putthum
=prashtum, 4 to ask,’ Parabhavasutta, v. 1; parimetum from
md, Mil. 192 ; jinitum from ji, Kacc. 819; nikhdtum , from
khan, Cariy. iii. 6, 16 ; from budh we ha ve patisambuddhum and
euboddkum , Kacc. 8. Besides we have also the ancient vedic
terminations tave , tuye , and tdye, e. g., pahdtave> Dh. v. 34 ;
niketa ve, J&t. iii. 274 ; nidhetave 9 J&t. iii. 17 ; netave , Dh. v.
180 ; with tuye , ganetuye, Bv. iv. 28 ; marituye , Therigatha,
165 ; with (lakkhitdye , Mah&saraayasutta v. 1 ; jagghitdye ,
Jat. iii. 226.
A curious form of the infinitive is from t, Theri-
g&thA, 151.
Gerund .
The gerund is formed by adding the suffixes {tvdna and
tdna) and ya. In Dhp. the use of ya is restricted to compound
verbs as in Skt., but later on it is also used for the single verb.
Before these terminations the root generally appears in the
same shape as in the infinitive. Examples are very frequent :
tvd in netvd =nitva ('inf. netum); chetvd— chittvS (inf. chettum)* 9
£>Awto?(2=bhuktv6, J&t. iii. 53; gantvd^gskva, (inf. gantum );
jetvd=j\tva (inf. jetum). From dfi’9 we have the anomalous
gerund disvd, where the t is entirely lost ; dassitva , Suttavi-
bhanga, ii. 64, should be changed into passitvd. From hd 9 * to
forsake,’ we have the reduplicated form jahetvd , Dip. 56, and
jahitvdy Dhp. 85, 333 ; from stha, utti{{hitvd, Dh. 335 ; upatit -
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PARTICIPLES.
127
l thitvd, Mil. 231. A contracted form is anuvicca = anuvi-
ditva (comm, jdnitvd ), J&t. i. 459, Ang. ii. 2, 7, Fausb.
S. N. xi.
Tvdna in passitvana , Mah. 165 ; jakitvdna , Dh. 215 ; suni-
tvdna , Das. Jat. 33 ; jinitvdna , Dh, 286 ; chetvdna , Dip. 96 ;
vatvdna, Dh. 193 ; daditvdna , Cariy. i. 9, 26 ; pavakkhitvana ,
Mah&samayasutta, 3, From the Skt. we can compare pitvauam,
Pan. vii. 1, 48.
in katdna or kattdna, Kacc. 310 ; Suttavibhanga, i. 96;
I dpucchitdna , Therigatha, 165 ; chadduna , ib. 169 ; nihlchami *
I £t2na, Therag&tha, 11 ; sotdnam , at the beginning of the Mah&*
| vagga of the Dighanik&ya I. 0. C. 69.
Th in <2Aacca=&hritya (Skt. ahflrya), in dkaccapdda, ‘a sort
| of bed,’ frequent in the Yinaya ; <2Aacca==ahatya from han }
| Mah. 45, Kacc. 302; upahacca^= upahatya, ib., uhacca, Mah&-
samayasutta, v. 3 ; abbuyha from &+byih, Dh. 255; nikacca=
nikyitya, Suttavibhanga, i. 90 ; and most probably also pafigacca
= pratikritya, with softening of the k, comp. Trenckner, Mil.
421 ; j 9 a£icca=pratitya, but adhicca I prefer to derive with
Childers from adhyitya, answering to Skt. adhflrya. Cicca,
Khuddasikkha and saficicca , Pat. 3, 66, Suttavibhanga,* i. 73,
most probably stand for cintya=cintayitva (comm, jdnanto).
From i we have anvdya , frequent in Dh. formed after the false
analogy of mdya from mi; from grah, samuggahdya, ‘having
embraced/ Fausb. S. N. 152.
Sometimes the termination ya of the gerund is dropped and
the root alone remains, e, g., abkinnd for abhiUTidya , f having
known / pafisankhd for pafisanJcMya , ‘ having reflected/ anu-
pddd for anupdddya , Dip. 15.
In a few cases we find a gerund with double suffix combined
from ya and tvd, e. g., abhiruyhiivd for abkiruyha , Kacc. 129 ;
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128
PALI GBAMHAB.
ogayhitvd for ogayka , Mah. 261 ; sajjhitod from sad , Balava-
tara, s. 58.
The suffix turn of the inf. can be used also for the gerund,
but this use seems to be limited to a few verbs. In the Pati-
mokkha we have a gerund, abhihafthum from har , which agrees
exactly with the corresponding Jaina forms puraiikaum and
gantum (see my Beitrage zur Gramm, d. Jaina Prakrit, p. 61).
From Rhys David’s and Oldenberg’s note, Vinaya Texts, ii.
400, it appears as if they wanted to identify this form with
those in tvdna and tttna like nikJchamitdna ; we learn, however,
from Hem. ii. 146, that in abhihatthum and the corresponding
Prakrit forms, the suffix of the inf. is used instead of the
gerund. A similar form, distinguished only by the loss of the
anusvara is J<7#Att=drashtura, 4 having seen,’ parallel with
disvdj S. N. 73, Theragathi, 48. The corresponding Prak.
form is given as datthum by Hem. 1. 1.; but we have also in
Jaina Pr&k. forms without anusv&ra, as kattu and ha#u from
kar and har.
As an exercise for the student, I give the text of a
Jataka, with a literal translation, and complete analysis of
the words: —
valArassajAtaka.
(Fausboll's edition , vol. ii., p. 127, ff.)
Atite Tambapamidtpe Sirisavatthun ndma yakkhanagaram
ahosi. Tattha yakkhiniyo vasimsu. Td bhinnandvdnam dga -
takale alamkatapafiyattd khadaniyam bhojaniyam gahdpetvd
ddsiganaparivutd ddrake amkenadaya vanije upasamkamanti .
Tesam manussavdsam dgaf amhd Hi sahjdnanattham tattha
tattha kasigorakkhddini karonte manusse gogane sunakhe H
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EXERCISE.
129
evam ddini dassenti vdnijdnam santikam gantva u imam yagvm
pivatha bhattam bhufijatha khddaniyam khddathd ” ti vadanti.
Vdnijd ajdnantd tdhi dinnam pari bhuhj anti. Atha tesam
khdditva bhufijitva vissamitakdle patisantharam karonti. u Turn -
he katthavasikd kuto agatd kaham gacchissatha kena kammena
idhdgat ’ atthd Hi pucchanti " bhinnandvd hutva idhagaV amha **
ti vutte ca “ sddhu ayyd amhdkam pi samikanam navam abhi-
ruhitvd gatdnam Uni samvacchardni atikkantdni te matd bha-
vissanti , tumhe pi vdnijd yeva mayam tumhdkam pddaparicarika
bhavissamd ” ti vatvd vatvd te vdnije itthikuttabhdvavildsehi
palobhetvd yakkhanagaram netvd &ace pa(hamagahitd man used
atthi te devasamkhalikaya bandhitva karanaghare pakkhipanti.
Attano vasanatthdne bhinnandvamanusse alabhantiyo pana pa -
rato Kalydnim or at a Nagadipam ti evam samuddatiram anu~
vicaranti, ayam tasam dhnmmatd. Ath * ekadivasam pancasatd
bhinnandvd vdnijd tdsam nagarasamipe uttarimsu. Td tesam
santikam gantva palobhetvd yakkhanagaram anetvd pathama-
gahitamanusse devasamkhalikdya bandhitva karanaghare pak-
khipitvd jetfhakayakkhim jetthakavdnijam seed sese ti td pan-
casatd yakkhiniyo te pahcasate vdnije attano samike -akamsu.
Atha sd jetfhayakkhim rattibhdge vdnije niddam gate utthdya
gantva karanaghare manusse mdretvd mams am khdditva
dgacchati. Sesapi tatK eva karonti. Jetfhayakkhiniya
manussamamsavn khdditva agatakale sariram sitalam hoti.
Jetthavdnijo pariganhanto tassd yakkhinibhdvam natva “ imd
paTicasatdpi yakkhiniyo bhavissanti, amhehi palayitum vaffa-
titi ” punadivase pdto va mukhadhovanatthaya gantvd sejsavd -
nijdnam arocesi : imd yakkhiniyo na manusiyo, anhesam bhin -
nanavdnam dgatakdle te samike katvd amhe. khddissanti , etha
amhe palayamd” ti tesu addhateyyasatd “ mayam eta v'jahitum
na sakkhissama , tumhe gacchatha , mayam na palayissama ” ti
K
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130
PALI GBAMICAB,
dhamxu. Je((havdnijo attano vacanakare addhateyyasate gahet -
vd tdsam bMto paldyi. Tasmim pana kdle Sodhisatto void
hassayoniyam nibbatti , tabbaieto kdkasiso muhjakeso iddhimd
vehdsamgamo ahosi , So Himavantato dkdse uppatitvd Tamba -
pamidtpam gantvd tattha Tambapamisare pallale sayamjdta-
sdlim khdditvd gacchati , evam gaechanto va “ janapadam gantur
kdmd atthi janapadam gantukdmd atthiti 99 tikkhattum karu-
ndya paribhdvitam mdnusivdcam bhasati. Te tassa vac an am
sutvd upasamkamitvd anjalim paggayha “ sdmi may am jana-
padam gamissdmd ” ti dhamsu. “ Tena hi mayham pitfhim
abhir&hathd” ti. Ath' ekacce abhirtihimsu ekacce valadhim
ganhimsu ekacce anjalim paggahetvd atfhamsu yeva. Bodhisatto
antamaso afijalim paggahetvd thite sabbe pi te addhateyyasate
vanije attano dnubhdvena janapadam netvd sakasakafthdnesu
patiffhdpetvd attano vasanatthdnam agamdsi. Tdpi kho yak -
khiniyo annesam dgatakdle te tattha ohinake addhateyyasate
manusse vadhitvd khddimsu .
Translation.
la former times there was in the island of Lailk& a Yakkha ]
city called Sirisayatthu. Therein dwelt Yakkhinis. These, *
whenever a shipwreck took place, in splendid clothing, taking
soft and hard food, surrounded by female slaves, carrying chil-
dren on their hips, went to meet the merchants. That they
might think “We have come to an abode of men,” they would
show here and there men ploughing and tending cattle and so
forth, herds of cattle, dogs, etc., and approaching the mer-
chants they would say, “ Drink this rice gruel, partake of this
rice, eat this food. ,, The merchants, unawares, enjoy what is
given by them. Thus having eaten and enjoyed, while resting,
they exchange friendly greetings. They ask : “ Where do you |
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EXERCISE.
13f
live ? whence do you come ? whither are you going ? on what
business have you come hither ? ” They answer : “ We have
come hither, having been shipwrecked.” [Then the Takkhhinis
say] : “ Well, sirs, three years have passed since our husbands
went on board ship and went away ; they must be dead ; you
are also merchants, we will be your servants.*’ Thus they
enticed those merchants with female blandishments, and lead-
ing them to the Takkha city, the first men being captured,
having bound them as it were with supernatural chains, they
hurry them into the abode of destruction. If they do not
obtain shipwrecked men near their own place of abode, they
wander along the sea-shore as far as Kaly&ni on the other
side, and Nagadipa on this side, and this is their custom.
On a certain day, 500 merchants came to their city. The
females approaching them, enticed them, and bringing them
to the Yakkha city, binding the men whom they first captured
as with supernatural chains, they hurried them into the abode
of destruction. The first Yakkhini took the chief merchant,
the others the remainder, and so the 500 Yakkhinis made the
500 merchants their husbands. Then the chief Yakkhini in
the night time, when the merchants had gone to sleep, rising,
goes to the abode of destruction, and, killing men, eats their
flesh, and returns. The others do likewise. When the chief
Yakkhini returned, after having eaten the human flesh, her
body was cold. The chief merchant, having embraced her,
knew that she was a Yakkhini, and thought : “ These must be
500 Yakkhinis ; we must escape.” On the morrow, in the
early morning, on going to wash his mouth, he told the other
merchants : M These are Yakkhinis, not human beings ; when
other shipwrecked men come, they will make them their
husbands, and devour us. Shall we not flee? But 250
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132
PALI GBAMMAB.
said : “ We are unable to leave them ; you go ; we shall not
flee.” The chief merchant, having persuaded the 250 by his
edvice, fled, terrified at the females. Now at that very time
the Bodhisattva was born from the womb of a mare ; he was .
pure white, black-headed, munja-haired, possessed of super-
natural power, being able to go through the air. Bising
through the air from the Himavanta, he went to the isle of
Tambapanni, and having eaten paddy, produced spontaneously
in the lakes and ponds of Tambapanni, he went on, and thus
proceeding, said compassionately three times in a well modu-
lated human voice : “ Does any person wish to go ? Does
any person wish to go ? They, hearing the speech, came near \
with folded hands, and said: “Sir, we folk wish to go.”
“ Then get upon my back,” said he. Then some got on his
back, some seized his tail, but some stood with folded hands.
Bodhisatta, by his own supernatural power, conveying all the
250 merchants, even those standing with folded hands, placing
each in his own place, returned to his own abode. But the
Yakkhinis, when the time of the others had come, killed the
remaining 250, and ate them. |
This story is another version of the well-known myth of the
Sirens, as was pointed out for the first time by Dr. Morris, in
the “Academy” of Aug. 27, 1881 (reprinted in the “Indian 1
Antiquary” for October, 1881, pp. 292-3).
Atite , ‘ in former times,’ loc. sing, of the past part, of i, ‘ to
go,’ with ati.
Tambapamidipe , c in the island of Ceylon/ = Tamraparnidvipe,
loc. sing., tamrapaFni literally means ‘copper leaf/ most
probably from the colour of the soil iu the island. Ceylon was
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5
ANALY8IS OF TEXT.
133
called the 4 Island of the Demons,’ as can be seen from Senart
“ La Legende du Bouddha,” p. 272, et seq. Allusion is made
to this myth also in the Lalitavistara, p. 196, ed. Calc. :
Laghu gagane vrajase kjripajato rakhasadvipam
Vyasana^ata manujan tada gyhya kshame sthapesi.
Sirisavatthun (v. 1. °vatthu) nom. sing, of a neuter w-stem
About the locality of this fabulous town nothing is known
to me,
Nama , nom. sing, of a neuter ra-stem.
Yakkhanagaram , nom. sing, of a neuter a-stem.
Akosi, 3rd. pers. sing. Aorist of bhd or hd, 4 to be.*
Tattha=tsLtr&, 4 there,’ adverb of place.
YaJckhiniyo , nom. pi. of yakkhini , 4 a female yakkha .’
Vasimsu , 3rd. pi., aorist of vas , 4 to dwell.’
Ta, nom. pi. fern, of the demonstr. pronoun.
Bhiiinanavdnam , gen. pi. of a bahuvrihi compound from
Minna and ndvd, 4 ship.’ Bhinna is the past part. pass, of bhid t
1 to break,’ and the whole compound moans 4 shipwrecked.’
Agatakale. Agata is past part. pass, from d + gam, 4 to go,*
and kale , loc. of kdla , 4 time.’
Alamkatapaliyattd , a compound of two past participles.
Alamkata= Skt. alamkrita, 4 adorned, embellished,’ from alam +
kar. Pafiyatta from prati+yat, 4 to prepare, to dress.* The
whole compound stands in the nom. pi. f.
Khddaniyam , acc. sing. n. of the part, of necessity of y/khdd ,
4 to eat.’ It means literally, 4 that can be chewed,’ i.e., ‘solid
food.’
Bhojaniyam , acc. sing. n. of the part, of necessity of \/bhuj ,
* to eat,’ means, in opposition to khddaniyam , 4 soft, or wet food,*
as boiled rice, etc.
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134
*1X1 GRAMMAR.
Qdh&petvd , gerund of the causative of \/gah , ‘ to take,’ lit.
‘ to cause to be taken/
Ddsiganaparivutdy nom. pi. f., parallel to alamkatapatigattd .
Ddsigana , * a troop of female slaves,* parivuta , past part. pass,
of^ori+eor, ‘to surround.’
Ddrake , ace. pi. of ddraka , ‘ child.*
Amkendddya. Amkena , instr. sing, of arnica, ‘hip,* dddya,
gerund of ‘to take.’ The whole means ‘having taken
on the hip.’
Vdmje, acc. pi. of vdmja, ‘ merchant.’
JJpasamkamanti , iii. pi. pres, of upa + sam+kram, ‘to
approach.’
Tesam, gen. pi. m. of the demonstr. pronoun.
Manussavdsam, acc. sing, of mamma, ‘man,’ and rtfea,
‘ dwelling.’
stands in sandhi for dgatd, nom. pi. of the past part,
of d+gam (see above, dgatakale ).
Amhd ti stands in sandhi for amha iti. Arnha is 1st pers.
pi. pres, of the verb subst. as. Iti is generally used after a
quotation.
Safijdnanattham , composed from sanjdnana , ‘ perceiving,* and
the acc. of attha , ‘purpose.* It means ‘for the purpose of
perceiving.’
Tattha , tattha , see above. The repetition is distributive,
‘ here and there.’
Kasigorakkhddtni , &a«=krishi, ‘ ploughing/ gorakkhd, ‘ cow-
keeping ;* ddtni is the neuter pi. of ddi, ‘ etc.* The whole com-
pound is an acc. dependent from the following karonte.
Karonte , acc. pi. m. pres. part, of kar 9 ‘ to make.’ This
belongs to manusse and depends from dassenti.
Manusse , acc. pi. of manussa, ‘man.*
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PARTICIPLES*
135
Qogane , acc. pi. ‘ herds of cattle. 1
Sunakhe , acc. pi. of sunaJcha , ‘ dog.*
Ti=iti, see above.
Evam , particle, * thus.*
Adini , acc. pi. n. of ddi, ‘ etc.*
Dassenti , 3rd pers. pi. pres. caus. of dar 9 , ‘ to see.*
Vdnijdnam , gen.* pi. of vdnija, ‘ merchant/ dependent from
Bantikam.
Santikam , acc. of ‘near.*
Imam, acc. sing. f. of the demonst. pronoun.
Ydgum , acc. sing, of y<2yw=yav&gu, ‘ rice- gruel/ a fern,
u-stem.
Pivatha, 2nd pers. pi. imp. of pxbati, ‘ to drink.’
Bhattam , acc. sing, of Ma#a=bhakta, ‘ boiled rice.’
Bhunjatha , 2nd pers. pi. imp. of bhunjati, ‘ to eat.*
Kkddaniyam, see above.
Khddatha , 2nd pers. pi. imp. of khddati , ‘to eat.’ The long
a is the crasis, as in awM, above.
Vdnijd, nom. pi. of vdnija.
Ajdnantd, nom. pi. of the pres. part, of jii&, ‘ to know/ with
a privativum, ‘ not knowing.*
Tdhi , instr. pi. f. of the demonstr. pronoun.
Dinnam , acc. sing, past part, of dd, ‘ to give.’ The substan-
tive is understood.
Atha, particle, ‘then.*
Khdditvd, gerund from khdd.
Bhunjitvd , gerund from bhuj.
Vissamitakdle, similar to dgatakdle , above. Vismmita , past
part, from vt+^ram, ‘to rest.*
Patisanthdram, acc. sing, of a masc. a-sfcem,
Karonti , 3rd pers. pi. pres, of kar .
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•136
PALI GRAMMAR.
Tumhe y notn. pi. pers. proooun, 2nd pers.
Katthavdsikdy nom. pi. of compound from kattha= kutra,
‘ where,’ and vdsika 9 ‘ living/
iTu/a =kutas, ‘ whence/
Agatd, nom. pi. of agata , see above.
Kaharriy interrog. particle, ‘ where, whither/
Gacchissatha, 2nd pers. pi. fut. of gacch , the present stem of
gam , ‘ to go/
Kena kammena , instr. sing, of the interrog. pronoun and
£<v#ma=karman, ‘business/
Idhdgat’ =idha + dgatd .
Attha , 2nd pers. pi. pres, of as, ‘to be/
Pucckantiy 3rd pers. pi. pres, of pucck , ‘ to ask/
Bkinnandvd, nom. pi., see above.
Hutvd, gerund of bM or M , ‘ to be/
Vuttey locative absolute of the past part, of vae y ‘to
speak/
Ca 9 ‘ and,’ copulative particle.
Sddhuy neuter adjective, ‘ well/
Ayyd , voc. pi. of krya, ‘ sir/
Amhdkamy gen. pi. personal pronoun, 1st pers.
Pi^apiy ‘ also/
Sdmikdnam , gen. pi. of sdmika, ‘ husband/
Ndvarriy acc. sing, of ndvd , * ship/
Abhirdhitvdy gerund of abhiruh 9 ‘to mount/
Gatdnam y gen. pi. of gata. This belongs to sdmikdnam and
depends from tini samvacchardni atikkantdni .
Tint/ nom. pi. n. of the numeral Btem ti, ‘ three/
Samvacchardniy nom. pi. of a neuter a-stem. \
Atikkantdniy nom. pi. n. past part, of ati + kram, ‘to go be-
yond, to pass/
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ANALYSIS OF TEXT.
137
Te, nom. pi. m. demonstr. pronoun.
Mata, nom. pi. past part, of mar , ‘ to die.'
Bhavissanti , 3rd pers. pi. fut. of bhu , 4 to be.*
Tumhe , see above.
Yeva in Sandhi for eva.
May am, nom. pi. pers. pronoun, 1st pers.
Tumhakam , gen. pi. pers. pronoun, 2nd pers., see above,
amhdkam.
Pddaparicdrikd , nom. pi. f. from pad a, ‘ foot/ and paricarika,
‘ servant.’
Bhavi8sdma , 1st pers. pi. fut. of bhu.
Vatva , gerund from vac , ‘ to say.’
Itthikuttabhdvavildsehi , compound from itthi = stri, ‘woman,*
kutta of unknown etymology, most probably synonymous with
the following vilasa, ‘charm, beauty.’ The whole stands in
the instr. pi.
Palobhetva , gerund of the caus. of pra + lubh, ‘to seduce.’
Yakkhanagaram , the acc. to denote the direction, ‘to the
Takkha city.’
Netva , gerund of m, ‘ to lead.’
Sace , conjunction, ‘if.’
Pafhamagahitd , from pathama , ‘first,’ and ^afo‘fa=grihita,
past part, of grab, ‘ to take.’ The whole stands in the nom. pi.
Atthi , 3rd pers. sing., instead of the plural.
Devasamkhalikdya , from ‘ god,’ and
khala, ‘ a chain.’ The whole is a tappurisa compound, and/
stands in the instr. case.
Bandhitvd , gerund from bandit, ‘to bind.*
Kdranaghare, loc. of karana, ‘ destruction/ and yAam=griha,
‘ house.’
Pakkhipanti, 3rd pers. pi. pres, of pra + kship, ‘ to throw.’
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138
PALI GRAMMAR.
Attano , gen. sing, of aft<2=atman, 4 self.*
Vasanatthdna , loc. of vasana, 4 dwelling/ and sthana, * place.”
Alabhantiyo, nom. pi. f. of the pres. part, of labh, 4 to obtain,”
with a privativum.
Pana=pimar, 4 again.”
Parato and orafo, abl. sing, of para, 4 further,” and ora,
4 hither.”
Kalydnim and Ndgadipam, acc. of direction. Kalydni must
be the modern Kaelani on the Kaelani'G-ang&, about six miles
from Colombo, where there is a celebrated Buddhist temple.
Ndgadtpa is most probably identical with the Naggadipa of the
Mahavainsa (p. 46), which island Yijaya is said to have touched
on his way from Bengal to Ceylon, but nothing can be made
out about the situation of this island.
Samuddatiram , acc. from tamudda , 4 the sea,” and tira , 4 the
shore.”
Anuvicaranti , 3rd pers. pi. pres, of anu-\-vi+car , 4 to wander
along.”
Ay am, nom. sing. f. of the demonstr. pronoun.
Td%am, gen. pi. f. of the demonstr. pronoun ta.
Dhammatd, 4 occupation,” f. <f-stem.
JEkadivasam , from eka, 4 one,” and divasa , 4 day.” Acc. to
denote time.
Pancasatd , nom. pi. oipahca , ‘five,” and satam, 4 hundred.”
Nagarasamipe , loc. of nayara , 4 town,” and samipa, 4 neigh,
bourhood.”
Utfarim8u , 3rd pers. pi. aorist from ut+tar, 4 to cross over.”
Gantvd , gerund from gam, 4 to go.”
Anetvd, see netvd, above.
PaTckhipitvd , geruud from pra + kship.
Jetthakayakhhin% % 4 the chief or first Yakkhini.”
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ANALYSIS OF TEXT.
139T
Sesd , nom. pi. f. and sese , acc. pi. m. of *esa, 4 other.*
Vdnije and idmike , acc. pi.
Aicamsu , 3rd pers. pi. aorist from kar.
Fattibhdge , loc. to denote time.
Niddam , acc. of niddd, 4 sleep,* to denote the direction, de- 1
pendent from yate.
Gate , acc. pi. belongs to vdnije.
UffJidya , gerund from wtf-f stha, ‘ to get up.*
Mdretvd , gerund of the caus. of mar, means 4 to kill.*
Agacchatiy 3rd pers. sing. pres, of d + gacch .
JetfhaJcayakkhiniyd, gen. sing, dependent from sartram .
Manussamamsamy acc. 4 human flesh.*
Sitalam, neuter adjective.
Sartram, nom. of a neuter o-stem.
Hoti, 3rd pers. sing. pres, of bhd or M.
Fariganhanto, nom. sing, of a pres, participle, from pari +
grab, ‘ to embrace.*
Taesa, gen. sing. f. demonstr. pronoun.
YakkJiinibhdvam, acc. 4 quality of a Yakkhini.’
Natva , gerund from jn&, 4 to know.*
Imd, nom. pi. f. demonstr. pronoun.
Bhavi88anti , 3rd pers. pi. fut. of bhd.
Amhehi , dat. pi. pers. pronoun, 1st pers.
Faldyitum, inf. oipaldyati , 4 to flee.*
Vattati, 3rd pers. sing. pres, of vart, 4 it behoves, it is
right.’
FunadivaAe , 1. of puna , 4 again,* and divasa , 4 day,’ means, 4 on
the next day.*
Fato =pratar, ‘early.*
Va for eva with the initial e elided after a long vowel.
Mukhadhovanatthdya , compound of mukha , 4 mouth,’ dhovana.
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140
PALI OBAMMAB.
‘ washing/ and attha , 4 purpose/ the whole in the dat. to denote
the intention.
Sesavdnijdnam, gen. pi. used instead of the dat. dependent
from arocesi.
Arocetiy 3rd pers. sing. aor. from d + ruCy ‘to tell.’
Manusii/Oy nom. pi. of manusiy the f. of mdnv8a y 4 man.’
Anneeam, gen. pi. m. of anna , formed according to the pro-
nominal inflexion.
Amhe , aec. pi. m. of the pers. pronoun, 1st pers.
Khddissantiy 3rd pers. pi. fut. of khdd.
Etha , 2nd pers. pi. imp. of i, 4 to go. 9
Amhe , nom. pi. m. of the pres, pronoun, 1st. pers.
Palaydma , 1st. pers. pi. imp. of paldyati .
Teeny loc. pi. m. demonstr. pronoun.
Addhateyyasata =&rdha,tritija^&tkhy literally, 4 the third hun-
dred half/ a very common way of expressing the number 250.
Etd y acc. pi. f. demonstr. pronoun.
Vijahitum , inf. of + ‘ to forsake.*
Sakkhi88dma, 1st pers. pi. of 9 ak, ‘to be able/ with the
double fut. suffix, see p. 119.
Turnkey nom. pi. m. pers. pronoun, 2nd pers.
Gacchatha , 2nd pers. pi. imp. of yam t 4 to go.*
Paldywdma, 1st pers. pi. fut. of paldyati.
AhameUy 3rd pers. pi. aorist of ah , 4 to say.*
Vacanakare, loc. sing, of vacana+kara.
Addkateyyasatey acc. pi.
Gaketvdy gerund of grah, 4 to take.*
Taeam , gen. pi f. demonstr. prononn.
BhitOy past part, of bM f 4 to fear.*
Palayi, 3rd. pers. sing. aor.
Taemimy loc. sing. m. demonstr. pronoun.
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ANALYSIS OP TEXT.
141
Tana = punar, ‘ again. ’
Bodhisatto , non), sing.
Valdhassayoniyam , compound from’ valdha , ‘cloud,’
* horse,’ and yoni, ‘ womb.’ The whole stands in the loc. sing.
Nibbatti , 3rd pers. aor. of nis -f vart, ‘ to be born.’
Sabbaseto=&ELTV 2 L$veta, f ‘all white.*
Kakadso , literally, ‘ crow -headed.’
Mufijakeso, ‘ with hair like the munja ,* a certain sort of
grass.
/<&^ijwa=riddhirnant, nom. sing, of a stem in ant .
Vehdsamgamo, nom. sing, of vehdsa=v ihayasa, ‘the open
air,’ in the acc. case, and yama , verbal adjective of yam , ‘ to
go-’
So, nom. sing. m. of the demonstr. pronoun.
Himavantato , abl. sing of Himavanta , 4 the Himalaya,’ with
suffix to.
Akdse, loc. sing, of dkasa, ‘ the sky.’
Uppatitvd, gerund from ud+pat, ‘to rise.’
Tambapamidipam , acc. of direction.
Save and pallale , are loe. sing, of sara= saras, ‘the pond,*
and pallala,= pal vala, ‘the pool.’
Sayamjdtasdlim, acc. sing, of sayam= svayam, ‘ self,’ jdta,
past part, itomjan, ‘to produce,’ and sdli, ‘rice.’
Janapadam , acc. of direction. Janapada is a compound from
jana , ‘ people,’ and pada , ‘ place.’
Oantukdmd , nom. pi. of gantu, inf. of gam, ‘ to go,’ and fowwa,
‘ wishing.’
stands for the plural. The whole sentence is a
question.
TikkhaUum=tx\&kr\tv 2 iS, numeral adverb, ‘three times.’
Karundya, instr. sing, of karund, ‘ mtrcy,’ a fem. a -stem.
I
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142
PALI GBA1IMAB.
Paribhdvitam , ncc. sing. f. of the past part. caus. of pari+bhd,
4 to surround.’
Mdnusivdcam , acc. sing, of the f. of mdnusa , 4 human,’ and
edc, 4 speech.’
Bhdsati y 3rd pers. sing. pres, of bh&sh, * to speak.’
Tassa, gen. sing. m. demonstr. pronoun.
Vacanarn , acc. sing, of a neuter a-stem.
Sutvd, gerund of 9 m, 4 to hear.*
Upasamkamitvd, gerund of upa + sam+kram, ‘to approach.’
Anjalim, acc. sing, of a m. i-stern.
Paggayha , gerund of pra + grah, 4 to stretch forth.’
Sdmi, yoc. sing.
Gammdma , 1st. pers. pi. fut. of gam.
Mayham , dat. instead of gen. sing, of the pers. pronoun,
1 st pers.
Pitthim , acc. of jpttfW=prishtha, ‘back.’
Abhirdhatha, 2nd pers. pi. imp. of abhi+ruh , 'to ascend.*
Ekacce , nom. pi. of ekacca=ekatj& (see above, p. 49),
formed according to the pronominal inflexion.
Abhirdhimsu, 3rd pers. pi. aorist of abhi + ruh.
VcUadhim , acc. sing, of a m. t-stem.
Ganhimsu , 3rd pers. pi. aorist of grab.
Afthamsu , 3rd pers. pi. aorist of sth&, 4 to stand.’
Antamaso , abl. of the superlative antama , 4 the last,’ formed
with the suffix 9 as (see p. 68 ).
Jhite, acc. pi of past. part, of sth&.
Anubhdvena , instr. sing, of a m. a-stem.
Sakasakaftbdnesu , compound from *a£a=svaka, 4 own,’ and
thdna , 4 place.’ The repetition of aa&a is distributive.
Patitlhdpetvd, gerund of the caus. of prati+stha, 4 to
establish.
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ANALYSIS OF TEXT.
143
Agamdsi, 3rd pers. sing, aorist of gam.
Tdpi=td apt.
J^Ao=khalu, * indeed.’
Annesam , gen. pi. m. of anna> according to the pronominal
inflexion.
OMnake , acc. pi. of the past part, of ava+hd , ‘to forsake,*
with the secondary suffix ka.
Vadhitvd, gerund of vadh, ‘ to kill.*
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