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INTRODUCTION
TO
KACHCHAYANA’S GRAMMAR
or niE
PALI LANGUAGE; *
WITH
AX INTRO DUCT I OX, APPENDIX, NOTES, & c.
JAMES D ’ALAVIS,
MEMBER OF THE CEYLON BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY; T1IK
AUTHOR OF AN INTRODUCTION TO SINHALESE GRAMMAR, THE
S1DATSANG A R A, CONTRIBUTIONS TO ORIENTAL LITERATURE,
THE ATTAN AG ALLY ANSA, ETC., ETC.
COU) M 15 o.
1863.
Wiluams am) Norgatb, 14, Henrietta Street, Covint Garden, London;
and 20, Soli ii Frederick Street, Ldinbi rgii.
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To Sik Charles Justin MacCarthv, Kt.
Governor and Commander-in-Chief.
j &-C., &C>j
Sir,
The practice of inscribing a literary work to the Ruler
of the land is very ancient, and very general. In the East
it has been almost universal ; and in Ceylon, while the Poets
and Historians of old sought the patronage of the King,
the translators and compilers of recent times have dedicated
the result of their labours to the British Governor.
In inscribing, however, the present work to you, I do not
merely follow a time-honored rule, nor seek to do homage to
a Power which stands in no need of any evidence of our
loyalty and attachment. But, remembering that it was your
kind patronage which chiefly enabled me to publish a previous
work ; and knowing that to you, who are familiar with many
of the questions discussed in the following pages, they will
possess an interest which they do not possess to the general
reader; I take the liberty of dedicating this work, as a token
not only of my grat itude, but also of the high esteem which,
in common with my countrymen, I entertain for your abilities
as a Governor, and your attainments as a Scholar.
1 have the honor to be,
Sik,
Your Excellency’s
Most obedient and humble Servant,
James Alwis.
IJendala , 2b th August, 18G2.
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5828
THE
INTRODUCTION.
Univ Caiif Diqiti.
I N T It ODUC T I O N.
There is hardly a country on the face of the Globe
which presents greater facilities for acquiring a knowledge of
the Pali, than Ceylon; and, perhaps, no nation possesses
greater advantages for its study than the Sinhalese. Pali,
like the Sanskrit and the Sinhalese, forms a necessary part of
the course of education pursued by the natives.* Our Al-
phabet is common to these several languages,! and the affinity
which the Pali bears to the Sinhalese, both verbally and
grammatical!}’, renders its study far more easy to the people
of this country than even to the Burmese.
Although the Sinhalese, as a language, has been latterly
neglected; the Pali, from its being the dialect in which
the Buddhist scriptures are recorded, has always been the
principal study of the largest portion of the Ceylonese, who
are followers of Buddha. F rom the period when it became the
sacred language of the land, kings and princes have encou-
raged its study; nobles and statesmen have vied with each
other to excel in its composition ; and in it laymen and priests
have produced some of our most elegant works. The
names of Batuvantudavc, Hikkaduve, Lankagoda, Dodan-
pahala, Valana, Bentota, Kahavc, and Sumangala, amongst
a host of others, are familiar to Pali scholai’s, as those
of the learned who are even now able to produce compositions!
by no means inferior to those of a Buddhagosa or a Parak-
krama, though, like the modern Sanskrit, certainly more
artificial than some of the more ancient writings.
* See my Sidatsangarn, p. 222.
•f Ib. p. xi., et seq.
J For a specimen, See Appendix.
a
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INTRODUCTION
Tlie number of books, too, in the Pali language, is greater
than in the Sinhalese ; and, though those on Religion far
exceed those upon other subjects, it is, nevertheless, a
fact, that the Pali literature of the Sinhalese is not deficient
in works upon other branches of Oriental Science. It
presents indeed a proud array of extensive volumes on Prosody,
Rhetoric, Medicine, and History. On Grammar alone there
are no less than forty Pali works;* whilst in the Sinhalese
there is but one, the solitary Sidat-Sangara. From the con-
stant study of Pali in the Buddhist monasteries of this island,
the books in that language are found to be comparatively
free from errors: and it is a well known fact, that the Buddhist
priests, unlike the Brahmans, are willing to give Pali scholars,
whether Buddhist or Christian, free access to their libraries.
Advantages like these, combined with others, enabled
the Hon’ble George Tumour, late Colonial Secretary of Cey-
lon, to attract the attention of Orientalists to the high claims
of the Pali language as existing in Ceylon. In the prose-
cution of his labours with such a praiseworthy object, he drew
attention, in his elaborate Introduction to the Mahavansa, to
some of the Pali works formerly extant in Ceylon, and, amongst
them, to Kachch ay ana’s Grammar, which he then regarded as
extinct. This, in the very outset of my Pali studies, after many
years’ devotion to Sinhalese literature, I ascertained to
be a mistake;! having added it to my library, in a purchase
* “The high state of cultivation to which the Pali language was carried,
and the great attention that has been paid to it in Ceylon, may be inferred
from the fact that a list of works in the possession ot the Singhalese, that
I found during my residence in that Island, includes thirty-five works on
Pali Grammar, some of them being of considerable extent.” — Rev. S.
Hardy’s Eastern Monacliism, pp. 191-2.
f f find that this is also extant in IJurmnh. The Rev. F. Mason of the
Baptist Union says ‘ The grammar reputed to have been written bv
Kachch&yana, still exists. I had a copy made from the palm-leaf, on small
quarto paper, and the Pnli text occupies between two and three hundred
pages, while the Burmese interpretation covers more than two thousand. I
to icachchayana’s grammar.
Ill
of Pali books which I had then (1855) recently made from
the collection of the late lamented F. D’ Levera, Esq.,
District Judge of Colombo. Shortly afterwards I commu-
nicated the fact to some of my friends in Europe; and the
repeated communications which I have received from them,
especially from Dr. Rost of Canterbury, urging upon me
the necessity for the publication of a Pali Grammar, and
expressing a curiosity to examine Kachchayana, have induced
me to publish a Chapter from it, as an Introduction to a
fuller translation.
In laying this before the public, I propose to give a brief
account of some of the Pali Grammars known in this country,
including a notice of the age and author of the work here
presented; and also an Essay on the relations of the Pali
to the Sanskrit.
The terms Pali and Magadhi are at the present day
indifferently employed in Ceylon, Ava, Siam, and even China,
to express the sacred language of the Buddhists; and, being
confined to those countries, the term Pali is not met with
in any of the Indian writings.
Magadlu is the correct and original name for the Pali. It
was not so called in consequence, as some suppose, of the
mission of Asoka,the king of Magadha,to introduce Buddhism
into Ceylon.* It had received that name before the age of that
monarch,! and was so called after the ancient name of Behar.
It was the appellation for the ancient vernacular language of
Magadha. It was the designation for the dialect of the Ma-
gadhas . — Magadhanan hhasa Magadhi. f
made a compendium of the whole Pali and English, a few years ago, on the
model of European Grammars, which might be printed in one or two hun-
dred pages, and convey all the information contained in the two or three
thousand in manuscript.’ — Am. Or. Journal , iv. p. 107.
* Professor SpiegeVs Kammavacha, p. vii.
f See Sanyut Sangiya.
J Prakrit Prahasa, p. 179.
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IV
IXTHODUCTIOX
Pali is comparatively a modern name for the Magadhi, It
has not originated from ‘the region called Pallistan the (sup-
posed) land of the Pali, — our Palestine.’ It does not come
from Palitur in Tyre— the so-called ‘Pali tower or Fort.’
It has no historical connection with ‘the Palatine hills of
Rome.’* * * § It was not called after the Pehlve, the dialect of
the Sessanian dynasty, nor is it derived from “ Palli a village,
as we should now-a-days distinguish gunavdri ‘ village,’ ‘ boor-
ish,’ from Urdu, the language of the Court.”! Ror does it
indeed mean “root” or “original.”}
Like ali the word pali originally signified a ‘line,’ ‘row,’
‘ range, ’§ and was gradually extended to mean ‘suttan,’ from
its being like a line ; || and to signify edicts,^ or the strings of
rules in Buddha’s discourses or doctrines, which are taken from
the Suttans.** From thence it became an appellation for the
text of the Buddhist Scriptures, as in the following passages; —
* See the Friend, vi. p. 230.
t Prinsep, Bengal As. J., vii. p. 282.
} Tumour’s Maliavansa, p. xxii., where he merely gives the opinion of
the Buddhists ; and this is no more correct than the Brahmanical opinion,
that Prakrita means ‘ the derived.’ — Vide post, p. xxxix.
§ See Abhidhanapadipika, p. 71. It is indeed not a little curious that
Mohammedans, between whom and the Buddhists there was no intercourse at
the period when their sacred books were written, call the larger portions of
the Koran “Sowar,” (‘Sura,’ Sing.) signifying precisely as the word Pali
does, ‘ a row, order, or regular series.’ The Arabic Sura, whether immedi-
ately derived from the Sanskrit ‘Sreni’ or not, — is the same in use and
import as the Sura or Tara of the Jews, who also call the fifty-three Sec-
tions of the Pentateuch, Siddrim , a word of the same signification.
|| Itaran pana; Atthanan siiehanato ; suvattato savana totlia sudanato
Suttanato sutta sabln\ gatocha suttan suttanti akkh&tan.
‘The other (which is) the Suttan , is called ‘ Suttan ’ fi-om its illustrating
the properties (of duties) ; from its exquisite tenor; from its being pro-
ductive (of much sense); and from its overflowing (tendency) the protection
(which it nflbrds); and from its being like a string.' — Baddhagosu's
Atthuhatha.
T llevancha hcvnn cha me paliyo vadetha: ‘Thus, thus shall ye cause
to be read mv paliyo or edicts.’ — Prmsep's Aso/ia Inscrip.
\ attache suttena sangahitani pupphani navi kiri'vanti naviddhan
sit-anti ova me thena sangahita attlm. ‘As flowers strung together with a
string are not scattered, so likewise the doctrines which arc taken from
this (Suttan) are not lost .’ — Sumungala \ ildsini.
to kaciichayana’s grammar.
V
Thereyachariya sabbe Pill in viya Tainaggahun: — ‘All the
three preceptors held this compilation in the same estimation
as the text (of the Pitakattstya).’* Thera vadehi palehi padehi
vyanjanehicha. ‘In the r Thera discourses as in the text (of
the Pitakattaya); and in an expression as in a letter.’f
Prom thence again Pali has become the name of the Magadhi
language in which Buddha delivered his doctrines.
The Pali has also received the designation of Tanti, ‘the
string of a lute,’:}: its Sanskrit cognate being tanlri. From
that signification it seems to have been originally applied by
the Brahmans to tantra , ‘a religious treatise teaching peculiar
and mystical formula and rites for the worship of their deities,
or the attainment of super-human power,’ or, ‘that which is
comprized of five subjects, the creation and destruction of the
world, the worship of the gods, the attainment of all objects,
magical rites for the acquirement of six super-human faculties,
and four modes of union with the spirit by meditation. ’§
The Magadhas, before their secession from the Brahman
religion, probably used the Magadhi term, tanti in this sense;
but when they embraced the Buddhist faith, they used it to
signify the doctrines of Gotama, as in the following passages: —
(i) Samma Sambuddho pi te pitalcan Buddha vachanan Tan-
tin aropento Magadhi basayeva aropesi — ‘Buddha who ren-
dered his tepitaka words into Tanti (or tantra or doctrines)
did so by mdans of the Magadhi language’ — Vibhanga Atuvd.
(ii) Tivagga sangahan chatuttinsa suttanta patimanditan chatu
satthi bhanavara parimanan tantin sangayetva ayan digha
nikayo nama’ti — ‘ Having rehearsed the Tanti (the doctrines)
which contain 64 banavara embracing 34 Sultans composed
of 3 classes, (this was) named Dighanikaya’ — Bodhivansa.
* Mahavansa, p. 253.
| lb. p. 252.
\ Abhidhanapauipika, p. 16.
§ Wilson's Sanskrit Dictionary.
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VI
INTRODUCTION
From its application to the Buddhist doctrines, Tanti has
become a name for the sacred language itself of the Buddhists —
viz., the 3Juyadhi or Puli. Thus in Buddhagosa’s Attha-
katha : — Why was the first convocation held ? In order that
the niddnan of the Vinaya pitaka, the merits of which are con-
veyed in the Tanti (Pali) language, might be illustrated.’*
Thus also, in the Bulavatara, in a part of the passage which
answers to §58 in the Bev. B. Clough’s version, where it
is left untranslated : —
Eva manna pi vinHeyya
Sanhita tanti ya hita;
Sanhita chita vannanan
Sannidha’byava dhanato.
That is to say, c In this wise know the rest of the combinations
which are susceptible in the Tanti (language.) — Sanhita is
the combination of letters without a hiatus.’
For the elucidation of the grammar of this language there
ai’e three schools; or, in other words, all Pali Grammars
extant in Ceylon may be divided into three classes, viz., (1)
Saddaniti; (2) Moggallayana; and (3) Kachchayana.
1. There are but few treatises which come under the first.
2. Under the second head there are several, all which have
been written upon the principles laid down by Moggallayana,
the writer of Abhidhanapadipika. Owing to the omission of
the Introduction and Conclusion of that work in the edition
published by the Rev. B. Clough, oriental scholars have express-
ed various conjectures as to its date. As a help, however,
to those who may be engaged in antiquarian researches, and
with a view to fix the date of Moggallayana, the omissions
are here supplied.
* Ii. A. .T., vol. vi. p. 511. — Pa/hama mahit sanglti narna esiV kincha-pi
vinaya pitake Tunt\'n arulhii. ‘This first great rehearsal was moreover
rendered into tanti, (the original discourses or the text) on the Vinaya
Pitaka,' — Sumangala Vilasini.
TO kachchavana's grammar.
vii
AimiDlIAXARADIPIKA.
1. Tatlidgato yo karuna karo karo
’ Payatamossajja sukliap padan padan
Aka paratthan kalisam bliave bliavc
Namami tan kevala duk-karan karan
2. Apiijayun yam muni kunjara jara
’Ilujadimutta yahimuttare tare
7hitit tivattambu nidhin nara’nara
Tarinsu tan dhamaina’ mag ha palian’ palian
3. Gatan munindo’ rasasfinutan nntan
Supunnakhettan bhuvane’sutan sutau
Gananipi pani kata sanvaran varan
Sad it gnno’ ghena nirantaran taran
4. Naina lingesu kossallam
’Attha nichchhaya karanam
Yato mahabbalan Buddha
Yachane pafci vattbinam.
5. Namalingan’ yato Buddha
Bhasitassa’ raha n’aham
Dassayanto pakasissam
Abhidhana’ padipikan.
6. Bhiyo rupan tar a sitlia
’Cliariyena cha katthachi
Kvacha’ hachcha vidhitnena
A T eyyan thipun napunsakan.
7. Abhinna linginan yeva
Dvando cha linga vachaka
Gatha padanta majjhatf/ia
Pubban yantya’pare parain
INTRODUCTION
viii
8. Pumitthiyan padan d visit
Sabba linge cha tlsviti
Abhidhanan tara rambhe
iVeyyan tvanta mathadi cha.
9. Bhiyo payoga magamma
Sogate ilgam e kvachi
Nighandu yuttin chiiniya
Kama lingan kathiyati.
C I adore Tathugata, who is a mine of compassion, and who,
having renounced the beatific nibbnn within bis reach, con-
ferred happiness on others, performing all the difficult-to-be -
accomplished acts in metempsychosis, the fountain of sin.
C I (adore) the sin-scaring Dhamma, to which holy sages,
devoid of decrepitude and disease, have paid reverence ; and
by conformance to which the high and the mean, both (amongst)
men and other beings,* * * § have crossed the tri-annularf ocean
(of metempsychosis.)
‘ And ever (do I adore) the supreme priesthood, (like unto)
a merit- (producing) field, who have become the legitimate
sons): of Buddha; and who receive reverence — are illustrious in
the (three) worlds — preserve the sanvara § like life itself— and
ever practise an abundance of virtues.
‘ Since an intimate acquaintance with nouns, and (their)
genders, is essential to the (ascertainment of) the correct
significations (of words), and is a powerful help to those de-
sirous of mastering the word of Buddha;
* “ Nara and iinarn ‘ human and non-human.’
f The “ tiiHittambunidi." ‘The ocean, encompassed with three circles,
is here used for “ metempsychosis and the three barriers are Kantma,
action which bojjets merit and demerit ; Klesa evil, trouble, pain or sorrow ;
and “ Vipiikn" the rewards of merit and demerit.’
J Sons — a term applied to disciples.
§ That is, ‘ Preserve the SUa or precepts.'
TO KACIICIIAYANa’S grammar.
IX
* I shall publish the Abhidhiinapadlpiku,* illustrating
nouns and (their) genders, according to their application in
the language of (the discourses of) Buddha.
‘ The masculine, feminine, and neuter are to be distin-
guished, chiefly, from their different forms ; sometimes from
the association of words (context) ; and sometimes by speci-
fic rule.
‘ [In this work] dvand i compounds will consist (of nouns)
of the same genders. When words which denote the genders
occur at the end or the middle of a line in a verse, (such
words) refer to the (names at the) beginning (of that line) ;
(but where they are placed at) the commencement, (they
refer to) the remaining words (of the same line.)
‘ Know that the term dvlsu denotes both masculine and
feminine ; that iisu signifies all the genders ; and that words
ending in tu or (preceded by) atha &c., are given to express
the commencement of a series of names.
* Nouns and (their) genders are (here) illustrated, accord-
ing to their application, chiefly in the Buddhist works, and
sometimes after the usage adopted in Lexicons.’
The above is the Introduction to the Abkidhanapctdipikd ;
and I cannot conceive why it was omitted in the translation
of that work by Mr. Tolfrey, and was left out by his publish-
er, the Revd. B. Clough. At the conclusion of the same book
are also nine stanzas, which are likewise left out in the pub-
lication above mentioned ; and which, since they enable us
to fix the date of the work, are here subjoined : —
1 Sagga kando cha bhii kando
Tatha samanua kandakan
Kandattaynnvita esa
Abhidhana padipika.
2 Tidive mahiyan bhujaga vasathe
Sakalattha samavhaya dipani’yam
Iha jo kusalo matima sanaro
Pafu hoti mahamuruno vachane.
» Lit.— “ Lamp of Nouns."
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INTRODUCTION.
3 Parakkama bbujo nama
Lbupalo gnna bhusano
Lankaya’ masi tcjassi
Jayi kesari vikkamo.
- 4 Vibhinnan chiran bhikkliu sangban nikaya
Tayasmin eha karesi samma sammagge
Sadehanva nicbcba ’daro diglia kalan
Mahagghehi rakkbesi yo paehcbayebi.
5 Yena Lanka viharehi
Gama’rama purihiclia
Kittiyaviya sambodhi
Kata khettehi vapihi.
6 Yassa’ sadharanan patva
’X uggaham sabba kamndam
Ahampi gandha karattam
Patto vibudha goeharam.
7 Karite tena passada
Gopuradi vibhusite
Sagga kancfeva tattoya,
Sayasmin patfibimbite
8 Maha Jetavana khyamlii
Vibare sadhu sammate
Sarogama samuhamhi
Vasata santa vuttina.
9 SaddhammaW/iiti kameua
Moggallanena dbimata
Therena racbita yesa
Abhidbanapadipika.
‘ The Abhidhanapadipika consists of three sections — on
Heavenly, Earthly, and General subjects.
‘ It interprets the names of all objects in Heaven, Earth,
and the Naga regions. A sensible person who excels in this,
will master the words of the great sage.
‘ There was in Lanka a Monarch named Parakkamabdhu
— celebrated, successful, endowed with virtues, and valorous
as a lion.
TO KACIICIIAyANa’S GRAMMAR.
XI
‘ He in the right manner (in the legitimate mode) recon-
ciled* the bhikkhus and Sanghas of the three Nikdyas ;f
and, with unceasing love, long extended his protection to
(them) as to his own body, with valuable objects of mainte-
nance.}
‘ He established to profusion in Lanka, in the same man-
ner that it was filled with his renown, § monasteries,^- villa-
ges, || parks,** cities, -j-f fields}:} and tanks.§§
‘ Being the special object of his wish-conferring patronage,
I too, have acquired the privilege of authorship peculiar to
the learned.
‘ Desirous of perpetuating the Saddhamma, the Abhidha-
napadipika was composed by the erudite Moggallana thera,
‘ Of mild deportment, dwelling amongst the SaroganiaM^
fraternity (who were) received by the virtuous with approba-
tion ; and (residing) in the Vohara called the Malm Jeta-
vana ; —
‘ [A monastic Establishment] adorned -with the temples,
ornamented porches, &c., which were built by him (the afore-
said king) as it were a portion of Heaven reflected in his
Tank.’
Here we have sufficient data to fix the date of the A bhi-
dhdnapadipika. It was composed by a thera named Moggal-
lana, who had been patronized by king Paraklcama. His
* “ He reformed the religion/ 1 — Upham VoL 1. p. 299.
+ “ Association or Congregation performing the same duties.* 1
{ Pachchaya — “ Objects of maintenance 1 * which are four, viz., chivara 1 gar-
ments* ; pindap&ta * food 1 ; Senmana * sleeping objects * ; gil&na pachchaya * that
which is necessary for the sick — medicines.**
§ See Ceylon Almanac for 1834.
If * He built the Yiharas in the City of Anuradhapura 11 — ib. at p. 190.
|| “ The King also made several hundreds of houses and many streets arranged
with shops. 1 * — Mahawama .
** “ He formed many pleasant and delightful gardens.* 1 — Mah. C. B. A. S. J.
p. 148.
t+ “ He built three more Cities.*' — Upham't Mahawama, p. 277.
it “ He formed Paddy fields.* 1 — Mah. C. B. A. S. J., Vol. VII., p. 141.
§§ “ The King also repaired many ancient Tanks.* 1 — Mahawansa, ib. p. 119.
*j V This is a Pali translation of the Sinhalese proper name Velgam,
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INTRODUCTION.
acts, which are here related, can only be identified with those
of “ the heroic and invincible royal warrior, gloriously en-
dowed with might, majesty, and wisdom ; and radient witli
ber’gnant virtues,”* “ the most martial, enterprising and
glorious of the Sinhalese Sovereigns, 1 ’’f w r ho, according to his-
tory, was Parakkamabahu of Polonnoruva. He ascended the
throne in 1153 a. D. ; and when we notice that ..that sove-
reign, who reigned for thirty-three years, turned his attention
to the internal improvements which are here mentioned, in
the latter part of his reign, and after he had brought his local
and foreign wars to a termination ; we may assign to the
Abhidhanapadipika a date at the latter end of the second
half of the twelfth century. This, therefore, is posterior to
the Amarakosa, which is much after the fashion of the Abhi-
dhanapadipika. To show their correspondence we need only
present the three following introductory stanzas from the
first named work.
The masculine, feminine, and neuter (genders) are to be
known chiefly by their different forms ; sometimes by the
association of words ; and sometimes by specific rule.
‘ Here, with a view to distinct elucidation (nouns of) dif-
ferent unspecified genders are not rendered into dvnnda com-
pounds. Neither are they, without order, jumbled together ;
nor indeed expressed by eka s esha.\
‘ The term trishu (denotes) the three genders ; and dvayoh
the male and female. (Where a certain) gender is express-
ly negatived, the remaining ones (are meant) ; and, where
words ending in tvu (occur or) atha, &c., they do not refer to
the preceding (words).’
* Inscription in Cejlon Almanac for ISSl.
+ Mahawansa, p. lxvi.
+ Eka s eshah : “one left out" i. e., the omission of one to designate the same hy
another, which has been mentioned ; or, conversely, the expression of one name to
designate another omitted name of the same genus or family; as Asvinau “ the two
Asvin,“ in the dual, designate ‘the Physicians of heaven, and twin sons of the
sun, or children of the constellation Airini,' who are separately named Nasatya and
Uasra.
to kaciiciiayana’s grammar.
X1U
Moggallajmna’s Grammar, to which we may assign the samo
date that was given to the Abhidhanapadipikti, is written in
imitation of Kachchana’s style ; and contains rules, supplemen-
tary notes or Vl dti ; and examples. The same writer has left
behind a large commentary on this work. It has been fur-
ther illustrated by Totagamuva* in his Panchikd,-prad'ipa j
a Sinhalese work, held in high esteem among the learned.
Piyadassi, a pupil of Moggalayana has, moreover, written an
abridgment of his master’s work, called the Pada-Sddana,
from which the following is extracted : —
Satthknnm karunk vatii. gatavata
Param param dhimnta
There nh ’tuma padapanjnra gato
Yo sadda sattha disu.
Moggallayana vissute niha suvacli
’Chapo vinito yathk
So’ kasip Piyadassi nama yati ’dam
Byattan Sukhappattiya.
‘ With a view to facilitate (study) this specific (work) has
been composed by the ascetic named Piyadassi, who, like a
paroquet which was taken into the cage of his (feet) tuition,
was trained in the science of grammar &c., by the wise, gener-
ous, and eruditef Moggallayana thera of (world-wide) renown.’
There is also a Commentary on the above by Ananda, a
pupil of Medankara ; from which we select the following in-
troductory remarks : —
1. Yassa tulan samadhi gamya parappasadan
Sampaditam parahitan vipulan mayedam
So sangha rakkhita itirita nama dheyyo
Bhanuva bhatu suchiraya mahadisami.
2, Saddha dhanassa padpatti parayanassa
Sallekhiyena likhita khila kibbisassa
Odumbara bhi hita pabbata vasi kassa
Medankaravhaya maha yati pungavassa.
• See mv Sidatsangara p. li.
t Lit. ‘ who has attaiued to the end of sciences.’
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XIV
INTRODUCTION
3, Siladi seAlia pa/ipatti paranugena
Sisso-rasena saparattha ratena tena
Ananda nama pathi tena tapo dhanena
Sankhepato nigadito Padasadhanattho.
1. ‘ May the Supreme Lord named Sangharakkhita, by
the acquirement of whose unparalleled patriotism* this great
benevolent (deed) has been achieved by me, long exist like
the sun !
2 and 3. ‘ The Padasadana has been concisely comment-
ed upon by the ascetic known by the name of Ananda, (who
is) bent upon doing good to himself and others ; (who has)
adhered to the principal (religious) usages of Sila &c . ; (and
who is) a pupilf of the preeminent chief-priest named Me--
dankara, that dwelt on the Mountain called Odumbara, —
(was) rich in faith, (was ) attached to (religious) duties, and
(had) scratched off all sin by Sallekhiya.’\
Payogasiddhi by Vanaratana, in the reign of one of the
Buvanekabahu’s, is also a Pali Grammar upon the basis
of Moggalayana, from the Commentary to which Tumour
has quoted in his introduction to theiMahavansa.
3. The next, and, by far the most numerous, class of Pali
Grammars are founded on the principles enunciated in
the Sandkikappa, usually called after the name of its author
Kachchdyana. This, as I have already stated, is extant in
Ceylon ; and, from a list of Burman Pali works in my posses-
sion, I find that it is also found in that empire. The several
other editions or revisions of Kachchayana’s Grammar, which,
as remarked by Mr. Tumour, “ profess, according as its
date is more modern, to be more cond ensed, and methodized
than the preceding one”, are the Kupasiddhi and BMavatara
Buddhappiyo commences the Kb pasiddhi in these words :
“ Kachchayananchiichariyan namitwrt ; nissaya Kachcha-
yanawannanadin, balappabodhatthamujun karissan wyattan
sukandan padarupasiddhin.”
* I .it. ‘ love for othere. 1
+ liit. * Son-pu|>il.‘
* ' Tliosc religious observance* which lead to the destruction of ht'.et.'
to kaciiciiayana’s grammar.
XV
“ Reverentially bowing down to the Ach&rayo-Kachchkno,
and guided by the rules laid down by the said Kachch&yano,
I compose the Riipasiddhi, in a perspicuous form; judiciously
subdivided into sections, for the use of degenerated in-
tellects (of the present age, which could not grasp the
original.)” — Mahdvansa, p. xxvi.
The following is in the conclusion of the same work : —
“ WikkhyatAnandatherawhaya waragurunan Tambapan-
niddhajanan sisso Dipankarakkhyo Damilawasumatl dipalad-
dhappakaso BM&dichch&di wasaddwitayamadhiwasan, sasanan
jotayi yo, soyain Buddhappi-yawho yati ; imamujukan
Riipasiddhin akasi.
“ A certain disciple of Anando, a preceptor who was (a ral-
lying point) unto eminent preceptors like unto a standard, in
Tambapanni, named Dipankaro, renowned in the Damila
kingdom (of Chola) and the resident-superior of two frater
nities, there, the Bal&dichchd (and the Chud&manikyo), caused
the religon (of Buddho) to shine forth. He was the priest
who obtained the appellation of Buddhappiyo (the delight o
Buddho,) and compiled this perfect Riipasiddhi.” — Mahdvan-
sa, p. xxvi.
Before I notice the principal and the oldest work with
which we are concerned, viz., Kachchayana’ s Grammar, I
shall mention the names of some of the principal Comments
thereon to which I shall have occasian to refer in the course
of these notes ; viz.
Nyasa or Mukhamatta Dipana
Kachchayana bheda
Kachchayana bliede lika
Kachchayana bhede Vannana.
Kachchayana Vannana
Kachchayana Sara
Kachchayana Sara Ilka
Sandhikappa Atuva
Sandhikappa Viggaha.*
— — ,
* For a list of Pali Grammars, see Appendix.
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XVI
INTRODUCTION.
All these have been written expressly for the purpose of
elucidating the text of Kachchayana, which, I need scarcely
say, is held in the same high estimation by Buddhists that
Panini is by the Brahmans.
Kachchayana’s Grammar is divided into eightbooks. The
first treats on ‘ Combination’, the second on ‘ Declension’, the
third on ‘ Syntax’, the fourth on ‘ Compounds’, the fifth on
(Tadhita) ‘ nominal Derivatives,’ the sixth on ' Verbs’, the
seventh on (Kitaka) ‘ verbal derivatives,’ and the eighth on
Unn&di Affixes.’
These are found subdivided into Chapters or Sections.
But, all the aphorisms do not exceed six hundred and eighty
seven.* The following extract embraces the writer’s intro-
ductory remarks, together with the first Section of his
Grammar : —
SeWhan tiloka m ahitan abhivandi yaggan
Buddhan cha dliamma’ mamalan gana’ mutta mancha
Satthussa tassa vachanattha varan subuddhun
Vakkhami sutta hita’ mettha su Sandhikappan.
Seyyan Jinerita nayena buddha labhanti
Tancha’pi tassa vachanattha subhodhanena
Attan cha akkhara padesu amoha bhava
Seyyatthi ko pada’mato vividhan suneyya.
‘ Having reverentially bowed down to the supreme chief
Buddha adored by the three worlds, and also to the pure
dkamma, and the illustrious priesthood ; I now celebratef
the (pure) Sandhikappa in accordance with the Sutta, to
the end that the deep import of that teacher’s words may be
easily comprehended.
‘ The wise attain to supreme (bliss) by conforming
(themselves) to the teachings of Buddha. That (is the re-
* Satta situttana Sutta
cha sata sun pamanato=087 Suttans.
+ Vakkhami “I utter" — The true import of this word taken in connection with
the allegation that ‘ Kachchayana published (pakasesi) his Grammar in the midst of
the priesthood 1 may lead to the inference that it had at first only a memorial existence.
Hut, siuce the same words ar e found used in works which were doubtless written from
the beginning, the phraseology alone does not, I apprehend, warrant that inference.
TO KACIICIIAYANA's GRAMM Ul.
XVII
suit) of a correct acquaintance with the import of his word.
The sense, too, (is learnt) by a [non-ignorance] knowledge of
characters and words. Wherefore, let him who aims at that
highest felicity hear the various verbal forms.’
Lib. I. Section 1.
1. Attho akkhara saiifiato.
The sense is known by letters. ,
2. Akkhara padayo eka cliattalisan.
The letters, a Ac., are forty one *
3. Tattho danth sara affha.
Of these the eight ending with o are vowels.
4. Lahumatth tayo rassk.
The three light-measured (are) short.
5. Anne digit a.
The others, (are) long.
6. Sesa byanjana.
The rest are consonants.
7. Vagga pancha panchaso manta. «
Each (set of) five to the end of m (constitutes ) a class.
8. An iti niggahitan.
The An\ is a dependent. 1 '
9. Para samanna payoge.J
Other’s names in composition.
10. Pubba’ madho’-diitam’ assaran sarena viyojaye.
Let the first be separated from its (inherent) vowel, by
(rendering) the 'preceding § a consonant.
Such is the sententious brevity with which the Rules
in Kachchayana’s Grammar are expressed. The author
adopts three modes of explaining them. First, Vuttiyd or
* Moggailayana disputes the correctness of this Suttan, and says that the Pali,
alphabet contains forty -three characters, including the short e ( epsilon ) and o
(omicrou.) The Sinhalese Alphabet, which is nearly as old as the Sinhalese nation
also omits these. This is evidence of that language being derived from the Pali.
+ The <musoara.
J Names or technical terras.
§ Adho-thitam “ that which stands below [after such separation.]" The word
below must however be understood to mean preceding ; for in composition, which
Eastern writers regard as a tree from bottom to lop, the first-written character ia con-
sidered as being at the bottom or below the rest.
xvm
INTRODUCTION.
ViirttiJcas, comments to supply the deficiencies in the
Suttas, and to render them clear ; secondly examples ; and
thirdly explanatory notes on some of the principal gramma-
tical terms in the shape of questions and answers. To these
again are occasionally added a note to mark the exceptions to
the Rule. In the examples mention is made of several of the
places and towns which were rendered sacred by the abode
of Gotama, such as Savatti, Patdli, Baranasi & 2 * There is
also much correspondence between the Paninya Sutras and
those given in Kacchayana. E. G : —
1. Apadane panchami. P&nini III. 4, 52.
Apa.da.ne panchami ■ — Ka chch&ya na .
So likewise : —
2. Bhuvadayo dhatavah. I. 3, 1.
Bhuvadayo dhatavo.
3. Kaladhvano ratyanta sanyoge. II. 3, 5.
Kxladdhuna machchanta sanyoge.
4. Kartari krit. III. 4, 6.
Kattari kit.
5. Asmadyuttamah. I. 4, 107.
Anihe uttamo.
Again, the text of Panini is altered to meet the exigen-
cies of the Pali Grammar, thus ;
6. Tinas trini trini pa£hama madhyamottamah
Dve dve pathama majjhimutlama parisa. [1.4, 101.
Tradition represents that, the whole work (including Vutti)
as we now have it, was written by one and the same person.
But this is contradicted by another Tradition. On this, I
shall offer a few observations hereafter.
From its language, the Pali Grammar appears to be a very
ancient work. It was probably written at a time when liter-
ature was usually carried on in the concise Algebraic form of
* These are doubtless, taken from “ the contemporaneous History of Buddha,'
which, as stated by Ruddhagosa, “contains records such as these — ‘ at such a period
Bhagava dwells at Savatthi, or at the Jrtavana vohara' » ‘he dwells
at Rajngakaii, or at the V'cluvaua Vohara' 'he dwells at Vesali' Jtc.'
to kaciiciiayana's grammar.
MX
aphorisms. This is put down by Pr. Max Muller at GOO —
200 B. C., embracing the period at which the founder of
Buddhism flourished, and which upon the best proof on which
a date may be fixed in Asiatic History, was not only poste-
rior to the Mantas (which are identified with the Vddas *
the Vedangas and Veyydkarana, but subsequent to the
Madid llhdrata,-f Rdmdyana ; Asvaldyana\ and Pardsara ;
and upon other data, — 477 B. C.
To the indefatigable labours of the learned translator of
the Mah&vansa, whom I have so frequently mentioned in the
course of these notes, were Europeans first indebted for the
information as to the probable date of Kachclutyana’s Gram-
mar. In order to render my observations clear, Mr. Tur-
nour's authorities on the subject are here extrated.
“ In the commentary on the Ruphasiddhi we find the fol-
lowing distinct and important particulars regarding Kachchk-
yana, purporting to be conveyed in his own words : —
“ Kachch&yano signifies the son of Kachcho. The- said
Kaehcho was the first individual (who assumed that name as
a patronymic) in that family. All who are descended from
that stock are, by birth Kachch&yana.
“ (If I am asked) who is this Kachchayano ? Whence his
name Kachchayano ? (I answer), It is he who was selected for
the important office (of compiling the first Pali Grammar, by
Buddho himself; who said on that occasion) : ‘ Bhikkhus from
amongst my sanctified disciples, who are capable of elucidat-
ing in detail, that which is expressed in the abstract, the most
eminent is this Mahakachchayano.’
“ Bhagawa (Buddho) seated in the midst of the four classes
of devotees, of which his congregation was composed (viz.
• These aie saiJ, in the Buddhistical annals, to have been compiled by A«aka,
Vessam itta, Yamataggi, Angirasa, Bharadvaja, VaseMha, Kaseapa, and Bliagu.
+ Mahabharata is frequently mentioned under the designati n of Itilmsa. As
valayana is mentioned by Gotama. Vide extracts infra.
XX
INTRODUCTION.
priests and priestesses, male and female asceties :)- opening
liis sacred mouth, like unto a flower expanding under the
genial influence of Surio’s rays, and pouring forth a stream
of eloquence like unto that of Brahmo — said : ‘ My disciples !
the profoundly wise Sariputto is competent to spread abroad
the tidings of the wisdom (contained in my veligion) by his
having proclaimed of me that, — ‘ To define the bounds of his
omniscience by a standard of measure, let the grains of sand
in the Ganges be counted ; let the water in the great ocean .
be measured ; let the particles of matter in the great earth
be numbered’ ; as well as by his various other discourses.
“ It has also been admitted that, excepting the saviour of
the world, there are no others in existence whose wisdom is
equal to one sixteenth part of the profundity of Sariputto.
By the Acharayos also the wisdom of Sariputto has been cele-
brated. Moreover, while the other great disciples also, who
had overcome the dominion of sin and attained the four gifts
of sanctification were yet living ; he (Buddho) allotted, from
amongst those who were capable of illustrating the word of
Tathagato, this important task to me, — in the same manner
that a Chakkawatti raja confers on an eldest son, who is capa-
ble of sustaining the weight of empire, the office of Parinaya-
ko. I must therefore render unto TatMgato a service equi-
valent to the honor conferred. Bhagawa has assigned to me
a most worthy commission. Let me place implicit faith in
whatever Bhagawa has vouchsafed to propound.
“ This being achieved, men of various nations and tongues,
rejecting the dialets which had become confused by its disor-
derly mixture with the Sanscrit and other languages, will, with
facility acquire, by conformity to the rules of grammar pro-
pounded by Tathagato, the knowledge of the word of Buddho
‘ Thus the Thero Maha Kachchkyano, who is here (in this
work) called simply Kachchayano, setting forth his qualifica-
tion ; pursuant to the declaration of Buddho, that “ sense is
to kacticiiayana’s grammar.
XXI
represented by letters”, composed the grammatical work
called Niruttipitako.’* Mahavansa p. xxvii.
Before I notice some of the objections urged against the
above tradition, it may perhaps be convenient to refer to the
various other Pali writers who have given it the sanction of
their high authority.
Kachchkyana commences his work, as we have already seen,
with Atthd akkhara saiindto ; and it has already been shewn
from the passage quoted by Tumour, that that Suttan was
declared by Buddha himself. This is more clearly stated as
follows in the
SUTTA NlDDESA.
A ttho akkhara saiinato- ti <kli mdha ; idan suttan kena
vuttan ? Bhagavata vuttan. Kada vuttanti — Yama Uppala
namaka dve BrahmanS Khaya-vaya kamma&hanan gahetva
gachclihant& Nadl-tire Khaya-vayanti ITammaMi&ne kari-
yamane eko udake machchan ganhitun charantan bakan
disva, udaka bakoti vicharati. Eko ghate patan disva ghafci
pafo ti vicharati, Tada Bhagava obhksan munchitvfr attho ak-
khara sanu&to-ti vkkyan lhapesi. Tesan cha KammafoM
nan patiffhahi. Tasma Bhagavatd vuttanti vuchehati. Tan
hatvd maha Kachchano Bhagavantan y&chitvit Himavantan
gantva Mano-siltb tale dakkhina disa bhagan sisan katva
purdtthima disabhimukho hutva attho aJckhara sahnato-ti a
dikan Kachchdyana pakaranan radii.
‘It is said that ‘sense is represented by letters’ &c. By whom
was this suttan declared ? It was laid down by Bhagavk. (To
explain) when it was declared: — Two Brahman (Priests)
Yama and Uppala, having learnt (from Gotama) the khaya-
vaya branches of Kammatthdnan-f went away ; and, whilst
engaged in abstract meditation repeating ‘ Khaya-Vaya’ on
» “ Another name for the R«pasiddhi.“ — In the above note Turnour identifies
Rupasiddhi with Niruttipitaka. But, it would seem that tbe latter is an original
work of Maha Kachchayana, different from his Grammar, and different also from
his theological work entitled the Nettipakarana. See Kacltchsyana Vannana.,
t Studies such as abstract meditation &a., preparatory to the attainment of tli«
paths leading to Nibban.
xxn
INTRODUCTION.
the banks of the Nadi, one of them saw a crane proceeding
to catch a fish in the water, and began muttering* Udako
bako ‘ water-crane.’ The other, seeing a ghate-pcitan ‘ a
cloth in a pot’ began muttering ghata-pato. At this time
Bhagavaby means of a light, which he issued, declared the sen"
tence, Attho akJchara sahnato — ‘The sense is represented by
letters.’ Their IvammaWhknan was also effectual. Wherefore it
is said that this Suttan was declared by Bhagava. When Maha
Kachchana learnt this, he proceeded with Bhagava’s permis-
sion to Himavanta. Reclining in the Mano-sila region
with his head towaids the south, and facing the east he
composed the Kachchayana-pakarana consisting of (the
Suttans) attho akkhara sannato & c.’
In the attliakathd to the Anguttara Nila'tya Maha Kach-
chayana is spoken of ;-f* and the Tika to the same work con-
tains further particulars which are quoted in the following ex-
tract from
The Kachchayana Vannana.
Achariya pana lakkhana vutti Udaharana sankh&tan iman
Kachchayana gandha pakaranan Kachchayanattherena eva
katanti vadanti. Tena dhd eka nipata Anguttara tikayan
‘ Maha Kachchayanatthero pubba patthana vasena Kach-
chayna pakaranan, Maha Nirutti pakaranan, Netti pakara-
nan, chati pakaranattayan sanglia majjhe pakasesi.’
‘ Teachers say that this Kachchayana gandha pakarana
(Text or composition) which numbers lakkhana (Rules), vutti
(supplementary notes), and Udaharana (Examples), was
composed by Kachchayana thera himself. Wherefore the
Tika to the Anguttara of the Ekanipdta says ; ‘ the thera
Maha Kachchayana, according to his previous aspirations,
published in the midst of the priesthood the three composi-
tions, viz. Kachchdy ana Pakarana, Mahd Nirutti Pakarana ,
and Netti Pakarana .’
* Ur ra'lier puuJering on what he had ubseived.
+ Vide extract therefrom infra
TO KACIICIIAYANA’o guammak. xxiii
Of the three books here mentioned the Nctli‘ Pahtrana is
also extant in this Island ; and it has been suggested by
my Pandit that the style of this work, of which I give a
specimen,* would seem to differ from that of the Grammar.
There can be no question of this. The language of a work
such as the Pali grammar, in which (to adopt the words of
Professor Max Muller inrespect ofPanini) theauthor “does not
write and compose, but squeezes and distils his thoughts, and
puts them before us in a form which hardly deserves the
name of style, ”i* cannot bear any comparison to the style of
a work on religion, where the object was to convince and fasci-
nate the reader, and not to cramp the writer’s ideas in small
sentences with a view to render a facility to those who com-
mitted them to memory. Even in other languages works on
science and religion written by the same person present
the same diversity of style which the subject may demand.
The one may be terse, sententious, and dry ; and the other
full, flowing, and elegant as is the case here. The difference
of style, therefore, in these two works, does by no means fur-
nish any ground for overthrowing the authorship ascribed to
this Pdli Grammar. And, I am again reminded by my
learned Pandit that the metre of some of the gathas in Kac-
chayana are different from those in the text-books of Buddhism
such as Dhammapada ; and that that difference would favor
the belief that this grammar was written long after the
Buddhist era.
I freely admit the force of the learned Pandit’s observa-
tion, that the difference of metre (if, such were the fact) be-
tween confessedly Gotima’s gathas, and all other Pali writings
(including Kachchana’s grammar) would establish a line of de-
marcation between two periods of literature. And I also
confess that I h tve been disappointed in my search after a
verse in the Vasantatilaka metre, such as Setthan tilolca
mahitan &c.,| in any of the original writings in the Buddhist
* See Appeudix. >
+ Sanskrit Literature p. 312.
J See the introductory Verses of Kaehchayaua quoted at p. xvi.
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XXIV
INTRODUCTION.
works. But, leaving this question for the determin-tion of
future researches, and of more competent scholars than my-
self, I may be permitted to remark that the absence of a par-
ticular metre in Buddha’s lectures does not necessarily prove
that it tvas unknown in his time. Different metres suit dif-
ferent compositions. There are some which are peculiarly
adapted to the genius of the oldest form of the Pali, before
rt received the elaborations of poets. Such’are the Anusfribh,
the Tristubh, the Anustubh-trisiubh, the Jagatl, the Tris£ubh-
Jagati, and the Vuitaliya metres which we frequently meet
with in old writings. The Vas mtatilaka is generally unsuit-
ed to the Pali, as it is to the Sinhalese, and other so-called
Prakrita dialects. Although compositions in that metre are
occasionally found in works of both those languages ; yet
they have all the evidence of being forced, and abound with
compounds, of which the really old Bnddhist writings are com-
paratively free. This is doubtless the reason why this par-
ticular metre (Vasantatilaka) is not to be found in the lec-
tures of Gotama, which were expressed, as occasions present-
ed themselves, with a view to impart religious instruction,
without study, and without any attempts at ornament. The
case with the grammarian was, however, different. Except
in the Suttans which were designed for instruction, he seems
to have studied ornament. Perhaps too, he was fond of dis-
play. He, as we learn from himself, did not despise Sanskrit
grammatical terms. He had no reason, therefore, to reject
really Sanskrit metres in which he could with elegance depict
the virtues of his Teacher. Hence the adoption in this gram-
mar of metres which are not met with in original Buddhist
writings.
There is not, therefore, I apprehend, sufficient evidence to
set aside the popular tradition as to the author of this Gram-
mar, which I perceive is supported by various considerations
and inferences which may be drawn from several histo-
TO KACUcIUYANA's GRAMMAR.
XXV
rical facts. That the Mdgadld which the Buddhists de-
nominate the Pali, was an actually existent form of speech
in Behar at the time Buddhism arose, may be easily believ-
ed.* Yet, before this period when the Magadhas had but
one common religion, and, perhaps, cultivated the language
in which that religion was taught with greater zest, it is not
improbable that the treatises to elucidate the vernacubr
Mdgidhl were, as the Sinhalese Grammar are at the present
day, limited. And this is obviously the reason why Kacli-
chayana, as he himself declares, had borrowed technical terms
from Sanskrit authors.
Para S a MANNA payoge. (Vutti) — ya cha pana sakkata
gandhdsu samaniik ghosa’ ti va a ghosa’ ti va ta payoge sati
ettha’ pi yujjante. ‘ In composition other’s appelations.
[Vutti.] Such (Grammatical) terms as are called ghosa,
(sonants) or aghdsa (surds) in Sanskrit (gandhasf) compositions
are here adopted as exigency may require.’
By * Sanskrit’ sources, perhaps, the writer meant the Pni-
krit Grammars by Sanskrit -writers, or such Rules of Panini
as are indicated in the following extract from the Kavikan-
t hapasa by Kedara-bhatta :
Panini bhagavan Prakrita
Lakshana mapi vakti Sanskrita danyat :
Dirghaksharancha kutrachi
Dekan matra mupaititi.
That is : — ‘Panini, the Rishi, speaks also of the lakshana (or
Grammatical Rules) of Prakrita, besides the Sanskrit; and
(says) that in some languages a long letter]: becomes one
syllabic instant.’ But, whether this inference be well found-
ed or not, it is quite clear that this was one of the earliest Pali
Grammars, which borrowed its technical terms, not from Pali
but, Sanskrit writers. Its object too, was to fix the Rules of
~T~ See Sauyutta Nikaya— as to tUe Mogadhi beiDg the language of Magadha.
+ This word is sometimes written gantha .
\ The commentator explains that by a ‘ long letter* are meant the Sanskrit e
and 0 which become short in Some languages, or are each equal to one syllable in-
stant.
XXVI
INTRODUCTION
that language ; since at the time Kaclichayana wrote his
Grammar the Magadhl, like other “dialects,” had a tenden-
cy to become ‘ confused by its disorderly mixture with the
Sanskrit and other languages.’ This is a fact. As a verna-
cular dialect, the Magadhl scarcely maintained its character
in Asia till the age of Asoka. Two hundred years had hard-
ly elapsed before its development was ‘ intermediate between
the Pali and Sanskrit.’ There must therefore, have been a
gradual declension in Pali literature during those two cen-
turies. Indeed this could not have been otherwise when we
ascertain that the very pupils of Gotama had resorted to
other languages for the elucidation of Buddhism. Hence
the necessity for a compilation like Kachchayana’s — a work
on Grammar ‘ for the easy comprehension of the word of
Buddha’ —Sukhhia Buddha Vachanan ugganhissanti-ti ;
and as Kachchdyana himself says in the opening of his work,
written, not according to the vernacular dialect of the Ma-
gadhas, but ‘ in accordance with the (language) of the Sut-
tans’ — vakkhdmi suit n Into! metta su Sandhikappan.
These are not all the circumstances from which it m-iy
be inferred that Kachchayan i’s Grammar was written at
the first dawn of Buddhism. As was the case with all
ancient nations, a sacred literature gave rise in Magadha to
philological sciences. Religious doctrines when disseminated
through a written medium, naturally led the Buddhists to
Grammatical inquiries. The necessity for rescuing the dham-
ma from corruption, and for preserving their correct inter-
pretations, as already seen, was a powerful inducement to
Gotama’s disciples to fix the rules of their Preceptors’ words,
the Jina vachana, as the Magadhl is called in most ancient
works.
It may, however, be asserted that neither was writing
known six centuries before Christ, nor, consequently, were
Buddhist doctrines recorded at that date. I have discussed
this question elsewhere, and I may here state, as the result of
TO KACIICIIAYANa'S grammar.
xxVii
those investigations, that at the time when Buddhism first
started into existence, writing was known in Magadha as
much as painting.* It was 'practised in the time ofGota-
ma.-f- Buddhist doctrines were conveyed to different coun-
tries by its means.! Laws and usages were recorded.^
Little children were taught to write.'J Even women were
found able to read and write. || The character used was
the Ndgari** Vermilion was the ‘ ink’, and metal plates,
cloth, liydes, and leaves constituted the ‘paper’ of the
time.-f-f* That Buddhist annals therefore, were reduced to
writing from the very commencement, is not only reasonable,
but is indeed capable of easy and satisfactory proof.
To return to the subject. The literary qualifications of the
tlidra Kachchayana, seem to have been indeed such as to
warrant the belief that he devoted his time to the elucidation
of the language of Buddhism. He was, as is abundantly
proved in the Pali works, a distinguished member of
the Buddhist Church. He is also mentioned in the Tibe-
tan Buddhistical Annals, as one of the disciples of Gotama ;
and it is expressly stated of him, that ‘ he recited the Sutra
on emancipation in the vulgar dialect.’ By ‘ the vulgar dia-
lect’ Mons. De Koresi doubtless meant the language to which
Colebrooke had previously given that appellation — the M&-
gadhi. Gotama himself states that of all his pupils Maha
Kachchayana was the most competent to elucidate his doc-
trines. In the very language of the sage, which is here
quoted from the Ekanipdta of the A ngutta Nikdya : Etanag-
gan Bhikkhavb mama s^vakanan bhikkhunan sankhittena
bhasitassa vittharena atthan vibhajantanan, yadidan Maha
• Papanchasudaniya. lib. iii. in my possession.
+ Id. also Maha Yagga. See Chamakkhunduka and a host of other authorities.
$ Id. Sanyut Nikaya — <fcc. &e.
| Sumangala Vilasini.
Maha Vaggn.
|l Sanyut Nikaya • Maha Vngga, and atthakatha to Dharamapada
Papancha Sudaniya.
■ft That such was the fact may be easily gathered from several autho.ities.
XXV111
INTRODUCTION.
Ivachchano — ‘ Priests, he who is Maha Kachchayana is the
chief of all the bhikkhus, my pupils, who can minutely eluci-
date the sense of what is concisely expressed.’ That this
supremacy refers to the literary, and not the theological, attain-
ments of Kachchayana appears from the following comment
which we extract from the atthakatha to the Anguttnra
Nikdya.
Aline kira Tathkgatassa smkhepa vachanan Attha vasena vtb
puritun sakkonti vyanjana vasena va ; ayan pana thero ubhayena-
pi sakkoti : tasma aggo-ti vutto.
‘ Some are able to amplify the concise words of Tathagata
either by means of letters, or by [shewing] their sense. But
this thera can do so in both ways. He is therefore called
chief.’
In the Nydsa or the Muklia matta-dipani, which is sup-
posed to be the earliest commentary on Kachchayana’s Pali
Grammar, and, as may be proved, older than the Rupasid-
dhi, the author of this Grammar is not only identified with
the Kachchayana thera, whose ' intellectual supremacy was
extolled by Buddha’ ; but his memory is thus respected by
an ‘ Obeisance.'
Kaehchayanan cha muni vannita buddhi-’massa
Kachchayanassa mukha matta’ mahan karrissan
Parampara gata viniehchaya nichchhayan cha.
‘ Also (bowing down to) Kachchayana, whose intellectual at-
tainments had been complimented by Buddha, I shall com-
ment upon the positive conclusions (Rules) which have been
handed down by tradition as the very oral (teachings)* of
this Kachchayana.’
With reference to the name Kachchayana in the above
extract, the following passage occurs in the Nirutti sdra
Manjusa: wherein also the writer acknowledges the consum-
mate scholarship of the Grammarian.
* Mukhamatla ' the very (word of) mouth 1 , a term which does not necessarily
imply the absence of writing.
to kaciiciiayana’s grammar.
XXIX
Ivnsi Knmmadina vyhpkrena kn click \ti dippatiti Kachcho,
thera pittl tissa apachchan putto KachchSlynno Neruttukiirum
p.ibhava bhkto p ibhinna pa£i sambhido etadngga <hiine <lni*
pito kliindsiivatthero, tan pann natvann,
‘ By reason of the occupation of ploughing &c. [comes]
Kachchati ‘he shines.’ Thence Kachcho, (the name of) the
thera’s father. His son is Kachch&yana — a thera, who was
an arahanta, who was placed in the highest position,
who had attained the patisambhidA* and who was the first
cause (source) of all Neruttika, [Grammarians or] philologers.’
Although it is stated-f- that Kachch&yana was residing at
Avanti, the pachchanta or ‘ the foreign regions’]:, it is how-
ever expressly stated that this Grammar was written in the
Himavanti ; and from the mention of the principal towns
celebrated by the presence and abode of Gotama, and espe-
cially that which had risen from a small village to the im-
portance of a populous city in the time of the sage, I mean
PatAliputtci,§ it may be inferred that the writer took for his
examples such of the names as were then of recent celebrity.
* See Sivpilisinbin in Clough's Dictionary. Tumour has defined this to be ‘ the
attainment of the four gifts of sanctification. 1
+ In the Chammakkhandaka Section of the Maha Vagga.
J Dr. Muir in his Sanskrit Texts, says that ‘ the people whom Yaska designates
Pr&chyas, or men of the East, must have been the Kikatas or the Magadhas, or the
Angas, or the Vangas. 1 — p. 371. fci the Buddhist annals however, the word Pach-
chanta is used to designate all the countries beyond the Majjhima de«a, which is
thus defined in the Maha Vagga : ‘ Here the Pachchanta are these Countries. On
the East [of Majjhiraa] is the market town called ICajangala, and on the West Maha
Sala. Beyond them is the great country of Pachchanta, and this side of it is the
Majjha. On the South east is the river called Salalavati. Beyond it is the Pach-
chanta country, and this side of it the Majjha. On the South is the town called
Setakanni. Beyond it is the Pachchanta country, and this side of it the Majjha.
On the West is the Brahtnan village called Thuna. Beyond it is the Pachchanta
country, and this side of it the Majjha. And on the North is the mountain culled
Usuraddhaja. Beyond it is the Pachchanta country, and this side of it is the
Majjha.'
§ It is stated in the Buddhist annals (see the first Banavara of the Parinibban
Suttan) that this city, which in modern times has received the name of Putna, was
built during the lifetime of Gotama, for the purpose of checking the \ajjians; and
it is also stated that at the time it was built by Sunidhaand Vassakara, two ministers
of the reigning prince Ajatasntta, Gotama predicted its future opulence and grandeur
as well as its partial destruction by fire and water.
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XXX
INTRODUCTION.
As we hare already seen, the Mugadlii scarcely main-
tained its original purity in the Magadha desa until the
second ecumenial convocation ; and the code of the Vajjian
heretics, which was made at this time, and which may he
clearly identified as the Nepal collection,* was in point of
language “intermediate” between the Pali of Kachchayana
and the Dhammapada; and the Prakrit of the Pillar-dialect.
These are important facts, which prove that'the Grammar in
question was composed in the golden age of the Pali lite-
rature — before it became interlarded with the Sanskrit, and
before the language was so much neglected, (as at the time
of the second convocation), that, except those who maintained
the orthodox version of the Scriptures, literary men were
unable to pay correct attention to ‘the nature of nouns, their
genders, and other accidents of Grammar, as well as the vari-
ous requirements of style.’f
Naina lingan parikkharan akappakaranani cha
Pakafibhavan vijnhitva, taiicha annan skansute.
Thus, when the uniform and popular tradition stated in
the above extracts, which there is no reasonable ground to
set aside, is coupled with the many inferences to which I
have directed attention ; it is, I apprehend, very clear that
Kachchayana, the author of Sandhi-kappa, was one of the
eighty eminent disciples of Gotama.. As such, he must have
flourished in the latter-half of the sixth century before
Christ.
Against this popular belief I have been referred by several
friends to another name of Kachchayana, the author of the
Abhidharma Jnana prasthdna, mentioned in the following
account of Hiouen-thsagn, the Chinese traveller of 629 — 645
A. D.
A pres avoir fait environ cinq cent li, au sud-est de la capi-
tale (de Chlnapati), il arriva au couvent appele Ta-mo-sou-
fa-na-seng-kia-lan (Tamasvana-sanglia rama), ou le convent
* See Appendix. + D/pnvansa.-
TO KACIICUA YANA's GRAMMAR.
XXXI
dc la Foret Sombre. On y comptait environ trois cent rcli-
gieux qui suivaient les principes de l’dcole"des Sarvastiv;\das.
11s avaient un extdrieur grave et imposant, et se distingua-
"ient par la purctd de leur vertu et l’dldvation de leur carac-
tere. Ils approfondissaient surtout l’etude du petit Vdhicule.
Les mille Buddlias du kalpa des sages (Bhadr.(kalpa) doiveut,
dans ce lieu, rassambler la multitude des Devas et leur ex-
pliquer la sublime loi. Dans la trois centieme annee aprfes
le Nirvana de Sakya Tathagata, il y eut un maitre des S;\s-
tras, nommd Katyayana, qui composa, dans ce couvent, le
Fa-tchi-lun (Abhidharma-jnana-prasthana.) — Md moires sui-
tes Contrdes occidentals -par Iliouen-tksang, liv. iv. p. 200.
‘ Having travelled about five hundred li southwest of the
capital (of Chinapati) he arrived at the monastery called Ta-
mo-sou-fa-na-seng-kia-lan — (Tamasvana Sangharama) or the
monastery of the dark-forest. About three hundred Reli-
gieux are reckoned in this place, who follow the principles of
the Saivdstivadas school. They maintain a grave and im-
posing exterior, and are remarkable for purity of virtue, and
elevation of character. They are engaged in the profound
study of the little vehicle. The thousand Buddhas of the
Kalpa of the wise men (Bhaddrakalpa) were bound to assemble,
in this place, the whole multitude of the Devas, and ex-
pound to them the sublime law. In the three hundredtli
year after the nirvana of Sakya Tathagata, there was a
master of the Sastras, named Katyayana, who composed in
this monastery, the Fa-tchi-lun (Abhi-dharma-jnana-pras-
thana.)’
Here there is nothing to establish the identity of persons.
The age too, given by the Chinese pilgrim, does not throw any
light on the subject. If Katyayana, the author of Abhi-
dharma-jndna Prasthdiui lived 300 A. B., he flourished after
As6ka, and, according to the same authority quoted by Cowell,
in a ‘ Monastbre fondb par Asoka’ ; and at a time when
he was sure to have figured very conspicuously in the Bud-
dhistical annals of Ceylon.
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XXX11
INI U 1'UCTIoN
The absence, however, of any notice regarding him, proves,
as I apprehend, what the Chinese traveller himself indicates,
that h atyayana of Tamasvana Sangharama was one who fol-
lowed the principles of the Sabbatti rdda* -school, and, there-*
fore, one of the seventeen sects mentioned in the Dipa-
vansa — ‘ who distorted the sense and phraseology (of the
scriptures) ; omitted a portion of the original (compilation)
and of the gdthds; substituted others (in lieu of them) ; disre-
garded the nature of nouns, their genders, and other ac-
cidents, as well as the various requisites of style ; and cor-
rupted the same by different substitutions/
Now, it is quite clear, from the evidence contained in the
above passage, as w ell as from that furnished by the style
of the Nepal scriptures, and also from the statements in the
Chinese accounts, that the language used by these sectarians
was, as stated by Professor Burnouf, ‘one intermediate between
the Pali and the Sanskrit’ ; that it was called the Fan, or the
Brahman language, as that word is unmistakeably used in
the following passage — Le dieu Fan (Brahman) et le
roi du ciel (Indra) etablirent des regies et se conformerent au
temps;’ and that it was a language with the dual number,
and therefore the Sanskrit, as moreover the name A bhidharma
jnana prasthdna, the work itself attributed to Katyayana
clearly indicates.
It is also stated that the Buddhists had an object in ascribing
this Grammar to Kachcliayana. Professor Max Muller traces
the animus falcendi, to a ‘ tendency of later Buddhist writers
to refer the authorship of their works to names famous in
ancient Brahmanic history.’ — p. 303. There is, I believe, no
foundation for this assertion. ‘ One swallow does not make
summer.’ Much less does a single instance prove a practice.
One solitary exception is here made the rule, especially in
regard to a question of custom — ‘ the tendency of a people to
do certain acts.’ If, therefore, no other names but “ Kachcha-
• See apjiendii.
TO kaciiciiayana's GRAMMAR. XXXlli
yana” can be pointed out in support of this allegation, the
allegation itself, I apprehend, is disproved.
But, to take a brief excursus into the subject, nothing
can be clearer from the history of Buddhism, as we find it in
the annals of Ceylon, than that the Buddhists, in imitation
of their teacher, have always attempted to draw a distinction
between themselves and other sects, especially the Brahmans.
This will be found to be the case, even where there is no sub-
stantial diffe rence between them. Although Buddhism, I am
persuaded , arose out of Brahmanism, and although the very
doctrines of the former are built upon those of the latter ;
yet there is scarcely a single subject upon which the doc-
trines of both are identical. Gotama, it would also seem,
never los t an opportunity to draw some distinction between
his own doctrines, and those of the Brahmans. Take, for
instance, the doctrines of ‘the Creation’; of [aiman or attha\
‘ the soul’ ; of [Nirvdna or nibbari] ‘ eternal bliss’ &c. &c. ;
and none can fail to perceive the attempt that is made
by Budd hists to vary the Brahman doctrines. In this
endeavour they have got into confusion, as in the case of
JNibban, which even Nagascna pronounces to be ‘ a mystery.’
I may also allude to the institution of Castes. Gotama
varied the Brahmanical doctrine on the subject. He differed
from them as to its origin. He abolished that distinction
among the priesthood. Although he never preached against
it in a social point of view, and never affirmed it to be sin-
ful, and pernicious to society ; yet to set aside the pretensions
of the ‘twice born’ he declared the universal equa lity of man-
kind in a religious point of view.
Khattiyo seWho jane tasmin ye-gotta pa^isarino
Vijja charana sampanno so se^ho deva manus.
‘ Amongst mankind, who are scrupulous in regard to their
lineage, the Khattiya is supreme ; but he who is endowed
with Vijja and Charana is supreme, both amongst devas
and men.’
XXXIV
INTRODUCTION
The Vijjd and Charana are also thus defined by the
Buddhists : —
Vipassana-iiana manomayiddhi
Iddhippabhedo pieha dibha sotan
Parassa cheto pariyaya rianan
Pubbeniva sanu gatancha'nanan.
Dibbaneba chakkha sava sankha yocha
Etani rianan idhattha vijjk
Alankarun ya muni dhamma deham
Visesa sobha guna majjhu peta.
‘ Here the eight Vijjd are the (following heads of) know-
ledge ; — abstract devout meditation ; power to assume any
corporeal figure whatever at one’s will ; the various other at-
tributes of iddhi;* divine hearing ; knowledge of that which
is produced in another’s mind ; knowledge of the state of
previous existences ; a divine perception ; and the extinction
of (distressful) desire. These, which are peculiar attributes
or qualities, embellish the [dh immi] religious-body of Bud-
dha.’
Srlan varan indriya san varocha
Matta sita ja-gariya’nu-yogo
Saddha hirottappa bahussutat-tan
Parakkamo cheva sati maticha.
Chattari jhananicha tani’ mkni
Tipancha dhamma charanani jauiia
Etehi vijjahicha sampayogo
Sampanna vijja charano munindo.
‘ Know that these fifteen constitute the Charana ; (viz.)
observance of the supreme precepts, subjugation of the pas-
sions, eating ordinately,f wakefulness, J faith, shame (for sin),
fear (of sin), much hearing (study), prowess, retentive
memory (sati), understanding ( mati ), and the four j<\nas.§
* For an explanation of this, see Hardy on Buddhism, p. bOll.
t Which is explained to be — ‘ to eat only to live for religion — but not to live to
cat only. 1
t Refraining from much sleep— which the recluse is restricted to the middle
watch of the night, or four English hours at midnight.
§ Abstract meditation which leads to the entire destruction of all cleaving to ex-
istence. See Gogcrly's Essay C. B,, A. S. J. i.. la.
TO KACIICIIAYANA’s grammar.
XXXV
By the association of those with the foregoing Vijjd the
supreme Buddha was endowed with Vijjd and Charana ' —
Pradipikdva.
The anxiety of Buddhists not to identify themselves with
Brahmans appears also from the meanings which the former
attach to the very words borrowed from the latter, e. g.
Brohmachariyd, ‘ the Brahm m in his noviciate’ is inter-
preted to mean ‘ the whole course of Buddhist religious
duties.’* Take again the word Vakibd. Between it and the
Sanskrit word badavd, there is but the difference of the two
dialects ; for the interchange, occasionally, of b and v, and
the change of the Sanskrit d into l, in the Pali, is well
known. Taking this, therefore, to be the Sanskrit word
fcadavd we find that the Buddhists, whilst adopting the Brah-
man word for “ A urva, sub-marine fire, called badava or bd-
dava, and personified as the son of the Saint Urva”, assign to
it the like meaning of ‘ a sub-marine fire’, but, with a view
to differ from the Brahmans, explain it to be — not the deva,
of the Hindu Pantheon, ‘ who, consisting of flames but with a
mare’s head sprung from the thighs of Urva, and was received
by the ocean’, but — as Milton describes it,
— — ‘ a fiery deluge, fed
With ever-burning sulphur unconsum’d.’
“ The unquenchable fire of hell, so rigorous that its contact
with water only inflames it the more.”f And the badava-
mukha ‘ the mare’s mouth’, wherein the Hindu Urva enter-
ed, is also known to the Buddhists as valabdmukha ; but
they define it to be ‘a pool or hollow in the trough of the
Sea, occasioned in stormy weather by the waves rolling to-
wards the Meru or the Sakvala-gala.’
To return to the alleged ‘ tendency of later Buddhists &c.’
I have closely searched, but in vain, for a single instance
(Kachchayana excepted) in which the Buddhists of any pe-
riod might be charged with such a weakness.
* See remarks of Mon. Bnmouf in his tiistoire du Buddhismc , 1. p. HI.
+ Attanagaluvansa, Cap. ii. § 1.
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XXXVI
INTRODUCTION
Take, for instance, the Lvp< siddhi or Bdlavatdra, and
other Pali Grammars which have already been noticed.
There is no correspondence between the names of their re-
puted authors, and the “ names famous in ancient Brah-
manic history.” Take also such names as Mihindu, Bud-
dhagosa, Ananda, I’uddh ipiya, Yanaratana, Mogga llayana,
and Anomadassi, and we look in vain for their celebrated
prototypes ‘ famous in Brahmanic history.’ True, some of
the Buddhist names are Brahmanical, and for the simplest
of all reasons, that Buddhism arose out of Brahmanism, and
on Brahmanical soil ; and that some of ‘ the most famous
in Brahmanic history’, such as Amara, Purushottama, II e-
machandra, &c., have embraced the new religion. Moreover,
in the East, Brahman appellations were anciently, as they
are at present, common names. Amongst the coolies in the
Coffee and Cocoanut plantations of Ceylon do we meet with
many a Purasi Rama, Chandra, &c., &c. ; yet, with the excep-
tion of the Patronymic Kachchdyana, it is difficult to find
a single name of a Buddhist writer, which can be ‘ referred
to similar names amongst the Brahmans famous in history.’
The reason too, for the anxiety evinced by Buddhists not
to identify themselves with Biahmans, may be easily ex-
plained. It was to remove the reproaches of the Brahmans,
such as the following, which Kumdrild casts upon the
Sdkva fraternity. — “ These Sakyas, Vaiseshikas, and other
heretics, who have been frightened out of their wits by the
faithful Mimansakas, prattle away with our own ivords as if
trying to lay hold of a shadow.*
Having thus noticed the arguments for and against the
alleged date and authorship of this Pali Grammar, it is indeed
a matter of curious inquiry, especially in view of the simi-
larity between it and Panini ; — ‘ what relationship does the
Pali Kachchdyana bear to its Sanskrit prototype? And here I
shall first dwell upon the alleged identity between the author
of the Prakrit Prakdsa, and Kachchdyana. Professor Cowell,
* Max Muller's Sanskrit Literature j>. 8 1.
to kacuciiatana’s GRAMMAR. XXXvii
the erudite translator of the Prakrit Prakhsa, thus notices
the subject : —
“ Katyayana has always been the reputed author of the
Vhrtikhs, or supplemental remarks on the ancient Grammar
of Phnini ; and both names are found in the accounts of the
Chinese Buddhist Hiuan-thsang, who travelled in India in
the first half of the seventh century of our • era. Phnini is
called Pho-ni-ni, and described as the founder of music, which
appears to be the nearest Chinese expression for a Gramma-
rian ; the passage relating to Kitty ayana is as follows * ‘ Tchi
nn pon ti (erigd par les Chinois), limite de I’lnde du Nord.
Au sud-est de la grande ville, k 500 li, mo-
nastbre de Tha mo sou fa na (foret obscure) ; Id, a vdcu le doc-
teur Kin to yan na, 300 ans apres le Nirvdna*f* Monastere
fondb par Asoka.’ The Buddhist traditions in Ceylon all agree
in calling the author of the earliest Pali Grammar Kachchd-
yano and although this is said to have perished, yet when
we remember how very closely allied Pali is to Prakrit, and
that Kachch&yano is simply the Prakrit form of Katyayana,
there can be little doubt that the Prakrit grammar of the
one and the Pali grammar of the other, are only the Brah-
manical and Buddhist versions of the same tradition.” — p. viii.
The learned Professor’s argument amounts to the
following : — 1 Kktydyana alias Vararuchi was the writer
of the Paninya- V&rttikas. Kachchhyana, between whose
name and that of Katyayana there is only the difference
of dialects, was the author of a Pali (Prakrit) Grammar.
Vararuchi was, moreover, the writer of the Prakrit PvakcLsa.
Things which are equal to the same thing, are equal to each
* Quoted in the Appendix (p. 382) to Remusat's translation of the “ Foe Kout
Ki ou Relation des royaumes Bouddhiques. 11 See also M. Julien's Hist : de la
vie de Hiouen Thsang, p.p. 102, 165.
+ The common date of the Nirvana of Buddha is B. C. 543; but Hiuan Thsang
(aa quoted in a note to p. 2 '1 7 _) gives several different dates as current in India in
his time, the latest of which is about B. C. 360.
J See Tumour's “ JTahawansa", Introd : p.p. 25 — 27.
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xxxvm
INTRODUCTION
other. Therefore, Vararuchi was Katyayana ; — Katyayana,
Kachchayana ; — and Kachchayana, Vararuchi. Therefore,
the Pali Grammarian and the Prakrit writer were identical !
This reasoning is certainly inadmissible. Identity of
names does not prove identity of persons.* It is possible to
point out from History several Katyayanas, and as many
Vararu chi’s. They are, like Kaliddsa and Ii&syapa in In-
dia, or, as Smith in England, common names. We have no bet-
ter authority than the idle tale of a Vrihat Katha, which
abounds with the “ marvellous, to prove that Katyayana
was called Vararuchi ; and. even admitting for the sake of
argument, and upon the authority of the Kathct Sarit S&gara,
and Hema-chandra, that such was the fact ; it is remark-
able that, when people speak of the author of the Varttikas,
they generally name him Katyayana — not Vararuchi; and that
when they allude to the writer of the Prakrit Pralcas a they
call him Vararuchi, not Katyayana — shewing that they were
two different men. There is indeed no tenable evidence of
the identity between Panini’s Commentator, and the author
of the Prakrit Prakasa; none, indeed, to shew that the latter
was the same individual that wrote the Pali Grammar.
The internal evidence, however, contained in the Pali and
Prakrit Grammars, satisfactorily proves that they were writ-
ten by two different men, and at comparatively two remote
times from each other.
Kachchayana was a Buddhist, not only upon the authority
of the IUipasiddhi, but the testimony which confirms it, viz.
the internal evidence of the fact in the Pali Grammar.
Kachchayana opens his work with a salutation to “ Buddha
of infinite knowledge,” whereas Vararuchi, I believe it will be
admitted, was of the Brahman faith. This is not all. There
* Professor Goldstncker says in his woik on the Age of Panini : “In general
sameness of names, like that of Katyayana, can never prove the identity of persons,
[who bore them] ; there is nothing proved by it, except that both belonged to the
same family, or ('re«p.') were followers of the same School, the Katas." — p.p. 187-8.
t Vide extract from Dandialanknra, infra.
to kachchayana's GRAMMAR. xxxix
is no correspondence whatever in either arrangement, senti-
ments, or words, between the two works. According to Pro-
fessor Lassen (Inst : § 6.) "Each (of the six dialects, of which
the Prkkrit Grammarians treat) “descends by one degree of
p urity below the preceding one, so that the last is more remoto
than any of the former, from the common source.” In this
view of the case, the Mcbgadhl takes a third place in the list of
“ scenic dialects.” Yet it is a well established fact, even in
the opinion of M.M. Burnonf and Lassen, (Essai sur le Pali,
p.p. 138 ff.) that “when the Pali (Magadln) as a derivative
from the Sanskrit, is compared with other dialects, which have
the same origin, it is found to approach far more closely than
any of those others to that common source. It stands, so
to speak, on the first step of the ladder of departure from
Sanskrit, and is the first of the series of dialects which break'
up that rich and fertile language.” This discrepancy, there-
fore fully proves that Vararuchi treats of Pr&krit dialects,
especially the M&gadhi, of an age much later, as the language
shews,* than the text-books of Buddhism. His grammatical
rules of the principal Prakrit, which Lessen denominates the
Dialectus Prtecipua’, are designed for a modified form of
the Pali — after it found a retreat in Ceylon, and degene-
rated from the form in which we find it in Kachchayana,
and Dhammapida, and before it assumed the shape of the
present Maharashtri. This I shall endeavour to shew here-
after. Suffice it however to state here that the Pralcrit-
M&gadhi of Vararuchi is different from the Pali, and from
every dialect which is supposed to have risen from it.
It would thus appear, that the author of the Prakrit
Prakasa, and Kachchayana, were different persons ; and,
upon the evidence of religion it may be inferred, that the
latter was also different from the Brahman sage of the
Paninya- Varttikas.
In view, however, of the correspondence between Pit-
See comparative Tables, infra.
INTRODUCTION
xl
nini’s SaDskrit Grammar, and Kachchayana’s Tali work — a
correspondence which is not limited to one or two stray in-
stances, hut found in different chains of Sutras, and which
may be detected not merely from the similarity of thoughts,
but from the sameness of language — it may be inquired
which of these works was prior in point of time ?
This question may be considered in two different points of
view ; 1st, whether Kachchkyana availed himself of the same
Grammarians to whom Panini himself was indebted? or,
2ndly, whether the Sanskrit author, whose grammatical ter-
minology the Pali writer chiefly adopted, was Panini ?
So far as my researches have extended, and they are
indeed very limited, the only circumstance which favors the
first hypothesis is, that some of the technical terms in Kach-
chkyana, e. g., Pancharrd and Sattami, for the ‘ Benedic-
tive’ and ‘ Potential’ moods, which are not found as a fifth
and a seventh division of the verb, are different from the names
given to the same by Panini. The Balavatara explains
(panchaml sattami tyayan pubb’kchariya saniia) that ‘Pan-
chami and Sattami are the appellations of former teachers’ ;
and the Mahd Sadda Nlti states, that these appellations are
in accordance with Sanskrit Grammars, such as the Katan-
tra,* a comparatively modern Grammar, as stated by Cole-
brooke. These statements however are of no value. The
expressions “ former teachers” and “ the Grammars such as
the Khtantra” are too vague and indefinite. Upon their basis
no conclusions can be drawn. By “ former teachers” we may
fairly infer those who lived before Kachchkyana, or before Pk-
nini; and who can say that they did not likewise adopt the same
appellations which “ such Grammars as the Katantra” use in
regard to the Benedictive and Potential moods ? It is indeed
probable that Pknini, like Kachchkyana, adopted certain, and
rejected certain other, technical teims, &c., of former Gramma-
rians. My acquaintance with the Sanskrit literature is far
* I have not been able to procure a copy of this, for the purpose of comparison.
TO kachciiayaxa’s gkammak.
xli
too limited to draw any further inferences. But all circum-
stances considered (to some of which I shall hereafter refer),
I cannot refrain from the conviction that Kachchhyana had
Pitnini before him when he composed the Sandhikappa. If
such were the fact, should not the Sanskrit Grammarian bo
placed before the Buddhist era ?
This question, as indeed every matter relating to Asiatic
History and Chronology, is one of considerable difficulty ;
and I must most distinctly disclaim the slightest pretention
to give any definite proof on the particular question, especially
when I find such eminent Sanskrit scholars, as Wilson, Bohth-
ling, Weber, and Max Muller, have failed to do so. All I desire
however, in view of the evidence which the Pali Grammar
reveals, and the historical incidents which the Pali Buddhist
annals disclose, is to attract public attention to a few infer-
ences and deductions which may be drawD from them, and
which do not precisely accord with the views expressed by
the learned scholars abovenamed.
Experience has proved, that whatever weight might be at-
tached to facts stated in Brahmanical works, no reliance
could be placed upon their chronological calculations. All
that may be depended upon to a certain extent are their
popular traditions, when supported by the testimony of
other, especially the Buddhist, nations. The popular tra-
dition then, as to the age of Pdnini, which is current not
only among the Brahmans of India, but among the Bud-
dhists of Ceylon, is exactly what is stated by Colebrooke in
the following passage.
“ Panini, the Father of Sanskrit Grammar, lived in so re-
mote an age, that he ranks amongst those ancient sages,
whose fabulous history occupies a conspicuous place in the
Purdnas or Indian Theogonies. The name is a patronymic
indicating his descent from Panin, but according to the
Paurdnica legends, he was grandson of Devala, an inspired
legislator.”*
* Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essajs. Vol. ii. p. 4 .
I
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INTRODUCTION
/
/
/!xlii
Against this popular belief, several writers have quoted
the passage wherein Panini mentions Yavandni as a name of
a lipi, or writing, “ the alphabet of the Yavanas.” The in-
ference sought to be deduced, viz., that the Yavanas, who
were a “ head-shaving race”* were Ionians, or Bactrian
Greeks, who could only have been known in Asia after the
invasion of Alexander the Great, i* is indeed unfounded.
Few subjects in the history of the East, are capable of
more satisfactory proof than that the Yavanas or Yonas had
been known before Gotama Buddha.
The identification of Yavanas with Mohammedans, is also
open, in the opinion of Professor Wilson, to the objection
that the former are mentioned in works prior to the
Mohammedan era.J
In one of Asoka’s inscriptions, the Girnar, Antiochus is
called the Yona rdja, ‘ the king of the Yonas.’ The
Milindappanna speaks of Milinda as a Yona king. Whe-
ther he be identical with Meneander, and the Yonaka coun-
try with Euthydemia§ remains to be proved. From the
following extracts, however, we glean the facts ; that Milinda
was born at Kalnsi in Alasadda, 200 Yojanas from Sagal;
and that Sagal was only twelve Yojanas from Cashmir.
Raj& aha bhante Nagasena yo idha kala kato Brahma
loke uppajjeyya yocha idha kala kato Kasmire uppijjeyya
kochira taran ko slga taran’-ti. Samakan Maha rhja ti. Opam-
man karohl’ti — kuhinpana Maha raja tava jata nagaranti — At
thig&mo bhante Kala si giUno nMna yatthahan jato’ti — Kiva
duro Maha raja ito Kalasi gamo hotiti — Dumattani bhante
yojana satitniti — kiva duran maha raja ito Kasmiran hotiti-
Dvedasa bhante yojananiti — Ingha tvan mah& rajH Kalasigil-
man chintehiti — Chintito bhante ti — Ingha tvan Mahit raja
* “ Sogara made the Yavanas shave their heads ." — Vishnu Purina, iv., 3.
t See Pr. llenfcy's Article on India.
{ Wilson's Hindu Theatre, II, p. 179.
$ Vide Wilson's Ariana, p. 230.
to kaciiciiayana’s grammar.
xliii
Kasmlran chinteldti — Ohintitan bhanteti — Katnman nukho
mah& raj A chirena chintitan k ataman slgataranti — samakan
bhanteti. Eva mevako mahb, rilja yo idha kdla kato Brah
maloke uppajjeyya yocha idha kala kato Kasmire uppajjeyya
samakan yeva oppajjantiti.
“ The king said, Lord Kagasena (suppose) one who dies
here (Sagal) is born in the Brahma world ; and another who
dies here is born in Kashmir : which of them is born sooner,
and which of them later ? Priest —Monarch, at the same
time ? King — Give an illustration. Priest — Monarch, which
is the City of thy birth ? King— Lord, I was born in a place
which is called Kalasi gdma. Priest —Monarch, how far is
Kalasi gdma from hence ? King —Lord, about 200 yojanas.
Priest— Monarch, how far is Kasmir from hence? King —Lord,
Twelve yojanas. Priest— Monarch, think quickly of Kalasi
gdma. King — Lord, I have thought. Priest — Monarch, think
quickly of Kasmir. King — Lord, I have. Priest — Which of
them, Monarch, hast thou taken shorter time to think, and
which of them longer ? King — Lord, equal time. Pr iest — So
likewise, Monarch, he who dies here, and is born in the
Brahma loka ; and he who dies here, and is born in Kasmir,
are both born at the same (period of) time.”
Again : — Thero ilhakuhin pana maha rAja tava jata bhti-
miti’ — ‘Atthi bhante Alasando nama dlpo tatthahan jatoti’
- — ‘kiva dhro maha raja ito Alasando hotiti’— ‘ dumattani
bhante yojana sat a niti.’
“The Priest asked, Monarch, where is the land of thy birth ?
Ohl Lord, there is an island named A/asanda. I was born there.
Monarch, how far is Alasanda from hence (Sagala) ?— Lord,
about two hundred yojanas ” »
In the following passage Isiodorus mentions Sdgal and
Alexandria in the same sentence — et Sigal urbs, ubi regia
Sacarum, propequs Alexandria urbs et non procul Alexan-
driapolis urbs. From the Mahawansa, moreover, we learn
that Alasadda was the Capital of the Yona country. The
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xliv
INTRODUCTION
mention of dipo in reference to Alasanda, in one of the above
extracts, presents no valid objection against its identification
with Alexandria ; for Pali writers, and Buddhists in general,
like the ancient Greeks, had a very vague notion of the Geogra-
phical position of countries.
Perhaps the Milindappanna, as well as the Inscriptions do,
not furnish conclusive proofs on the subject ; since they were
clearly after the date of Asoka, who is expressly mentioned
therein. Nor indeed are the Ndtakas of much value, for
the same reason. But the same objection does not apply to
Manu, or the Mahd Bhdrata, in both which ancient works
the Yavanas are mentioned.
Manu states* that the following tribes were originally
Kshatriyas, but have gradually sunk to the state of
Yrishalas (Sudras), from the extinction of sacred rites
and from having no communication with Brahmans ; viz.
Paundrakas, Odras, DravicZas, Kambojas, Yavanas, »S’akas
Paradas, Pahlavas, Chinas, Kiratas, Daradas, and Khasas.
“ These tribes of Kshatriyas, viz., Sakas, Yavanas, Kambo-
jas, DravicZas, Kalindas, Pulindas, Usinaras, Kolisarp is, and
Mahishakas, have become Sudras from seeing no Brahmans.”-}*
The facts contained in the above extracts are supported in
the Buddhistical annals ; and in quoting therefrom it becomes
my privilege to adduce the authority to which Mr. Tumour
referred, but which he failed to adduce, to prove that ‘ Yava-
na (yfina) is mentioned anterior to Alexander’s invasions in
the ancient Pali works Whether the Buddhist Pitakattaya
was written after the death of the Sage, or before (and that
it was at the period of the Buddhist era is also capable of
satisfactory proof), Gotama, whose age is firmly established,
has spoken of the Yavanas ; and in special reference to the
distinction of Aryas and dasyas, which was recognized in
• Chapter x. 48. 44.
+ Anusasana Parva, verses 2103 et seq.
♦ See Tumour's Introd. to Mahnyansn, xl , vi.
TO KACHCIIAYANA’s GRAMMAR. xlv
the pachchanta (foreign) countries such ns Yona and
Kambojn.
In the Majjhima Nikdya, from which I shall ngnin quote,
Gotama is said to have asked :
Tankin mafifiasi Assalkyana ? suttnnte ‘Yona Kambojesu
nfiiiesu cha pachchante mesu janapadesu vevanna ayyocheva
daso cha hoti — ayyo hutva dasohoti, dasohutvk ayyohoti’ti.
‘ Assalayana, what thinkest thou of this ? Hast thou
heard, that in Yona and Kamboja, and in other foreign
countries, there are various ayyas* (superiors) and ddsas
(inferiors) ; that superiors become inferiors, and inferiors supe-
riors ’ ?
It is said in the commentary that the above was said to
illustrate (such a case as) this :
Brahmano sabhariyo vanijjan payo jento Yonaka rat-
than vk Kamboja rattan va gantva kalankaroti, — tassa gehe
vayappatto daso hoti; Brahman! dasenava kammakaro
nava saddhin vasankappeti ; etasmin darake jate so puriso
dasova hoti ; tassa jata darako para dayajja s-tmiko hoti-
matito suddho pitito asuddho — so vanijjan payojento majjhi-
ma padesan gantva brahmana darikan gahetva ; tassa puch-
chchismin puttan patilabhati, sopi mktitova suddho hoti pitito
asuddho. Evan Brahmana samayasmin yeva jatisambhedo
hoti — ti dassnnattan etan vuttan.
‘ A Brahaman, provided with merchandize, having gone
with his wife either to the country of Kamboja, or the
country of Yona, dies. There is a grown up ddsa or
laborer in his house. The Brahman! lives either with
the cldsa or the laborer, and begets a child for him ; —
that person is still a dasa. The child that is born for him,
who is pure as regards the mother, and impure as regards
the father, becomes the lord of the inheritance. He (too),
provided with merchandize, goes to the Majjhima region, and
takes to him a Brahaman lass. She too gets a sou, who is
pure only on the mother’s side, but impure on that of the
* For the Brahmanieal definition of this word as well as dasa; See. Dr. Muir's
Sanskrit Texts ii. pp 379, 380.
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INTRODUCTION
father. Tims according to the very observances of the
Brahamans there is a distinction of tribes.’
Whilst the authority above quoted satisfactorily explains
the reason why, as in the Hero and the Nymjph, Kalidasa
has applied the term Yavana to menial females ; it also es-
tablishes the fact that the Yavanas were ante Buddhistical.
It has also been stated by Professor Max Muller that since
Pdnini refers to the Unnddi-sdtras, which mention dind-
rah ‘ the "Roman denarius’, Jinah ‘ synonimous with
Arhat a Buddhist saint’, tiritam ‘ a golden diadem’, stdpah
‘ the Buddhist topes’ ; the Sanskrit Grammarian was after
Buddha.* The learned Professor himself has rendered it
very probable that all these words were introduced into the
Unnddisutras ‘after the general spreading of Buddhism,
and the erection of Topes in India.’ This was, however,
upon the supposition that the Unnddi siltras, which are now
extant, were identical with the Sutras of the same name
quoted by Pdnini. But, the proof is indeed wanting to show
that such was the fact ; and the non-existence of the many
Grammatical works to which Pdnini refers, and the anxiety
evinced by the Brahmans to place that sage as Pdninyad-
yah, may fairly lead to the inference that all those works, in-
cluding the particular Unnddi swtras referred to by Panini,
had been long ago lost.-f*
Since these sheets have gone to the press, and the two first
sheets have been printed, I have received from England the
invaluable work of Professor Goldstucker on the age of Pani-
ni ; and I here avail myself of that consummate scholar’s re-
marks on the Unnddi Siltras, which directly bear upon the
subject.
‘ It is true (says he) that this grammarian (Panini) speaks
twice of Unnddi s ■, but he never speaks of UnuMi-Aurias.
• Sankrit l.iteratnrc p. 215.
+ ‘ None of the more ancient works seem to be now extant’ — Colebrooke's Essays
ii. pp. 0, U.
to kachciiayana’s grammar.
xlvil
The former term merely implies a list of Unnadi affixes, and
may imply, according to analogous expressions in Panini, a
list of words formed with these affixes ; but it can never im-
ply a work which treats of these affixes and these formations,
like the UnnUdi Sutras which we are speaking of. Between
a list of TJnnklis —affixes or words — and Unnadi-Siltras,
there is all the difference which exists between a lexicogra-
phical and a grammatical work. All the conclusions, there-
fore, which are based on the identity of both, vanish at once
— p. 159.
Again, says the same writer : ‘ Had Panini not written
the five Sutras (1, 2, 53-57) in which he explains the method
of his grammar, or had he explained all the technical terms
used by him, the absence of a definition of such terms in the
Unnadi-Siltras would not justify us in arriving at any con-
clusion as regards the mutual relation of the two works.
But since we know that Panini does not define all his terms ;
and, on the other hand, that a treatise like the Unnadi -Su-
tras uses those terms which are defi ned by him, and exactly
in the same sense in which they occur in his work, the only
possible conclusion is that this treatise was written later
than the Grammar of Panini.’ — p. 170.
I have examined the Unnadi-Sturas with the assistance of
my Pandit ; but have not been able to find any correspon-
dence between them and the Unnadi in Kachch&yana’s
grammar— a circumstance which favors my belief that the
former work was also later than, the Pali grammar. This
therefore accounts for the mention of ‘ the Roman denarius’*
and ‘ the Buddhist sthripa and ‘ Jina, the founder of a Bud-
dha sect’ &c. ; although the two last, I may remark, had an
origin before the age of Gotama, as may be shewn from the
sermons of that sage himself.
* Indeed this word like the others, has claims to a higher antiquity than the
age of Gotama. See Dena in Pr. H. Wilson’s Glossary of Judicial Terms.
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INTRODUCTION'
M. Reinaud m his ‘ Memoire Geograpliique, Historique et
Scientifique Sur 1’ Inde See. (Paris 1849) says.
‘ Hioueti Thsang attributes to Panini, as he does to many
other notable personages of Buddhism, two existences ; the
first he refers to an epoch in which the life of man was long-
er than at present, and the second about the year 500 after
the death of Buddha ; that is, in the time of Yickramaditya,
a century after the reign of Kaniska. In his first existence,
P&nini professed Brahmanism ; but in in his second, he, to-
gether with his father, was converted to Buddhism.’ — p. 88.
Founded upon this “ Ghost-story”, it has also been sup-
posed by Professor Weber that P&nini should be placed six
centuries after Gotama Buddha, or at 140 A.D.* But the
legendary tale which Hiouenthsang relates, and which is
quoted below, far from countenancing this conjecture, merely
places him, “ at the epoch when the life of man was reduced
to a hundred years.” This need not necessarily have been,
as we again ascertain from the Buddhistical annals, after Go-
tama Buddha. It is stated in the Buddhavansa that.
‘ At the particular period (of the manifestation of the
great elect) the term of human existence was one hundred
years ; and that it therefore appeared to be the proper age in
which his advent should take place.’
This subject may therefore be dismissed by simply sub-
joining the following translation-f- of the passages referred to
in Hiouen thsang : —
1 Having travelled about twenty li north-east of the town,
Ou-to-kia han t'cha (Udakhanda ?) he arrived at the city Po-
lo-tou-lo (Salatura), the birth place of Rishi Po-ni-ni ( P&ni -
ni ) author of the treatise Ching-ming lun (Vyakaranam.)
‘ During the times of a remote antiquity, the words of the
language were extremely numerous ; but after the world had
* See Professor Man Muller's remarks hereon in his Sanskrit Literature p. 304
et seq.
+ For which as well as various other passages from French and German writers
toy acknowledgements are due to my Teacher J. R. Blake Esq,
to kaciicii a Yana's grammar. xhx
been destroyed, tlic universe was found void and waste.
Some Gods of an extraordinary longevity descended on the
earth to serve as guides to the nations. Such was the origi 11
of letters and books. At the conclusion of this epoch their
source enlarged itself, and became boundless. The god Fan
(Brahman), and the king of heaven (Indra) established rules
and conformed to the times. Some heretic Rishis compos, -
ed, each of them, some words. Men used them as models’
carried on their work, and rivalled with each other in preserv-
ing tradition ; but students made vain efforts, and it was dif-
ficult for them to comprehend their meaning,
‘ At the epoch when the life of man was reduced to a hun-
dred years, the Riski Pdnini appeared, who received instruc-
tion from his birth, and possessed an immense understand-
ing. Grieved at the ignorance of the age, he longod to abol-
ish all vague and false conceptions, to extricate language
from superfluous terms, and to establish its laws. As he was
travelling for the purpose of research and instruction, he met
the God Tsew thsai (Isvara Deva), and set before him the
plan of the work he was meditating.
‘ Very well said the god Tseu-thsai (Isvara Deva) you
may reckon on my assistance,
‘ Having received his instructions the Rishi departed
He then gave himself up to profound researches, and em-
ployed all the energy of his intellect. He ‘collected a multi-
tude of expressions, and composed a vocabulary which con,-
tained a thousand slokas ; each sloka consisted of thirty-two
syllables. He sounded to their utmost limits, knowledge
both ancient and modern ; and having brought together, in
this work, letters and terms, he enclosed it in a sealed enve-
lope, and presented it to the king, who equally prized and
admired it. He made a decree, which ordered all his sub-
jects to study and teach it. He added that he, who should
be able to recite it from one end to the other, would receive
a reward of a thousand pieces of gold. Hence the reason,
(thanks to the lessons of successive teachers) that this work
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INTRODUCTION
is still held in g reat estimation. Hence it is that the Brah-
mans of t^is city possess substantial knowledge, and talents
of a high order, and are always distinguished by the extent
of their knowledge, and the rich stores of their memory,
‘ In the city of Po-lo-ton-lo (read So-lo-tou-lo, Salatura)
there is a StApa. It was in this place that a Lo-han (an
A rhat ) converted a disciple of Ponini. Five huudred years
after is Jou-lai (the Tathagata) had left the world, there was
a great ’Olohan (Arhat) who, coming from the kingdom of
Kia-cki-milo (Cashmire) travelled for the purpose of con-
verting people. When he had arrived in this country, he
saw a Fan-tchi (a Brahmacharin) occupied in whipping a
little boy, whom he was teaching. “ Why do you ill-treat that
child ?” said the A vliat to the Fan-tchi.
‘ I am making him study,’ replied he, ‘the treatise of
the doctrine of sounds, ( ching-ming Vyakaranam) but he
makes no progress.’
‘ The Arhat seemed amused, and suffered a smile to escape
him. The old Fan-tchi said to him, “ The Cha-men
(sramanas) possess a tender and compassionate heart, and
they pity the creatures that are enduring pain. A man
full of humanity smiles upon occasion. I should wish to
learn the cause.
‘ It is not difficult to make you acquaint ed with it, replied
the Arhat, but I fear I shall produce in you a hesitancy
of belief. You have, doubtless, heard of a certain Rish 1
named Ponini, who composed the treatise ching-ming-lun,
and that he has left it behind for the instr uction of the
world. The Po-lo-men said to him — The children of this
city who are all his disciples, revere his virtue, and the
statue, erected to his memony, exists at this day.
‘Well said the Arhat, this child, to whom you gave life,
is actually that llishi. In his former existence, he used his
strong memory in studying profane writings : he did not
speak, but of heretical treatises, and did not seek at all the
truth. His genius and his science perished ; and he coursed
TO kaciiciiayana’s grammar. li
though, without stopping, the circle of life, and of death.
Thanks to a remnant of virtue, he has been permitted to
become your dear son. But profane 'writings, and the elo-
quence of the age only impose a useless labour. Can they
be compared to the sacred instructions of Jon -lai which, by a
mysterious influence, affords underst anding and happiness. ?
* In former times, there was, on the shores of the Southern
Ocean, a whithered tree whose hollow trunk afforded an
asylum to five hundred bats. One day, some merchants halted
at the foot of this tree. As there prevailed at the time an
icy cold breeze, these men, who were tor mented with cold
and hunger, collected together sticks and thorns, and lighted
a fire at the foot of the tree. The flame increased by degrees,
and soon set the withered tree on fire .
‘ At this moment there was one of the merchants who be-
gan, at mid night, to read with a loud voice, the collection of
*he O-pi-ta-mo (Abhidharma.) The bats, tormented as they
were by the heat of the fire, listened however, with desire to
the accents of the law, endured the pain without quitting
their retreat, and there terminated their existence. In conse-
quence of this virtuous conduct, they obtained the honor of
being bom again in the class of human beings. They left
their families, gave themselves up to study, and, thanks to
the sounds of the law which they had formerly heard, they
acquired a rare underst mding, obtained altogether the dig-
nity of Arhat, and cultivated from age to age, the field of hap-
piness.
‘During this latter period the k i ng A ia-ni-se-kia (Kanish’ka)
and the Honorable Hie (Arya-Parsvika) assembled five hun-
dred sages in the kingdom oi Kia-chi-mi-lo (Cashmire) and
composed the Pi-po-cha-lun (the Vibhasha sastra). All these
sages were the five hundred bats who had formerly inhabited
the cavity of the withered tree. Although I possess a limited
intelligence, yet I am one of them. But, men differ from one
another, either by the superiority, or mediocrity of their
genius. Those essay their flight, while these creep in ob~
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INTRODUCTION
scurity. And now, 0 man full of humanity, you must allow
your dear son to leave his friends. In performing this act,
•that is, embracing the life of a religieuse, one acquires in
effable merit.
‘ Having finished his discourse, the Arhat gave proof of
his divine power by his immediate disappearance.
‘ The Brahman felt himself penetrated by faith and
reverence ; and, having loudly expressed his admiration, went
and related the event in the neighbourhood. He also per-
mitted his son to embrace the life ' of a Religieuse, and de-
vote himself to study. As for himself, he was immediately
converted; and showed the greatest esteem for the Three Gems.
The men of his village followed his example, and, even at
this day, the inhabitants are confirmed in their faith, day
by day.’
Professor JBohtlingh, in his introduction to Panini, advances
the following arguments founded, as it would seem, on nearly
the same authorities as those already quoted.
‘ As respects the age (he says) in which our Grammarian
lived, I will produce some citations which will give some
weight to the received opinion, that Pdnini lived in the 4th
Century, according to our chronology.
‘ Amara-Sinha, the most ancient lexicographer whose
work is extant, lived, as universally received, in the middle
of the first centry after Christ. In his work, we meet with a
multitude of grammatical expressions and affixes, which
occur also in Pdnini. From this circumstance alone, one
should not venture to decide absolutely on the high antiquity
of Pdnini; for, as we have early enough remarked, Pdnini s
grammatical terminology is easily discovered amongst his
predecessors. By means of the following passages, however.
I trust, I shall be authorized to draw a conclusion.
Amara Kosha (S 3G3, p I. and S. 378 12 and S 384
25 of Colebrook’s edition ) It is said, that the word
Jldlra at the end of a compound, is masculine except
when a numeral precedes ; in this case it is a neuter.
to icaciiciiayana’s grammar.
liii
0
According io Panini (II 4. 29), Rhtra at the end of a com-
pound is always masculine ; EUykyana also appears to
maintain the rule unrestricted; compare with II. 4. 29 —
S. 363. Z. 4. (Colebrooke’s) (S. 384. 26.) Pathah Sank-
vyavyayat parah (“patha, on a numerable or an undeclinable
word following, is at the end of a compound neuter.)”
Panini (II, 4. 30.) allows only Apatha to be a neuter ; Kkt-
yayana enlarges the rule, in the same manner as Amara
SinJta; compare with II. 4. 30.— S. 368. Z. 4. (Colebr.
385. 15.) Punayasudinhmy d twahali parah, “ Aha, on puna-
ya and sudina following, (is a neuter.)” With Panini, Alta, at
the end of every compound, is a neuter. Both opinions are
given by Katyayana (compare with II. 4. 29.) The passage
next following is most decidedly only half intelligible, without
copsuiting our grammarian S. 374. Z. 3. (S. 393. 45. C.)
Andghantastetarak tagharthe. The derivatives in An &c.
in the signification of “coloured thereby” Ac. (are all of three
genders.) An is the first affix in that division of grammar
in which the taddhitas and their significations are treated of ;
compare IV. 1. 83. The first signification of these affixes, in
the formation of adjectives, is Tenaraktan ; compare IV. 2. 1.
‘ It is indeed, by no means proved hereby that Panini lived
three centuries before Amara Sinha. But then this opinion
will acquire probability, when it is stated that Amara Sinha
is still more recent than Patangali. In this case we shall
still have, between Panini and Amara Sinha, four Gramma-
rians ; Katyayana, the author of the Paribdshd, the author of
the Kariha, and Patangali.
‘ Tradition makes Bhartrihari the brother of Vickramadit
ya, the author of the KariJca. Were this point settled,
Patangali would be at most a contemporary of Amara
Sinhu’s. This tradition is contradicted by another; according
to which Patangali is removed to a high antiquity, and con-
stituted a mythological being in the shape of a Serpent. We
shall not, however, take our refuge, by proving the worthless-
ness of one story by means of another, whilst we have at our
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INTRODUCTION
command an historical testimony in the annals of Kashmcr'e.
The passage contains a grammatical difficulty, which may
however, be removed by a small alteration. The verse is ex-
pressed in the Calcutta edition as follows (1. 17C.)
Chandrachary&hbbirlabdhadesan tasmat tadagaman.
Pravartitan sahabhashyan svan cha vyakaranan krit.
‘ Troyer (in his recent edition of this chronicle, Itdjdtarin-
gini) reads Chandra vya karanam for svan cha vy'&karanam,
and translates “ Tchandratcharya and others after receiving
the commands, explained his (the king Abhimanyu’s) Sas-
tra , and composed a large commentary and a grammar bear-
ing the name of Chandra.” Seeing, for ought that I know, ^ that
nothing is said any where about Abhimanyu’s having com-
posed a <S dslra, the word pravartitan can have no gramma-
tical reference to tadagaman ; for this word is of necessity a
masculine. To join tadagaman as an adjective to labdhddesan ,
and to render it “ to come thither (to Abhimanyupura) or to
him according to the command received by him” would be
too forced. We read labdhvddesan ; then can tadagaman be
easily united with Adesan. Professor Herr Lassen, whom I
consulted on this passage, proposed to me to read taddgame
by which the difficulty would be removed. “The causal from
pravart has here, assuredly, no other signification than * to
set up a thing, to introduce a matter.’ ” The full sense of the
verses will accordingly be the following : “ when the teacher
Kandra and others had received the command from him,
(the king Abhimanyu) thither, (or to him) to repair, they
produced the Mahabashya and composed an accurate gram-
mar.” To corroborate this translation I put down here a
quite similar passage from the same work (IY. 487.)
De s kn tar ad agam ay y a vyachakshanan kshamapitih.
Prkvartayata vichcchinnan mahabashyan svamandale.
After the king (Cayapida,) had brought in expositors from
other lands, he introduced into his land the worn-out (no
longer extant in a perfect condition ?) Mahabashya again.”
M. Troyer renders vichchinnan Mahabashyan by “ the
large well divided grammar,” and remarks in a parenthe-
to KAcncn a yana's grammar. lv
sis, that this is Panini’s Grammar. In the first verse
that learned man has translated Mahabhhshya quite
commonly “ a large commentary,” as I conjecture, from this
ground that it appeared to him improbable that the study of
grammar was pursued already in the twelfth century accord-
ing to our reckoning. (M. Troyer maintains strongly the
chronology of the Cashmirian chronicle.) From this can we
explain only his remarks on every passage : “ The titles of
the books vydkarana, and Upadesa, appear amongst the
Buddhists, to be equivalent to those of the “purhnas” and
“ tantras” (See the Memoir of Mr. Hodgson in the Transac-
tions of the Rl. As. Soc. of Great Britain and Ireland, Yol II.
parts I. and II.
‘ Kandra occurs in a memorial verse in union with the fol-
lowing ancient grammarians Indra, Kasakntsna, Apisali,
Sdkathyana, Pan Ini, Amara, and Oinendra. Bhattogi men-
tions him and his followers, the Kandras, often.
‘ The age of the king Abhimanyu, in whose reign Kandra
lived, may be fixed in several ways, all of which lead to the
same result. Under Abhimanyu, there appeared in Cash-
mere, the Bodhisatva Nagdrjuna, whose birth the Tibetans
place 400 years after Buddha’s death, therefore in the year 1 43
or 144 before Christ. His preaching as well as the reign of
Abldmanyu may be accordingly fixed for the year 100. We
maintain the same number, when we adhere to the chronicle
of Cashmere. Asoka, the forty-eighth king of the second
period is, without doubt, the grandson of Kandragupta.
Asoka is removed from his grandfather forty-nine or sixty -two
years ; the beginning of his reign will fall in the year
250 before Christ. Five kings, according to the annals of
Cashmere, divide Asoka from Abhimanyu. Let us allow each
of them as well as Asoka, to reign on an average twenty-five
years ; we then have the wished for number of years for
Abhimanyu. We arrive close to the same result when we
follow the Chinese narrative. This narrative places Kanish-
ka the last of the Turushka princes, and the direct predeces-
sor of Abhimanyu 400 years after Buddha’s death, that is, in
lvi
INTRODUCTION
the year 143 — 144 after Christ. Now, since we have discov-
ered, that Patangnlis 31ahabhshya through Kandra in Cash-
mere, already in the year ] 00 before Christ, came into general
use, we arc fully authorized to put back the composition
of the great commentary on Panini’s Sfitras to the year 150.
Between Patangali and Phiini, there are, as we have re-
marked above, three Grammarians known to us who furnish
us with contributions to Plmiui’s grammar. We need accord-
ingly to place the interval between merely two or fifty years,
to reach the year 350, in which, according to Kathd-sarit-
sdgara, our Grammarian is to be placed.’*
Professor Max Muller in reviewing the above arguments-
says Professor Bohtlingk “endeavored to shew that the great
commentary of Patanjali, which embraces both the Varttikas
of Katyayana, and the sfitras of Panini, was known in
the middle of the second century B. C. It is said in the his-
tory of Kashmir, that Abhimanyu, the king of Kashmir,
sent for Brahmans to teach the Mahabhashya in his kingdom.
Abhimanyu, it is true, did not reign, as Professor Bohtlingk
supposed, in the second century B, C., but, as has been proved
from coins, by Professor Lassen, in the first century A. B.
But even thus this argument is important. In the history of
Indian literature, dates are mostly so precarious, that a con-
firmation even within a century or two, is not to be despised.
The fact that Patan jail’s immense commentary on Pmini
and Katyayana had become so famous as to be imported
by royal authority into Kashmir in the first half of the first
century, A D , shews at least, that we cannot be very far
wrong in placing the composition of the original grammar
and of the supplementary rules of Katyayana on the thres-
hold of the third century B. C. At what time the Mahtt-
* Introduction to Patiini by Bohtlingk— See contra by Weber in his Intro-
duction.
TO kachciiayana’s grammar.
Ivii
bhitshya was first composed it is impossible to say.* Patanjali,
the author of the great commentary, is sometimes identified
with I’ingala ; and on this view, as Pingala is called the
younger brother, or at least the descendant of Panini, it might
be supposed that the original composition of the Malia-
bhashya belonged to the third century. But the identity of
Pingala and Patanjali is far from probable, and it would be
rash to use it as a foundation for other calculations.
All these arguments Professor Max Muller characterizes as
“ entirely hypothetical.” Indeed they are; and the reader can-
not fail to perceive that though it is quite correct to fix
the date of Panini at some time before Amarasinha, yet
* The following observations have an important hearing upon the question : —
‘ This is the only date, the fixing of which is called “ impossible,” in Muller’s An-
cient Sanskrit Literature ; and as ik has hitherto been my fate to differ from this
work in all its chronological views, I seem merely to follow a predestined necessity
in looking upon the date of Patanjali as the only one which I should venture to de-
termine with anything like certainty.
* I do so, because Patanjali, as if foreseeing the conjectural date which some fu-
ture Pandit would attach to his life, or the doubt that might lift him out of all
historical reach, once took the opportunity of stating a period before which we must
not imagine him to have lived, while on another occasion he mentions the time
when he actually did live.
‘ If a thing,” says Panini, “ serves for a livelihood, bnt is not for sale” (it lias
not the affix ka). This rule IVtanjali illustrates with the words “ Siva, Skandn,
Vi#aklia,” meaniug the idols that represent these divinities and at the same time
give a living to the men who possess them,— while they are not for sale. And,
•‘why?” he asks. “ The Mauryas wanted gold, and therefore established religions
festivities. Good; (Panini’s rule) may apply to such (idols, as they sold) ; but as to
idols which are hawked about (by common people) for the sake of such worsh'p as
brings an immediate profit, their names will have the affix ka."
1 Whether or not this interesting hit of history was given by Patanjali ironically,
to show that even affixes are the obedient servants of kings, and must vanish before
the idols which they sell, because they do not take the money at the same time that
the bargain is made — as poor people do, — I know not. But, at all events, he tells
ns distinctly by these words that he did not live before the first king of the Maurya
dynasty who was Chandragupta, and who lived 315 B. C. And I believe, too, if we
are to give a natural interpretation to his words, that he tells us, on the contrary^
that he lived after the last king of this dynasty, or in other words later than 180 be-
fore Christ. Hut he has even been good enough to relieve ns from a possibility of
this doubt when commenting on another rule of Panini, or rather on a criticism
attached to it by Katyayana.’ — folJstucker’s “ Panini ” p.-p. 228—9.
t Professor .Max Muller’s Sanskrit Literature p. 240.
'/V
Iviil
INTRODUCTION
no valid ground lias been shewn to determine that as having
been after the Euddhistical era.
A fact, however, may be here cited from the Buddhistical
annals, which apparently countenances the conjecture of Pro-
fessor Max Muller. It is this ; that Devala is mentioned as
a contemporary of Gotama.
The A tthahathk to the Buddhavansa after alluding to the
birth of Siddhntta before he became Gotama-Buddha says : —
‘ At that period a certain tapaso, named Khladewalo, who was
a confidant of the maharaja Suddhodano, and who had
acquired the eight samdpatti, having taken his meal, — for the
purpose of enjoying his noonday rest, — repaired to the
Tiiwatinsa realms. He there found the host of dewnth,
in the Tkwatinsa realms, revelling in joy, and in the exuber-
ance of their felicity, waving cloths over their heads, and
asked, ‘ Why is it that ye thus rejoice, in the fulness of the
heart’s delight ? Tell me the cause thereof ?’ The dewatb,
thus replied, ‘ Blessed ! unto the raja a son is born, who seat-
ed at the foot of the bo tree, having become Buddho, will es-
tablish the supremacy of dhammo : and we shall be blessed
with the sight of the many attributes of his Buddhohood, and
with the hearing of his dhammo. It is from this cause that
we rejoice.’
‘ Thereupon the said Dewala the tapaso, on hearing this
announcement of theirs, descending from the supreme Dewa-
loka enchanting with its golden glitter ; and entering the
palace of the monarch Suddhodana, seated himself on the
pre-eminent throne erected therein. He then thus address-
ed the raja who had accorded to him a gracious reception.
‘ Raja to thee a son is born : him I will see.’ The raja
caused the infant, richly clad, to be brought, in order that he
(the infant) might do homage to the tapaso, Dcvalo. The
feet of the great elect, at that instant performing an evolu-
tion, planted themselves on the jata (top-knot of Devalo )
which glittered, from its hoariness, like unto the fleecy white
cloud impregnated with rain. There being no one greater
to whom reverence is due than to a Buddho elect, who had at-
TO KACIICIIAYANA S GRAMMAR.
IX
tained the last stage of existence, — instantly rising from the
throne on which he was seated, ( Dewalo ) bowed down with
his clasped hands raised over his head, to the Buddho elect ;
and the Raja also, on witnessing this miraculous result, like-
wise bowed down to his own son.
‘ The Vk'paso having perceived the perfection of the im-
mortal attributes of the elect, was meditating whether he
would or would not become the supreme Buddho ; and
while thus meditating, he ascertained by his power of per-
ception into futurity, he would certainly become so ; and
smiling said, ‘ This is the wonderful mortal.’ He again thus
meditated : ‘ am, I or am I not destined to behold his achieve-
ment of Buddholiood ?’ and said, ‘No, I am rot destined :
dying in the interval, though a thousand Buddha be
henceforth manifested, it will not be vouchsafed to me
to participate in such a blessing : I shall be regenerated in
realms inhabited by incorporeal spirits : never shall I behold
the wonderful mortal : a mighty calamity is impending over
me.’ Having thus divined, he wept.
‘ The bystanders remarking, ‘ our ayyo (revered teacher)
having this moment smiled, has now commenced to weep,’ in-
quired, * Is there any misfortune impending over the infant
of our ruler ?’ The tdpaso replied, :unto him there is no im-
pending calamity : beyond all doubt he is destined to become
Buddho.’ ‘ Why dost thou then weep V ‘I am not destined to
see so wonderful a mortal as this, on his attaining Buddho-
liood : most assuredly unto me this is an awful calamity. I
weep in the bitterness of my own disappointment.’
If the KAlad&vala ascetic here mentioned ‘ who had acquir-
ed the eight samapatti,’ and Devala ‘ the inspired legislator’
of the Hindu Pauranic legends were identical, we might indeed
be warranted in placing Panini, as ‘ the grandson of Devala,’
in the third century B. C., or in the third century A. D. But,
this is by no means satisfactorily proved. There is the same
difference between their names as between Sakatayana and
Katyayana. The Pauranic legend is also contradicted by
Bhottagi. Professor Bothlmgk says: “Panini is, according
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lx
INTRODUCTION
to Eliott gi, a descendant of Panina, who is cither a grandson,
or more remote descendant of Panin.” Be this how
ever, as it may. Without at all impugning the authenticity
or genuineness of the Pali Atthakatha to the Buddhawansa,
it may be stated that the identification of these two persons
involves us in this difficulty, viz. that to other well-known
Hindu works and writers, whom Gotama unmistakably men-
tions, we must in that case, assign a post-Buddhistic date.
At the time Gotama appeared, the Vedangas had been in
existence. At the time the Vedangas were composed, ‘ the
period of inspiration,’ according to Brahmans and even Bud-
dhists, had long before ceased.* Their authors too, claimed no
inspiration for themselves. They merely rendered the study
of “ the revealed literature,” easier. Devala, as an “ inspired
legislator’ ” must therefore belong to a period before the
Vedangu literature, and anterior to the appearance of Gotama
Buddha. Hence the non-identity between Devala and Kdla
devala.
If, again, Panini lived two or three centuries after Buddha,
we are sure to have in his sutras, some allusion to the sage
or his remarkable doctrines, which, as M. Burnouf says, ‘ found
numerous recruits among those who were frightened by
the difficulties of Brahmanic.il science ’ There is however
no such allusion ; and the word ‘ Stupah.’ if it were not
a later introduction, means, ‘ not a Buddhist tope,’ but simply
‘ a heap of earth,’ as it is said to have been used in the Vedas.
To place Panini after the Buddhist era (supposing that I
have correctly fixed the age of Kachchayana) is indeed to
affirm that the proud Brahamans were indebted for their Gram-
matical principles to those who had ceceded from theirChurch,
and who were availing themselves of the Brahaman literature ;
and at a time too, when Buddhism with the language in
which it was promulgated, was fast disappearing in Hindustan.
This is indeed so very improbable, especially in view of the
fact expressly stated by Kachchayana, that he had adopted
• Gotama himself says that long before his advent the Brahamans had fallen off
from their high sanctity.
to kaciioha Yana’s grammar.
lxi
terms given by Sanskrit Grammarians ; that it may reason-
ably be concluded that Pilnini was before Kachchayana, and
therefore before Gotama Buddha.
Professor Goldstucker says : ‘ Though Yaska be older than
Panini, and Panini older than Kdtyayana, there still remains
the mystery as to the era of Panini. No work of the ancient
literature, within my knowledge, gives us the means of pene-
trating it. But as the remotest date of Hindu antiquity
which may be called a real date, is that of Buddha’s death, it
must be of interest to know whether Fdnini is likely to have
lived before or after this event.
‘ Not only is the name of Sdkyamuni, or Sakya, never
adverted to in the Sutras of P&nini, but there is another
fact connected with this name which is still more re-
markable.
4 The great schism which divided ancient India into two
hostile creeds, centres in the notion which each entertained
of the nature of eternal bliss. The Brahmanic Hindus hope
that their souls will ultimately become united with the uni-
versal spirit ; which, in the language of the Upanishads,
is the neuter Brahman ; and, in that of the sects, the su-
preme deity, who takes the place of this philosophical and
impersonal god. And however indefinite this god Brahman
may be, it is nevertheless, to the mind of the Brahmanic
Hindu, an entity.. The final salvation of a Buddhist is
entire non-entity. This difference between the goal of both,
created that deep and irreconcileable antagonism which
allowed of none of the compromise which was possible be-
tween all the shades and degrees of the Brahmanic faith,
from the most enlightened to the most degenerate. The
various expressions for eternal bliss in the Brahmanic creed,
like apavarga, moksha, mukti, nihsreyasa, all mean either
“ liberation from this earthly career” or the “ absolute good
they therefore imply a condition of hope. The absolute end
of a Buddhist is without hope ; it is nirvana, or extinction.
Cc
Jxii
INTRODUCTION
This word means literally “ blovm out but there is this
difference, if I am not mistaken, between its use in the
Brahmanic and in the Buddhistic literature, — that, in the
former, it is employed, like other past participles, in any of
the three genders, whereas in the latter it occurs only in the
neuter gender, and there, too, only in the sense of an abstract
noun, in that of extinction, i. e., absolute annihilation of the
soul. I have no instance at my command in which nirvana,
when used in the classical literature, implies any other sense
than the sense “ blown out” or a sense immediately connect-
ed with it. Thus Patanjali, when illustrating the use of this
past participle, gives the instances : “ the fire is blown out
by the wind, the lamp is blown out by the wind and Kaiy-
yata who, on the same occasion, observes that a phrase, “ the
wind has ceased to blow,” would not be expressed by “ nirvd-
no vatah, but by nirvdto vatah,” corroborates the instances
of Patanjali with one of his own : “ blowing out (has been ef-
fected) by the wind.” But Panini, who teaches the formation
of this participle in rule VIII. 2, 50, which has indirectly
called forth all these instances, says : “ (the past participle of
vd with prefix nir is) nirvana (if the word means) ‘ free
from wind’ (or, ‘ not blowing, as wind’).”
‘ This is the natural interpretation ofPanini’s nde. Kdtyd-
yana, it is true, gives a Varttika, which corrects the word
avdte into avdtdbhidhane “ (if it have) not the sense of wind
(or of blowing) yet it is very remarkable that Patanjali, in
commenting on this Varttika, docs not interpret its words in
his usual manner, but merely adds to them the instances
I have just named ; it is remarkable, too, that he introduces
them with the observation : “ (this Varttika is given in order
to show) that (nirvana) is also or is emphatically used in the
following instances.” Still he has no instance whatever for
the sense stated by Panini, and his word “also" or “ empha-
tically” does not appear to be justified by the criticism of
Katydyana, which simply corrects the word avdte into
avhtdbludh'hic without any additional remark.
TO kachchayaxa’s grammar.
lxiii
'In short, my opinion on this Varttika is analogous to that
which I have expressed in previous instances. The sense of
nirvana, “ free from wind (or not blowing),” had become
obsolete in the time of Kiitytiyana, who merely knew that
sense of it which found its ulterior and special application in
the nirvkna of the Buddhistic faith. But since there is no
logical link between this latter word and the nirvana, “ wind-
still,” of Panini ; and since it is not probable that he would
have passed over in silence that sense of the word which
finally became its only sense, I hold that this sense did not
yet exist in his time ; in other words, that his silence affords
a strong probability of his having preceded the origin of the
Buddhistic creed.’ *
Dr. Weber after reviewing the remarks of Professor Gold-
stucker, *J* concludes by exclaiming — “ And this then is all
wherewith Goldstucker is able to prop up his opinion of
* Goldstueker’s Panini, p 220 et seq.
+ As follows : — ‘ As by the general reception of Golilstucker’s results, a relatively
chronological result only concerning Panini’s connection with the work in question
has after all been attained ; let us now proceed to the crown with which he has
adorned that work, if his which awaits this consummation, viz., the demonstration
that Panini must have lived before the time of Buddha. This indeed, which, if true
discloses an important discovery, is founded upon two points. First, upon this, that
Panini does not mention the name of Sakyamimi. Now we learn from Goldstucker
himself (p. 18. vide supra p. 48.) that nothing is to be inferred from that cir-
cumstance— “ sometimes the words which belong to his (Panini’s) province will be
at the same time also of historical and antiquarian interest ; but it does not follow at
all, that, because a word of the latter category is omitted in his rules, it is absent
Irom the language also.” The second point is, that Panini mentious indeed the
word nirvana, but in the sense of “ free from wind, wind-still,” and not in the sense
in which the word is held by the Buddhists : — “ and since it is not probable that be
would have passed over in silence that sense of the word which finally became its
only sense, I hold that this sense did not yet exist in his time : in other words that
his silence offers a strong probability of his having preceded the origin of the Bud"
dhistic creed,” (p. 227.) It is quite evident from this passage that this exposition
stands in'direct opposition to the above-cited earlier expressions of Goldstucker’s from
p. 18. It is also again to be observed that the word avate in “ nirvano ’vote”
Pan. 8. 2. 50., in the sense of “ free from wind,” as a possessive adjective, is not the
“ natural interpretation,” but a perfectly arbitrary one, blundering against Panini’s
usage of language, as well as against the sense in which the commentary under-
stands it. The word avate rather stands in juxtaposition with the words asparce
anapadane, avijigishayam iu the sutra immediately preceding, and is to be under-
stood, with them, as Kamadharaya. The sutra subsequently says, “ Nirvana [it is
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lxiv
INTRODUCTION
Panini’s priority to Buddha — a- daring undertaking indeed i
and at the same time an ignominy of all that speaks to the
contrary, which excites surprize” ! The learned Doctor then
proceeds to adduce proofs in support of his own opinion —
that Panini was later than Buddha ; and produces four items,
such as the frequent mention of bhikshu, sramana, chivara,
munda, &c. &c. ; 2. That the Buddhists themselves consider
Panini as having lived after Buddha’s time. For (says he)
Burnouf informs us from the Aryamanjusri Mfilatantra, “ It is
thus that Sakya predicts the future advent of Nagarjuna 400
years after him. He likewise announces that of Panini, of
Chandragupta, and of Aryasangha” ; 3. That Panini’s voca-
bulary is proof of the proposition ; and 4. That no mention
is made, among other names, of Panini in the Rih or Iiik.
Sanhita.
Taking the last ground first, it appears to me thatXwithout
entering into other questions which arise upon this point),
the inference here sought to be deduced is of no greater
weight than the like inference drawn by Professor Goldstucker
the past perf. pass, of the root va] “ out of the wind” or, “ when there is no wind,”
that is to say, nirvana is not from the wind which blows out, it is blown out, it has
ceased to blow, lint from the regular part p. p. nirv&ia. from other things on the
contrary, things that are blown out are blown away ; for example, according to
Patangali for the fire, a light, or as the Calc. Scholiast (how correctly ?) adds that
nirvana is used for bhikshu. This last example is, from Panini’e frequent mention
of bhikshu, directly such a one as to lead one to suppose that by his rule he had it
quite particularly in his eye. But I add that this is a mere conjecture, which may
probably be so, but can be of no value anywhere as a proof. I have therefore also
in these Studies, IV. 69., where I treat of intimations found in Panini’s vocabulary
concerning his time, only very briefly pointed them out in the note on the expres-
sion nirvana in VIII. 2. 50. If I had at all believed that that word must of necessity
relate to bhikshu, or indeed that it could bear that signification which suits the
‘ nirvana of the Buddhistic faith,” I would throughout have laid quite another weight
upon it In truth, both words — and it is therefore that Goldstucker’s reciprocal ex-
position of nirvana has failed — have nothing tojdo with each other. The nirvana of
the Buddhistic faith is by no means a neuter of the part perf. passive, which may
have acquired an abstract signification, but it is wholly a noun substantive, as
niryana, nirmana in the sense of “ the blowing out” “ the extinction.” It is so
regularly formed that Panini had not the least occasion to make mention of it, while
the irregularly formed past. perf. passive nirvana instead of nirvata, required alto-
gether a special rule.”— ft'cber’e Indi&cht Studim, p. 130 el scq.
TO kachchayana’s GRAMMAR.
lxv
from the fact, that no mention is made of Silky a by Panin i.
As to Piinini’s vocabulary, I fail to perceive anything which
lends to a conclusion one way or the other ; and the words
given by Dr. Weber as “actually Buddhistic terms” prove, inmy
humble opinion, nothing. For the Buddhists have scarcely any
words which they have not taken from the Brahmans ; * e. <j.
the titles veyyakarana and Upadesa, to which reference is
made in one of the above extracts, are for the A bhidhamma -
pitaka, and “ the hymns of joyous inspiration” of the Bud-
dhists. It would also appear from the Buddhist works that
the Lokayata or the Jainasj* had an existence before Gotania.
The Jainas had doubtless their bhikkhu mendicants, their
Samana or Savaka hearers. They wore chivara robes ; and
had, like the Yavanas, their heads bare. It would, therefore,
to say the least, be rash to affirm that the other words given
by Dr. Weber as “actually Buddhistic terms” had not been
known to other pre-existing Sectarians ; more especially as
we find in the text books of Bhuddhism that Brahmans had
frequently addressed Buddha with the epithets “ S(r)amana
bhavat Go(w)tama.”
We are also told that the Buddhists themselves consider
that Panini is after Gotama Buddha. This is a mistake.
There is no such belief entertained by the Buddhists in Cey-
lon. There is no mention of Panini in any of the Ceylon
Buddhist works. The authorities referred to are from the
I Nepaul works, and they are indeed no authorities at all. The
prophecies which are related in them are the interpolations
of seceders from the Buddhist Church. The predictions
given in some of our own books regarding persons who
lived after Gotama, such as Wijaya, Asoka, Nagasena,
&c., are the additions of zealous Buddhists, anxious to up-
* Vide Supra p. xxxiii. et seq. “ The technology of the Buddhists” says Pandit
Rajendralal Mittra, “ is to a great extent borrowed from the literature of the Brah-
mans Their metaphysical terms are exclusively Hindu, and the
names of most of their divinities are taken from the Hindu Pantheon” — Lalita
Vtitara p. 3.
t See extract in proof of this, infra.
Ixvi
INTRODUCTION
hold the characters of whom they wrote, and to procure for
their acts all the authority and weight with which such a
prediction on the part of the sage was calculated to invest
them. And, I may conclude by remarking, that the works
themselves, in which these pretended prophecies* are record-
ed, are comparatively modern works ; and therefore not the
text-books of Buddhism.
To return to the subject. The proof adduced by Professor
Goldstucker is not the only evidence on this matter. It
is capable of more satisfactory proof. The best mode in
which the dutes of authors may be ascertained, in view of the
scanty information which Asiatic biography affords us, is by
the references which are made by writers whose dates have
been ascertained. Now, few dates have been better ascer-
tained than that of Gotcima Buddha. If it be not 543 ;
it is assuredly 477 B. C. If, therefore, the personages,
who figure most conspicuously in Brahmanic history, are
unmistakably mentioned by Gotama, there can be but
little doubt of their existence having been antij-Buddhistic.
By an investigation into the Buddhist Literature, we obtain
a result which, to say the least, is satisfactory. According to
ShatZgurusishya’s Commentary on Katyayana’s, Sarvdnu
krama : (and here I am indebted to Pr. Max Muller for the ex-
tract, see his Sanskrit Literature, p. 230, et seq.) Saunahotra,
a descendant of Bharadvaja of the race of Angiras, who en-
tered the family of Bhrigu, took the name of Saunaka ; ’
the Reverend Asvalayana was Saunaka’s pupil ; ’ and
Katyayana studied the works of both Saunaka and Asva-
layana.’ The same authority places Vyasa about the same
date, if not a little anterior to Saunaka. And Y ydsa, we
learn from other Brahmanical sources, was the son of Para-
* See Tumour’s exposition of these frauds, in the Bengal Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society for September, 1837, with reference to the Nepaul “amplified
[vaipulya] sutras,” says the learned Rajendralal Miltni, “ they allude to individuals
who lived long after the days of their alleged author, and claim a degree of elabora-
tion and finish, which leave no doubt as to their having been compiled at a much
later period .'’ — Lolita Vistara, p. iti.
to kachchayana’s GRAMMAR.
Ixvii
sara. If therefore, we adjust these names according to then-
dates, we obtain, 1 Parasara, 2 Vyasa, 3 Saunaka, 4 Asvala-
yana, and 5 Katyayana. These facts may perhaps be relied
upon : but I must object to their being applied to the
“ idle stories” of Kath;\ Skrit Skgara of Dr. Somadeva of Kash-
mir, or to any chronologic il calculations being built upon
their basis.
I have already had occasion to refer to this, which is the
same work in substance as the Vrihatkatha. It is confessedly
not a book of any authority. — It is a compilation of fables,
abounding with the “ marvellous.” It was composed without
reference to History or Chronology. It has not even followed
the chronological system of his contemporary Kalhana Pan-
dit. The author has strung together various stories without
order or date ; and, I am persuaded, no one would be more
amused than Somadeva himself, if now alive, at the historical
)
importance attached by Europeans to his “ ghost stories/
lost in the unfathomable depths of his “ Ocean-of-Rivers-of-
Stories.” It may indeed be asserted, (says Professor Wilson)
that the Gdtltd Sant Sdgara, or rather the Vrihat Catha, is
not a much better guide than the Bhbjaprabanda, and that a
collection of idle tales is bad historical evidence : it must be
remembered however, that those tales are not of Sbmadeva’s
invention : he has only the merit of telling them in his own
way, and of having collected them together from various
quarters. Thus we have most of the legends relating to
Vikrama, which constitute the Sinhdsana Dvdtrinsati and
Vetala Pancha Vinsati, and we have also a very considerable
portion of the Hitopaclesa or Panchatantra comprised in this
selection.’*
Be the authenticity of the matters in Somadva’s work, how-
ever as it may. It cannot for one moment be maintained that
it lends any authority to the identity (upon which several
writers have based their inferences) between king Nanda in
connection with whom Katyayana is mentioned, and the
* Professor Wilson’s Sanscrit Dictionary, pp. x: xi.
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Ixviii
INTRODUCTION
predecessor of Cliandragupta :* My pandit has shrewdly in-
timated to me the probability, in view of the age of Asvala-
yana, as it appears from Buddha’s discourses, and the shifts
to which Somadeva resorts to connect Katyayana’s story
with other fables, that the mention of Channakka and
Narnia, had led the writer to identify some previous
Nanda with the predecessor of the Sudra king. This
is not unlikely in the same manner that the Nepaul
Buddhistical writings, to which M. Burnouf assigns a Cashmi-
rian origin, had mistaken Dharmasoka for Kalasoka : and I
need hardly add that no inference can be drawn from the
mention of Channaklca. No arguments are indeed necessary
to prove that the scheming, and treacherous Purohita
Brahman Channakka, who figures so conspicuously in the
Hindu Natakas and in our own Buddhistical annals, was di f-
ferent from the venerable sage Saunaka, the preceptor of
Asvalayana “ celebrated among the rishis as the glorious, hav-
ing seen the second Mandala, and who heard the collection of
the Maha Bharata.”
Nor has this, I believe, been attempted. But the authority
upon which the identity between the writer of the Varttikas
and the minister of King Nanda of Paialiputta is attempted
to be established, would have us believe that the former was
also the contemporary of Pdnini ‘ and actually defeated
Panini in a grammatical controversy.’ ! !
To return from this digression : the dates of Pardsara and
Asvalayana, however, may be ascertained from the Buddhis-
tical annals. True it is that we cannot fix them exactly ;
but if it can be shewn that they had an existence before
Gotama Buddha, it is sufficient for our purpose. Now, any
one who has the slightest acquaintance with the history of
Buddhism, and the disputes which the principal fraternities
of Brahmans are said to have had with Gotama, cannot fail
to identify the youth mentioned in the following extract, (the
* Professor Mai Muller himself has fairly stated the weight due to this authority.
See {>[>
to kachchayana’s grammar
Ixix
first) with one of the descendants of Parksara, the Hindu
sa cr e : — and likewise the manavo in the second extract, with a
0 >
descendant of the notable Asvaldyana of Hindu legends.
In the Majjhima Nilcdya, from which I have already-
quoted, at p. xlv., the following passage occurs : —
1. Evan me sutan : ekan samayan Bhagavh Kajangalkyan
vihariti Mukheluvane. Athalcho Uttaro mhnavo Pkrhsari-
yante vasi yena bhagava tenupasankami
Deseti no Uttara Pkrasariyo brahmano Savakanan indriyhnan
bhavananti ? Deseti bho Gotama Phrksariyo brahmano
savakanan indriyanan bhavananti.
1 Thus have I heard. When, at a time, Bhagava dwelt at
Mukheluvana in Kajangala, a youth (named) Uttara, a
pupil of the Parasariya fraternity, went to the place
where Bhagavh was (Gotama inquired)
Uttara, does the Brahman (your teacher) of the Parasariya
fraternity teach Indriya bhavana to pupils ? Sir, Gotama
(replied Uttara) the Brahman of the Parasariya fraternity
does teach Indriya bhavana to pupils.’
In the Assalayana Suttan, where a dialogue is given be-
tween Gotama and one of the Assalayana family, a distin-
guished member of the Brahman fraternity, as to their alone
being ‘ the highest’ race, ‘ the purest,’ ‘ the projenitors of
Maha Brahma,’ and who had ‘ sprung from his mouth ;’ the
following passage occurs : —
2. Evan me sutan : ekan samayan bhagava S.ivattiyan
viharati Jetavane Tena khopana samayena nana
verajjakanan brahmananan panchamattani Brabmana satani
Savattiyan pativasanti kenachadevakaraniyena. Atha kho
tesan Brahmananan etadahosi : ‘ Ayan kho samano Gotamo
chatuvannin suddhin panfihpeti ; konukho pahoti samanena
Gotamena saddhin asmin vachane patimantetun’ti. Tena
kho pana samayena Assalayano nama manavo Savattiyan
pafivasati ; — dharo vuttasiro salasavassuddesiko jatiya ; tinnan
vedinan paragu sanighandu kefubhanan sakkharappabheda-
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Ixx
INTRODUCTION
nan itihasa panchamanan ; padako veyyakarano lokayata
mail a purisa lakkhanesu anavayo.
‘ Thus have I heard : At a time Bhagava dwelt at Jetavana
in Savatti ; and at that time about five hundred Brahmans
of different countries,* also resided there for some purpose.
They thus thought : ‘ this Samana Gotama proclaims the
purity of (all) the four classes : who is able to dispute with
Samana Gotama on this matter ?’ At this time there lived at
Savatti a youth named Assalayana. He was young, head-
shaven, d* and about sixteen years of age (from his birth.)
He had mastered the three Yedas, which, with (the supple-
ments) Nighandu, Ketubhd, and the distinction of A kkhara
(letters) &c., have Itihasa for a fifth. | He was a Padaka,§
* By ‘different countries’ says the Commentator, ‘ are meant Anga and Mogadha.
+ Assaluyana was of the Bhagu (Bhrigu) family, and this, therefore, agrees with
the Bralimanical account — that ‘ the Bhrigus have their heads quite shaved.’—
Gnhya-Sangiah parisishta.
J The above enumeration of Brahmanic sciences may not be unimportant in the
identification of the person, who is said to have been accomplished in them. The
three Vedas are hove unmistakahly mentioned. They are, as we learn from the
Ambntta Sultan, Trubbcda (Rig. Veda) Yajubbeda (YajurJ,and S&maveda, made by
Attaka and other religious Sages. The fourth Veda, which is here omitted, is else
where stated to be the Attabbana (Atharvana) Veda, ‘made in subsequent times by
impious (wicked) Brahmans, introducing life-slaughter, and other irreligious cere
monies, such as sacrificial torments &c.’ The fifth veda is called Itihasa [pumvutta
pabando Bharatadliiko] ‘ compositions of ancient times such as Bharata Ac.’ It
is aUo here stated that the three Vedas included ‘ Nighandu, Ketvbhs, and the dis-
tinctions of Akkhara Ac ’ These are doubtless the supplements to the Vedas, v z. the
Vcdangas, which are also expressly mentioned in the Buddhist annals. By Nighandu
is meant, as Professor Both says, ‘ a collection of difficult and obsolete words, which
formed a basis for instruction in the mode of expounding the Veda.” Ketubha is
explained in the Glossary to be [ketubhanti kiriyu-kappa vikappo kavinnn upakaraya
Batten] ‘ a science which is an auxiliary to poetry.’ As a supplement, however, to
the Veda, Ketubha can only be identified with the fcanskrit Xirukla, a science ser-
viceable for the understanding of the Ftdie hymns ;
7'axmnd VedArlh&va 1 -bodhaya upayuklan Niruktam.
‘Hence the Xirukla is serviceable for the understanding of the meaning of the
‘Vedas.’ * The distinction of A kkhara Ac., may also he identified with the Brah-
manical Siksha, which Sayana defines to be “ the science of the pronunciation of
letters, accents, Ac.’
§ Padaka. — This word is not explained in the glossary. Prom its heing however
mentioned immediately before Veyyakarana, I am inclined to believe that it is a
to kachchayana's GRAMMAR. lxxi
and a Veyyhkarano (grammarian). He was accomplished in
Lokayata,* and in the science of Pwrisa-lalclckand ,: |*
More direct evidence than the above, can scarcely be ad-
duced of the identity of persons in Asiatic History : and, if,
as I apprehend, Assalilyana here named, was a descendant of
Asvalayana, ‘ celebrated amongst the Rishis’, the claims of
Panini to an antiquity remoter than Gotama, are undoubt-
ed. It may thence be concluded, that the Buddhist Gramma-
rian availed himself of the P&ninya Vyilkarana, between
which and the Pali aphorisms there is so much corres'
pondence.
But, there is the same correspondence between the Sans-
krit Varttikas, and the Pali Vutti. Was, therefore, Katyh-
yana anterior to the Buddhist Pali Grammarian ?
I believe it is not stated that Katyayana was a pupil of
AsvalUyana. A 11 that is alleged in respect of the former, is,
that ‘ he, having mastered the thirteen books of Saunaka
and of his pupil, composed several books himself.’ What
time, therefore, elapsed between them does not appear ; nor
is there any valid reason to admit between them * only an
interval p.s large as that betw een teacher and pupil, or be-
tween father and son.’J If, however, such was the fact, Kat-
yayana may, for the reasons already adduced, be placed be-
fore Gotama ; for, all the testimony adduced in favor of Pani-
ni’s antiquity applies equally to K&tyayana.
But, supposing for the sake of argument, that Katyayana’s
Pali expression for the Sanskrit Nairuktae, or ‘ Etymologists,’ a large class ‘ who
made the verbal origin of all words the leading principle of all their researches,’
as opposed to another school also mentioned in the text viz. the Vaiy&karanas or
* Analysers,’ who, according to Professor Max Muller, p. 161., ‘ following the lead of
Gargyo the etymologist, admitted the verbal origin of those words only for which an
adequate grammatical analysis could be given.’
* The system of Atheistical philosophy taught by Charvaka.
+ A science which teaches of the temper or fortune of a person, and of the line-
mentsof his body. The Commentator on the text, says that there was a work on the
subject, consisting ot 16,00d heads of instruction.
J Muller, p. 239.
Umv Cc
Ixxii
INTRODUCTION
Varttika were post-Buddhistieal, and after the age of Kaeh-
chayana ; and that it is very improbable that the former avail-
ed himself of the language of a Buddhistic Pali writer : I beg
to submit that this hypothesis does not shake the testimony
J n regard to Maha Kachchayana’s identity with the author
of Sandhikappa ; for all that may be fairly inferred in that
case, is, that the Vutti in the Pali work, like the Varttika
to the Sanskrit Grammar, were written at a subsequent pe-
riod and by a different person.
In noticing this question, it must be borne in mind, that
although tradition in one voice ascribes the author-
ship of the Pali Suttans in the Sandhikappa to Maha Kach-
chayana, yet that writers are divided in their belief as to
the Vutti having been written by that distinguished hierarch
of the Buddhist Church. * This very difference of opinion
disproves the alleged “ tendency of later Buddhist writers to
refer the authorship of their works to names famous in anci-
ent Brahminic history.” — (Max Muller, p. 303.)
Such are the facts and circumstances connected with the
age and authorship of this Grammar, to which I desire to
attract public attention. It is indeed possible that future
researches may enable me to adduce more satisfactory proofs
upon those points, or materially to qualify the inferences and
conclusions here drawn. But, so far as my humble researches
have hitherto extended, I incline to the opinion that this
Pali Grammar was written by Maha Kachchayana in the
latter-half of the sixth century before Christ.
As already stated this work is intended to illustrate the
grammar of the language of Gotama Buddha’s discourses.
This may lead to the inference that it was, in some degree,
different from another dialect which had also received the
appellation of Mhgadhi. Be this however, as it might. The
Pali is essentially the language of Buddhism. Nothing is
known definitely of the state of its cultivation previous to
the establishment of Buddhism by Gotama.
See Appendix.
TO KACHCII AY ANA’S GRAMMAR.
lxxiii
All that may be confidently advanced of times previous to
the Buddhist era, is that in remote antiquity a tribe of people
settled themselves under Bharat in the Aryadcsha or Aryd-
varta, the region commonly known as Central India, between
two lines of mountains the Himalayd on the North-East
and the Vindhya on the West.* According to the traditions
current in India there were numerous kings from the war of
the Mah;\ Bharat to a comparatively very late period;
but all the dynasties, though existing in different parts
of the Aryadhsha, were founded by one and the same
race of people, whom wc moy designate the Arums,
consisting of four classes, the Kshestriyas, or the royal (mili-
tary) tribe — the Brahmans, or the sacerdotal class — Vaisya,
or the commercial — and the Stidra, or the servile. f Of the
several dynasties, one was th rt of Magadhas. It numbers a
connected chain of thirty-five kings from Sahadeva, who
reigned at the termination of the war of Maha Bharat, to the
Buddhistical era in the reign of Ajdtasatta.
The religion of the Magadha people was doubtless Brah-
manism from a very early period, though at the Buddhistical
era, it branched off into different sects.J Yet the undoubted
existence at this time of a cultivated dialect, peculiar to the
Magadhas, called the Mdgadhi, proves that, whilst sharing
with the Brahmans their religion, the Magadhas had a
language of their own, fundamentally the same as the
Sanskrit, and exhibiting the nearest relation to the earliest
form of the language of the Brahmans.
Although there are now several dialects, including the Pali
which receive the name of Prdkrita, it may nevertheless be
gathered from a variety of circumstances to which I shall
hereafter refer, when I come to speak more particularly of
the relation which the Magadhi bears to the Sanskrit, — that
* British Asiatic Society's Journal, vol. xvi, p. 190.
+ See Colebrook’s Miscellaneous Essays ii. p. 178. Also American Oriental
Journal iii, p. 314.; and Gotama Buddha’s account of them in Bengal Asiatic
Society’s Journal, Vol. vii., p. 698.
+ See my Lecture on Buddhism, p. 5, et seq.
lxxiv
INTRODUCTION.
the language which had at first received the name otf
Prdkrita is either now entirely lost, or has been absorbed into
other forms of speech, leaving behind but few, if any,
traces of the parent stem.
It is also very probable from historical and philological
considerations, that the Mdgadhi and the Sanskrit are two of
those forms. Against this view of the question may be
urged the absence of a Mdgadhi literature before the Bud-
dliistieal period, and the undoubted existence of the Sanskrit.
The existence of a Sanskrit literature, before the Buddhis-
tical era, was owing to the pre-existence of Brahmanism ; and
if Buddhism had existed in Magadha before 628 B. C., we
should doubtless have some evidence of the existence of the
Magadhi. But, such was not the fact. Till Gotama pro-
claimed his religion, and sought to disseminate it, far and
wide, throughout Asia, the kings of Magadha had no necessi-
ty for a display of their language. Till then they had no
religious feuds; no sectarian animosities. Till then there had
been no contentions with any who held an antagonistic faith.
Both the Magadhas and their Arian brethren were the
adorers of the same gods. Their sacred books, through
which alone the existence of a literature may be ascertained
of nations of antiquity, were identical with those of the Brah-
mans. Although they had a language of their own, the
Magadhi ; yet they had little to record in it apart from
religon, to the exposition of which the Brahmans had laid ex-
clusive claims ; and if they had a literature of their own>
which doubtless they had, its destruction through the agency
of Brahmans, is sufficiently proved from the political
changes which Magadha underwent in the fifth century,
and, above all, from the fact that not many centuries after
their promulgation, the sacred scriptures of Buddha were
re-transferred from Ceylon to India.
When, however, the Magadha kings had embraced a new
faith, a necessity arose which had not existed before ; and
that Avas the recording of the doctrines of Buddhism in books -
TO KACIICH AY ANA’S GRAMMAR. IxXV
And, although they shared the fate of their scientific works,
yet by the earl}’ transfer of the former into different countries
at a time when the Buddhists had not been subjected to
the oppressions of the Brahmans, we have some means of
knowing the existence of the Mdgadhi, and that it had al-
ready attained the refinement it now possesses, at the time
of Gotama Buddha’s advent.*
The absence, again, of a literature is not proof positive
of the non-existence of trie language itself, just as the
absence of Sanskrit Inscriptions of a data anterior to the
Buddhist era, is no evidence of the previous absence of the
Sanskrit language. The non-existence moreover, of historical
or literary records, testifies nothing further than the imbeci-
lity, or the apathy of a people, who had no taste for
literary pursuits, or a reg >rd for history, or historical pro-
ceedings. This, indeed, was the case with the early Brah-
mans, as well as the early Magadha princes. At first both
had a common interest, and possessed in common a litera-
ture which was inseparably connected with their religion
also common to both; and, therefore there was no inducement
to raise monumental erections, which in comparatively
later times were the result of a rupture of those ties which
had formerly bound them together — the consequence of a
new faith —the work of vain kings, wishing to proclaim th
supremacy of a particular princedom, and to disseminate the
tenets of a newly embraced creed.
The most important fact, however which demonstrates the
existence of a Mdgadhi literature before the Buddhist era
is that furnished by the language itself, viz. — its high state
of cultivation at the period above mentioned. This proves
that it had been in existence for a long time previously. For
it could not have attained its perfection in a day. It must
have been the work of time, the result of ages, the slow pro-
gress of innumerable changes. A considerable period too,
• Tumom’s Mahavimsa — Iut, p. xxvii.
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lxxvi
INTRODUCTION
raust have intervened between the time when it first started
into existence, and the period at which it -was so much cele-
brated as to induce Pali scholars to designate it the Mula
Lhasa, ‘ the original language ’
There are two theories current with regard to the com-
parative antiquity of the Sanskrit and Pali. Some regard
the former as the original, and the latter as a derivative
from it ; whilst others affirm the superiority of the Pali over
the Sanskrit, and assign to it an origin before the language
of the Yedas. But, nearly all Brahman and European wri-
ters on the subject, are agreed in considering the several In-
dian dialects, which are generally designated the Prdkrita , as
inferior in structure to the Sanskrit, and, therefore, as being
deduced from it.
These are questions which are involved in doubt and ob-
scurity ; and upon which there is still great misapprehension.
The uncertainty which prevails on the subject, appears to me
to originate in the minds of men, who, without paying suffi-
cient attention to a most important consideration — the his-
tory of Buddhism and of its language, the Pali, suffer their
judgment to be swayed by two circumstances, viz., the supe-
rior structure of the Sanskrit, and the comparative ^ ntiquity
of its records.
Those who assign to the Sanskrit a superiority over the
Pali do so upon the grounds that the former is more
“ finished” and “ elaborate” th>m the latter; and that the Pali
cannot be traced, through its literature or religion, to a pe-
riod before Gotama — whereas the Vedas and the Malia
Bharata* are confessedly of a much anterior date.
I readily accord to the Sanskrit, as to its “ wonderful struc-
ture” and “refinement,” the superiority, which one of its
most accomplished and able students, Mr. Colebrookc, assigns,
when he declares it to be — ‘ a most polished tongue, which
was gradually refined, until it became fixed in the classic
* l'rof. Lasseu’s inti. Ant. 1, 4S9 491.
TO kachohayana’s GRAMMAR. lxxvfi
writings of many elegant poets, most of whom are supposed
to have flourished in the century preceding the Christian
era.’ I also admit the existence of positive evidence to
prove that the Yedas, and therefore the faith it proclaims,
had been known before Gotama established his religion by
means of the Magadhi.
But these admissions, I presume, do not affect the theory of
some of our ablest pandits, viz., that at a very remote period,
some one Prdkrita [‘ mother’] dialect, which can no longer
be identified, or may not now be in existence in its
original development, was the principal tongue of the Arians ;
and that the Pdli {not the dialect spoken at present in Ma-
gadh or Behar, nor the Magadhi of the Indian Grammarians),
and the Sanskrit, are both branches of the same unknown
original stock.
In the investigation of this subject, it may not be un-
profitable to notice, to the extent of our limited information
and means, (1) the subdivisions of the principal Indian lan-
guages ; (2) the number of dialects comprehended in the
term Prdlcrita ; (3) the acceptation of that term by nations
and literary men ; (4) its correct signification ; (5) the con-
jectures as to its identification ; (6) its relationship to the
Sanskrit ; and (7) its high state of cultivation and decline
in Asia.
I. As to the classification of Indian languages, we have
the following interesting passage in the Dandialanlcdra, or
as it is otherwise called, Kavyadarsha.
Tade tadv&nmayan bhtiyas *
Sanskritan Prakritan tatha ;
Apabhransascha misranche
Tyahuraptaschatur vidham.
Sanskritan nama daiviva
Ganvakhyata maharshibih ;
* Tadeva vanmayan vidyat— Lassen p. 83, I am indebted for the text to a Sinha-
lese copy.
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INTRODUCTION.
Tadbhavan Tatsaman Desi
Tyanekah Prakritakramah.
Maharashtr&srayam bhash&m
Prakrishtam Prakritam viduh ;
Sagarah shkti ratn&nam
Setubandhadi yanmayam.
Saurasenlcha Laficha
Gowdichft’nyapi tadrisi •
Yanti Prakrita mityeva
Vyavah&reshu sannidhim.
’Abhiradi girah kavye
Shv’apabhransa itismritah ;
(Sastreshu Sanskrita danya
D’apabhransa tayoditam —
Sanskritam sarga bandhkdi
Prakritam skhanda’ kadiyat ;
Ousharadi-ny’apabhranso
Naiaka ditu misrakam.
Kathadi sarvabhashkbih
Sanskritenacha baddhyate ;
Bhuta bhasha mayim prahur
Atbhilt krtham VrihatkatWm.
That is to say — ‘ Preceptors declare that the (above) com-
positions consist of four kinds (of language) ; Sanskrit,
Prakrit, Apabhransa,* and Misra. The speech of the gods,
■which is defined by great sages, is named Sanskrit. The
Prakrit is of various orders ; viz. Tadbhava (born of the
Sanskrit,) Tatsama (which is equal or similar to the Sans-
krit), and Besi (provincial or local). The language cur-
rent in Maharashtra is known as the principal Prakrita—
that which is an ocean to gems of beautiful language, and
that in which Setubandha,f &c., are composed. The
* Th» Commentator sajs — ‘ pure Sanskrit, pura Prakrit, pure Apabhransa, and#
mixture of these with the Paisachi &c.’—
t Profeasor Cowell states in the introduction to his Prakrit Prakasa, that this a
• rare and anoient Prakrit poem’ the knowledge of which he derives 1 from Dr.
Hofer’a interesting article in his Z'itichrift’ — p. x.
to kachciiayana's grammar.
lxxix
languages of Saurasena, Laia, Gowda, and such like,* are
usually!* treated under the very name of Prakrit a. Dialects
like the AbhiriJ &c., are (alone) reckoned as Apabhransa in
poetry ; but in the 3hdstras§ all languages besides the Sans-
krit receive that name. Compositions which are divided
into chapters, are in the Sanskrit language ; those which are
(skandaka) composed in one entire body, are in the Prikrita ;
those like the Aushra are in the Apabhransa ; and the
Drdmas are (misra) in a mixed dialect. Historical writings
&c. are composed in the Sanskrit, as well as in (other)
dialects ; but the Vrihatkathd of marvellous import, is said
to be only in the speech of the demons.’
Obs. — (a) The division of languages here spoken of, is
founded upon the authority of Brahman writers, and their
usages. That division is into four ; viz., Sanskrit, Prakrit,
Apabhransa, and Misra — epithets which have certain mean-
ings, and which are descriptive of the different languages for
which they are names. The Sanskrit is ‘ the language of
the gods’ — that is, the sacred language of the Brahmans,
in which historical writings, and the Shastras are composed,
having subdivisions.
The Prakrit is various, or, in other words, has * several
orders’ or ‘ dialects’ ; and is divided into three classes,
viz., tadbhava, tatsama, and desi. The first comprehends
“ derivatives,” those which have sprung from the Sanskrit
which have undergone various mutations in course of time
and which may yet be traced to the parent stem. The
second includes ‘ sister-dialects,’ those which are tatsama
‘ co, -equal’ or, ‘ similar,’ or ‘ bear a resemblance to the
Sanskrit ; and which stand in fraternal connection with the
Sanskrit — not in the relation of descent from it — not be-
* The Commentator understands by ‘ such like,’ the languages ofMagadlii (Pali)
and Panehula (Zend.)
+ ‘ Usually’ — that is ‘ in practice,’ • by custom’ or ‘ usage.’
+ Abhiri — a dialect of herdsmen, of people of the lowest tribe.
5 By the Shastras are meant the works of the Brahmans — their scientific books.
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INTRODUCTION'
gotten by it ; — but sprung from the same shoot with it. The
third is a name for 'provincial dialects, or non-Sanskrit
languages, — those which cannot be traced to a Sanskrit
origin, or do not exhibit any evidence of fraternity to it-
They are disi, peculiar to a country, or, as the Sinhalese call
them, nipan ‘ born in a country,’ and therefore local.
Of these various Prakrit dialects, the Maharastri is in the
estimation of my authority, the best cultivated dialect.
Perhaps, it was, at the time Dandi wrote, which is supposed
to have been in the twelfth century of the Christian era — * ‘ an
ocean to gems of beautiful language' — a dialect, which, like
the ‘ vast profound’ abounded in gems of lofty expressions —
(that is ; rich in expression, and copious as a language), as
evidenced by works like the Sdtubandha &c. Prakrit compo-
sitions, unlike the Sanskrit works, which are subdivided into
chapters, are only in entire books.
Although by Prdkfita such languages as the above are
alone indicated ; yet (says Dandi) ‘ the dialects of Saurasena ;
La£a, Gowda, and such like (by which the commentator says
the Mdgadhi and Panchdli were meant) are usually treated
under the very name of Prdkrita.’
The name of the third division of languages is A Ipabhransa
or ‘ the ungrammatical’ — ‘ a jargon such as the Abhiri and
Chanddli — dialects used by herdsmen, and by persons of the
lower orders ;f — for compositions in which, Dandi refers the
reader to Oushra.
Misra is the name of the last division of languages, — that
dialect which contains a Mixture of all the other classes of
language — not a mixture of merely words, but entire
passages of different languages interlarded with the Sanskrit
as in the dramas.
Another division of languages, as stated by Dandi, and
according to the Shdstras of the Brahmans, is into Sanskrit
* See Professor H. H. Wilson’s Preface to the Dasakuui&ra Clianta p. 4.
■> Colebrook’s Essajs ii. j>, 01.
TO KAOlfCH VYANA’S GRAMMAR,
Ixxxi
and Apabhransa, the latter including all dialects besides the
Sanskrit. Historical compositions are written in all the lan-
guages comprised under these two heads; but Vrihatkatha
alone (which abound with the ‘marvellous’) are to be found in
the speech of the demons, by whom I understand the
barbarians, or the aboriginal inhabitants of those provinces
which were afterwards peopled by the Arian race.
Obs. — (6.) The above inferences which are forced upon us
by the phraseology adopted by Dandi and by the explanations
of his Commentator, authorize five important conclusions, 1st,
Thatalthougb the Prakrita has become manifold, or has assum-
ed diverse forms ; yet it may be regarded as tatsama, or, as
having a fraternal relation to the Sanskrit. 2 That the prin-
cipal Prakrit dialect, which (whether rightly or wrongly n e
shall not here pause to consider) is generally regarded as the
Mah-ar&stri — is rich in expression, and copious as a lan-
guage ; 3. That although originally there was but one Pra-
krits, dialect, many tongues have nevertheless been by the
usage of Brahmans improperly comprehended under the ap-
pellation of Prakrit ; 4 That all dialects except the Sanskrit
are by them designated Apabhransa ‘ the ungrammatical ;*
5. That the Pali (Magadhi) and the language of Punjab (Pan-
chala) m iy be regarded as two dialects bearing some parti-
cular relation to each other. -f*
II. The dialects which receive the designation of the
Pr&h'ita are many ; and they are to be generally found in
the dramatic writers. The Commentators, Grammarians, and
* This lasl fact accounts for the common acceptation of the term Prakrits, to
which I shall hereafter refer.
+ Professor Wilson, speak iug of the Pali, says “It is, as Messrs. Buniouf and
Lassen remark, still nearer to Sanskrit, and may have prevailed more to the North
than Behar, or in the upper part cf the Doab, and in the Punjab, being more ana-
logous to the Saurasent dialect, the dialect of Mathura and Delhi, although not dif-
fering from the dialect of Debar to such an extent as not to be intelligible to those
to whom Sakya and his successors addressed themselves .’’ — Journal of tht Royal
*iiatic Society xii. p. 23%
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INTRODUCTION.
Rhetoricians, who have written on the language ft contained
in the Hindu plays variously define them, with reference to
the patois of the drama ; and there seems to he much mis-
apprehension, and much more confusion in their classification.
1. Monsieur Adolphus Fredricus Stenzler in his preface to
■ the Play entitled the Mritcha Katika, after quoting from
a Commentator states :
Dialecti non Sanskritce, quoe in dramates adhibentur, sunt
aut Pr&kritce aut apabhransicoe. Prakritce dialecti sunt Sau-
raseni, Avanti, Prachya, Magadhi. Apabhransicoe dialecti sunt
Sakara, Candali, Sabari, Dhakki.’*
2. The same Commentator, to whom Monsieur Stenzlir
was indebted for the above, also states : —
‘Magadhyavantija Prachya Saurasenyardha Mhgadhi
Bal'dsA Dakshinatyacha sapta bhashah prakirtitah.’
That is : ‘It is declared that there are seven dialects (in
Dramatic works) M&gadhi, Avanti, Prachya, Saurasenl, Ar-
dha- Magadhi, Bahlikh, and Dakshinatya.’f*
3. There was a tradition current, in the thirteenth century,
that there were only six Indian dialects which received the
name of bhhsha ; and hence the appellation of Shad-bhasha
parameshvara, to one who is a proficient in six languagesl
These are enumerated in the Eatna-kosha ; and they are —
* Mi 1 . Colebrooke on the authority of Kull&ka Bhalla on Menu ii. 19, identifiee
Sauraseni as the language of Saurasena, another name for the country of Mathura.
Avanti is Oujin, or as the Singalese call, Udeni ; and the Ian gunge of which is sup-
posed to be the Malava. Prachya is the language on the East of India. It is identified
with the Gowdi or Bengali by the Commentator on the Sahityadarpana. Magadh.
is the language of Magadh or Behar. It is at present a corruption of the ancient lani
guage of tha t country. The original is alone preserved in Ceylon and Burmah.
Sahara, and Sabari have not been identified ; Candali is supposed to be the dialect of
herds men of the lowest tribes ; and Dhakki is probably Dhakshivatya ; see next
note.
+ Ardha-Magadhi is a corrupt dialect of the Pali. It may be identified with the
Magadhi of the Prakrit Grammarians. Bhalika is supposed by Mr. Colebrooke to b.
the language of Bnlkh , in the Traiuoxana, a country famous for its horses and situat
ed on the North of India — Dakshinatia is identified by the Commentator of tha
Sahitya durjianu as the country of Vtdcrbha, which is said to be the modern Bcrar.
TO KACJTCHAYaXA’S grammar
lxxxiii
‘ The Sanskrit, Pritkrita, M&gadhl, Sauraseni, Paisachi,
and Apabransa.’
4. In the Sel.dihini-Sandesa the philological acquire-
ments of Totagamuva, a Ceylonese, who lived about 1415A.D.* * * § >
are said to have been so vast that Brahmans visited him
from India to pry the homage due to a Shadbhashd-para-
meshvara.f The six basas with which he was acquainted
are enumerated thus — ‘ The Sanskrit, Pitli (Magadhi), Pra-
krit, Sauraseni, Paiskchi, and Apabhransa.’
5. Hemachandra, a Grammarian of the Jaina sect, who
flourished in the thirteenth century, and wrote a Prdkrit
Grammar as an eighth adhyaya after the seven adhydyas of
his Sanskrit Grammar^ enumerates also six bashds ; and
they are Prakrit bhasha (which Mr. Cowell calls ‘principal
praknt’) the Sauraseni, Magadhi, Paisachl, Chulika Paisachi,
and the Apabransa bhasha .
6. Mr. Colebrooke gives the following translation of a pas-
sage§ in a work on Rhetoric compiled for the use of Mdni-
kya Chandra a king of Tirhat, but the name of the work is
not given : — ‘ Sanscrita, Pracrita, Paisachi and Magadhi are
in short the four paths of poetry. The gods, &c., speak Sans-
crita; benevolent genii, Pracrita; wicked demons Paisachi;
and men of low tribes and the rest, Mdgadht. But sages
deem Sanscrit the chief of these four languages. It is used
three ways ; in prose, verse, and in a mixture of both.’
‘ Language again, the virtuous have declared to be four
fold, Sanscrita (or the polished dialect) Pracrita, (or the vul-
gar dialect) Apabhransa (or jargoni, and Misra (or mixed).
Sanscrita is the speech of the celestials, framed in grammati-
cal institutes ; Prdcrita is similar to it, but manifold as a
provincial dialect and otherwise, and those languages which
are ungrammatical are spoken in their respective districts.’
* See my Sidath Sangara Intr. p . elxxxviii.
+ See Introduction toTudave’s Selalihini Sandsa.
J See Prakrit Prakaaa by Cowell ; Introduction p. xi.
§ MiscellaneousEssayx, ii. p., 1.
Ixxxiv
INTI’ODUCTIOX.
7. Vararucbi in his Prdkrit Prakasa gives a principal
Prakrita, supposed to have been the Maharastri, and enume-
rates three others, the Saurasenl, MsgadJii and Paisachl, for
the elucidation of which he assigns but a very small portion
of his work.
Obs. — From the above authorities, taken in connection
with the foregoing historical notices on the Pali lan-
guage, several important facts may be deduced. First,
that there was originally but one language which re-
ceived the name of Prakrit, and that since it became ‘ mani-
fold as a provincial dialect,’ its name has been applied to
other tongues : and this is attested by another fact, that the
farther back we go in point of time in search of the Prakrit,
the fewer are the dialects treated of by authors under that
name; and that Vararuchi, the Prakrit Grammarian of the
times of Vikramaditya, treats chiefly of one Prakrit dialect,
the ‘ dialectus principled’ of Professor Lassen. From the
names, too, given to the Shad-bh&sha of comparatively an an"
cient date, it may be inferred that the many varieties given
in modern works under the name of Prdkrit are merely “ the
subtle refinements of a later age,” in order to distinguish the
fifty-six* different languages “ spoken in their respective dis-
tricts,” some of them being M isra or mixed ; and that philo-
logical y speaking languages were originally three-fold, viz ,
those which have been designated by the epithets Sanshita ,
Prakrita, and Apabhransa. These in the language of the
Brahman Bhetorician above quoted upon Mr. Colebrooke’s
authority, were 1st, “ the speech of the celestials framed in
Grammatical Institutes 2nd, a “ dialect simi'ar to the
last and 3rd, a “ language ungammatical.”
• From the Sanskrit are usually enumerated fifty-six dialects as known in Imli a
the principal of which are the Puli; long since the dead and sacred tongue of the;
Buddhists ; tho Mugadhi, a more recent form of Puli, and an ancient dialect of a
great part of Behar, also a dead language ; various forms of Prakrit ; besides nine-
tenths of Hindi. Bengali, Maharntti, Gujarati, and the rest of the fifty-.- ix dialects”
— Journal of Royal .Isiatic Scriety, xvi p. 1/1.
TO KaCHCHaYaNA’S grammar.
lxxxv
The first, it would seem, became early fixed, as the dialect
of the Vedas- — the last was the spoken language of the rude
aborigines of the Dekhan — and the second, the speech of
different Arian nations, which underwent different modifica-
tions ; such as the Pali of the Sinhalese; the Bactrian-Pali* of
the bilingual coins of the Greek kings ; the idiom of th e
Zendavastd ; f the dialect of the Nepal Buddhists, and the
Jains ; the speech of the mass of the people with whom the
Greeks came in contact after Alexander’s invasions ; the lan-
guage of Asoka’s Inscriptions ; and the Prakrita of the
plays .
Although the original Prakrit has thus undergone different
changes in different countiies; yet it is clear that the dil er-
ences which at first distinguished several Prakrit dialects
I from each other, were not such as to render any one of them
altogether unintelligible to t he great mass of the people.
'This was, obviously, the reason why the M agadhi, “ the
speech of the Brahmans and the Aryas” \ is represented as
having been generally intelligible to Gotama's varied congre-
— - - - , .... -
* Several inscriptions, as obtained from the Topes excavated, or as forwarded
by travellers from within the ancient limits of Bactria, were nearly deciphered, so
that very little remained to perfect this discovery also, and to establish that the
( ancient Pali language, or something very alosely resembling it, prevailed over all
those countries” — Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal vii. p. ix.
+ It is a question well worthy the attention of the learned, whether or not every
fact stated in respect of the Zend in the following extract is not equally applicable
to the Pali ? Professor Max Muller says : “ It is clear from his (Burnout’s) works,
and from Bopp’s valuable remarks in his comparative grammar, that Zend in its
grammar and dictionary, is nearer to Ssnskrit than any other Indo-European
language. Many Zend words can be re-translated into Sanskrit simply by changing
the Zend into their corresponding forms in Sanskrit Where Sanskrit differs
in words or grammatical peculiarities from the Northern members of the Arian
family, it frequently coincides with Zend. The numerals are the same in all these
languages up to 100. The name for thousand, however, (eahatra) is pecnliar to Sans-
krit, and does not occnr in any of the Indo-European dialects except in Zend, where
it becomes hazanra These facts are full of historical meaning; and with
regard to Zend and Sanskrit, they prove that these two languages continued
together long after they were separated from the common Indo-F.upesn stock”—
Pra/eitot Mulltr’t Latt Retail* &c. pp. 113.
♦ See extract from I'ibktnga Mu if*, post.
:rosoft &
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Ixxrt i
[NTHODITCTIOH.
gtations ; why the ancient Translators of several Sinhalese
hooks* into the Pali say, that by such transposition they
‘‘would render a facility to both the inhabitants of this
island, and <f other lands and why Buddhaghosa, a consum-
mate Sanskrit scholar of the 5th century, preferred the Pali
to the Sanskrit in translating the Sinhalese Atthukathk
III. As to the acceptation of the term Prakrita amongst
nations and literary men ; —
1. Mr. Colebrooke, according to a forced etymology, s*ys
■'* the most common acceptation of this word is outcast, or men
of the lowest class ; as applied to a language it signifies
vulgar. *f*
2. Cowell, the translator of the Prdkrita Prakdsa, says
“ Prakrit is the common name given to the various dialects
which sprang up in early times in India fiom the corruption
of the Sansknt, and as the word is used by grammarians, it
signifies, ‘ derived, thereby to denote its connection with the
original Sanskrit.” f
3. The authority upon which the above opinions are founded,
is taken from Hemachandra, who defines — Prakritih Sans-
kritam tatra-bhavam tata dgatam vd pnikritam — ‘Prakrit
has its source in Sanskrit, and is that which springs or comes
from it.’
Obs. — Though willing to admit the above to be the accep-
tation of this word amongst the Brahmans generally, to
distinguish their so-called heaven-derived religion from other
dialects ; we cannot, however, receive such opinions without
caution, and even distrust ; for we perceive from the writings
of the Brahmans themselves, both unwilling and prejudiced
witnesses in this respect, — that the so-called “common accep-
tation” of the term, does not accord with facts, and the particu-
lar opinions expressed by the learned. For, if the Prakrit is
“ equal” (or similar) to the Sanskrit ; and, if moreover the
* Introduction to the Pal! version of the Daladavantt,
+ See his Miscellaneous Essays, ii. p. 2.
J See bis Prakrit Prakasa xrii.
TO kachchatx^a’s grammar
lxxxvii
former is “ an ocean to gems of lofty expressions with what
justice or propriety can it be said that the Prakrit is an
“ out-cast” — that it is “ a vulgar dialect” — or that it is
(apabhransa), a “jargon” destitute of grammar ? A compa-
rison of the Sanskrit with the Pali, clearly disproves the
assertion of the Shdsttas ; and the result is not different when
even the Prakrit passages in the dramas are compared with
the “ speech of the gods.”
4. Sir William Jones describes the Prakrit in the plays
to be little more than the language of the Brahmans, melted
down by a distinct articulation, to the softness of the
Italian *
5. Professor H. H. Wilson from the testimony contained
in the Dramas, written by Kalidasa, and in several ‘ finished
modern imitations’, treats the Pali under the designation of
Prakrit (under which appellation he includes ‘three varieties
more or less refined’,) and adds : “ the words are essentially
the same in all, and all are essentially the same with Sans-
krit, the difference affecting the pronunciation and spelling,
rather than the radical structure, and tending generally to
shorten the words, and subtitute a soft for a hard, and a
slurred for an emphatic articul tion.”-}*
6. The Kavya darsha defines the Sanskrit to be ‘the
speech of the devas,’ and the Prdkrita to consist of several
dialects, of which some are born of the Sanskrit ; and some
which stand in equal relationship with it ; and others which
are native or vernacular — peculiar to certain countries.
Obs. — I am aware that some writers}: have put a different
construction upon this authority : and have interpreted it
to mean that the Prakrits ‘ are composed of a three-fold
element.’ It is however submitted with much deference,
that the differences noticed by Dandi are differences of entire
dialects, or, as the commentator says, entirely ‘pure dialects
• Preface to the Sakuntala. Hindu Theatre 1 . p. lxir.
* Dr. Mnir** &an»krit TrrU i * p.
lxxxviii
INTRODUCTION.
and not differences of words in the same dialect. The
context sets this at rest ; for the writer enumerates
‘several orders’, or the ‘various dialects of the Prakrit, and
not the words of which they are composed.
But to return from this digression :
7. “ In reference to the meaning of the word Prakrit,”
says Dr. Stevenson, “ it may be observed that, among the Ma-
rathi Brahmans, the term is often taken in its widest sense to
signify the natural or vernacular language of any province
in India. In a more restricted sense, it means any of the
ancient dialects of the different provinces, and which as
most of their books used till lately to be written in it, ob-
tains, in the South of India, the appellation Grontha*
8. The Sinhalese also give the name of Giavthu to anci-
cent languages, and doubtless it is identic 1 with the Indian
Prakrita as may be seen from the enumeration of the quali-
fications of King Parakkramabahu III., 1267, A.D., in an ex-
tract from History given in my Sidath Sangara p. clxix.
9. “There are” says the Kig Veda, “four measured
grades of language : with these intelligent Brahmans are ac-
quainted. Three hidden in secret make no sign. The fourth
grade of speech is uttered by men.’* Dr. Muir in his Sans-
krit Texts p. 1 63, et seq., after quoting the above, and its
comment, which concludes thus : -“the Br.ihmans speak two
sorts of language ; both that of gods and that of men — ”
says, “ three of the ancient schools which are quoted, assert
the current language (vyavaharika vak) to be the fourth kind
of speech alluded to in the Yedic text, as being spoken by
men and, after expressing a conjecture, that this was the
Sanskrit (?) he adds : — “ It is true that in the Brahmana which
the author of the Parisish/a cites, a remark is made (connect-
ed with what precedes) that the Brahmans speak two lan-
guaqts, that of the gods, and that of men ; and this might seem
to prove that, as in later times, a distinction was drawn at
* KMpa Ri/tro, p, 132.
TO KACH( HAJVNA’S GRAMMAR.
lxxxix
.the time wheu the Brahmaua was composed, between Sans-
krit, the language of the gods, and the Prakrit the language
of men.”— p. 165.
Obs . — From the foregoing facts, deductions, and inferences
it may be concluded that an “ ancient,” “ cultivated,’’
“ natural or vernacular dialect,” “ similar to the Sanskrit”
lias continued to retain the name of Prakrit, along with
several provincial dialects, which are usually treated under
the same name.
IV Like all the above grounds of evidence, the testimo-
ny derivable from the primary signification of the word prd-
krita is against the so-c i lied “ common acceptation” of that
word ; and invests the language, to which it was originally
given as a name, with a character for originality and inde.
pendence equal to, if not higher than, the Sanskrit.
I am glad to find that Professor Lassen agrees with me in
believing that prakriti is the “source” from whence Prd-
krita is derived ; but I am equally sorry that I am constrain-
ed to differ from him as to the meaning which he assigns to
that word. In his Institutiones Linguce Prakriticce pp 25,
26, the learned Professor says : — “Notatio vocabuli est a Pra-
kriti, i. e. procreatrix, genetrix natura, unde Prdkrita, gene-
ratus, derivatus ; derivatur enim hae linguae a Sanskritica
aut directo aut una per aliam, quo sensu dicitur prakriti cu-
jusvis linguae esse ea, aqua deducitur : Prakritih Sanskri-
tam, tatra-bhavam tata agatam vd Prdkritam. Hemach :
Cap. viii. § 1. ‘ Prakriti sive origo in Sanskrita est ; in ea
lingua ortum vel ex ea profectum quod est, id prdkrita s , de-
rivatum est.’ Opponuntur praeterea in aliis juncturis sibi
Sanskrita et Prdkrita, ut de hominibus, qui quum justa cul-
tioris vitae institutione imbuti sint, Sanskritici, sin minus,
P rakritici dicuntur, unde fit, ut prakrita etiam notet homi-
nem vulgarem. Pr ilkriticae igitur linguae etiam sunt vul-
gares, rusticae, provinciales.”
Now, it is clear that if PrdJcrit comes from prakriti (pro-
xc
INTRODUCTION.
creatrix, genetrix natura) ‘ nature’, the former cannot mean,
a3 3tated by the learned Professo-, “ derived,” but its very
opposite — “ the radical, or the root,” and, when applied to a
language, “ the orignal language from which another springs.”
That “ the several Prakrit dialects are regarded ” [by modem
Brahmans*] “ as derivatives of the Sanskrit either directly
or mediately” signifies nothing ; and cannot, I apprehend,
affect the question any more than the dictum of the Bud-
dhists, ‘ that' the Pali is the [mAla biisab] radical language ’
The only mode by which we may a scertain the correct mean-
ing of Prdkrita is, I submit, as Professor Lassen himself has
done, by tracing the word to its r idical, primary, significa-
tion, in which sense, we may, considering the usages of the
East, reasonably believe it was originally used.
By any other mode of determining the sense of this word
we shall fail to obtain any information beyond the seconda-
ry sense, which, in the arbitrary usage of the modern Brah-
mans of the dramatic age, is assigned to this word— viz., that
it is a name for “ vulgar, rustic, and provincial forms of
speech.” The modern acce ptation of this word, is indeed in-
admissible in an inquiry as to what language it was ab initios
a name ? Words are like men. They grow into various shapes.
They gradually lose their original forms. They undergo in
process of time, so many changes both in body and sense, that
we cannot often determine their original meaning by their
“ common acceptation” at the present day. If, for instance,
desirous of ascertaining how the old llomans preserved their
writings, we referred to the modern acceptation of the term
volumen, it would give us an idea merely ‘ of writing preser-
ved on paper folded, or bound like our books (volume) with
a number of distinct leaves above one another. But, if we
• “ It is in the period with which we are now concerned (says the same writer)
viz., that between Vikramaditya and the later Gupta Kings, that the names Sans-
krit for the classical language, and Prakrit for the forms of speech springing from
it, mast have arisen.”— Lastcn't Tnd. Ant. ii. p. 115).
TO KACHCflAYAXAS GRAMMAR. xci
traced the word to its original (prakriti) source, we should
find that it meant ‘ a folding,’ ‘ a roll’ — and, therefore, that
the Romans ‘ rolled up their writings’ as a * scroll,’ or like
‘ the folds of a snake.’ Suppose again, for instance, we were
engaged in an inquiry as to whether the Kandians and the
maritime Sinhalese were originally of the same stock; and we
were in the course of our investigations furnished with two
epithets, ‘opposed to each other,’ and by which the mari-
time natives were distinguished from the Kandians ; viz
' the high Sinhalese’ and ‘ the low Sinhalese.’ By the adop-
tion of the meanings which either ignorance or prejudice has
assigned to them among some people, we must conclude that
the first meant * the Sinhalese strictly so called* and the
second, ‘ the low’ ‘ the inferior,’ or (as the Brahmans desig-
nate the Pr ikrita) ‘ the vulgar.’ But nothing could be more
distant from the original signification of these terms as ap-
plied to the Sinhalese. The first meant ‘ those who occupi-
ed the MyTi-lands of the Kandian country,’ and the second
* those who inhabited the flat levels of the maritime provin-
ces.’
In considering, therefore, the question as to the compara-
tive claims of the Prakrita and the Sanskrita, we should
take their primary, not their secondary, sense— that which
they radically import, not that which has been assigned by
usage. In a primary sense also, be it remarked, those words
are “ opposed to each other” ; Sanskrita conveying ‘ adorn-
ment’ and PrdJcrita ‘ the natural’ : and this it would seem
is also proof of the Prdkrita being the ‘ original’ form of
language, and therefore, in a secondary sense, (to adopt the
contemptuous expressions of the Hindus) ‘ the uncultivated
savage,’ ‘ the rustic,’ or ‘ the vulgar’ idiom from which the
language of the Brahmans has arisen to the development of
See Ceylon Branch Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, rii. p. 340.
xcu
-INTRODUCTION
the Sanskrit, ‘the highly polished’, or ‘the civilized.’*
I have already shown that the word from whence Prcb’crita
is derived, was prakriti. It is thus defined by several
writers : —
1. According to the Amarakosha (see pp. 32. 55) pra-
kriti means in the Sanskrit ‘ Dature’ ‘tbe natural state.’
2. Bopp defines it also to be ‘ nature/, r . kri facere preef
Pra s. t'i — Glossarium Sanscritum p. 225.
3. Professor H. H. Wilson gives to it among other signifi-
cations, the following ; ‘ Nature, in philosophy, the passive or
material cause of the world, as opposed to the active or spiri-
tual ; — the natural state, or condition of any thing ; a radical
form or predicament of being ; cause, origin, a mother, the
radical form of a word before the affixes forming cases, &c.
are subjoined. E. pra implying ‘ priority’ or ‘ precedence,’
kri * to make’ aff : ti'
4. The same meanings are assigned to its kindred expres-
sions ( pakati ) in the Pali, (see A bhidanapadipika p. 11.)
and in the Sinhalese (see Clough and the Sidath Sangara)t
Obs. — Prakriti is therefore, that which is natural, or the na-
ture itself of a thing — that which is pre-eminent — that which
is the natural and quiescent state of any thing — ‘ not made.
Hence it is clear that the correct and primary sense of
the word Prakrita, — indeed that which was originally
assigned to it, despite the so-called ‘common acceptation,’ — was
‘ original,’ ‘ root,’ ‘ natural.’ By the Prakrit was therefore,
at first meant the original Indian language, as distinguish-
• Colonel Sykes, after alluding to certain doubts expressed by Professor Wilson
as to how the descendants (the Prakrits) could have been so exquisitely refined as
he found them in the Plays, if the parent (tile Sanskrit) was comparatively rude,
which he believes was the fact before the age of the classical language of the Hindu
literature, says; “ A simple solution of Professor Wilson’s doubts would be to con-,
sider the Sauskrit emanating from the Pali, [? I shall rather 3ay — the one original
Prakrit language which has assumed the form of Pali] — the perfect from the
imperfect, the polished from the rude, end the expressive from tbe simple ; at least
such ia tbe natural progress of languages with growing civilization .” — Journal Royal
-■tiiatic Socirly.vi. p. 122 .
TO KACITCHA YaNA'S GRAMMAR. Xciit
able from the Apabransa ‘the ungrammatical,’ and the
Sanskrit, signifying [from sum ‘ altogether’ or ‘ together,’ and
krita ‘ done’= ‘ altogether’ or‘ completely made, done, or
formed’] that ‘ which has been composed or formed by art
adorned, embellished, purified, highly cultivated or polished,
and regularly inflected as a language.’
Y. What then was this original Pnlkrit language which
was “ similar to the Sanskrit It would be in vain to look
for it in any of the living languages of the world ; for it is an
established fact in philology that all languages change * in
course of time, even without the introduction of foreign
elements. It can only be discovered, I presume, by the
examination of the earliest writings of those languages which
have ceased to be spoken.
Let us first examine the dramatic dialects with reference
to the precepts of the Grammarians and Commentators.
1 . It has been found by Professor Lassen and others who
have examined these writings, (says Mr. Stenzler) f that,
making great allowances for the errors of ignorant copyists,
and the unauthorized alterations of learned transcribers, there
is still a difficulty in reconciling the doctrines of the gram-
marians with the language of the dramas.
2. ‘ Much discrepancy’ says Mr. Cowell \ exists between
the Prakrit of the grammarians, and that which we find in
the plays.’
3. Professor Wilson, who was intimately acquainted
with the language of the dramas, from his having translated
them, says that the term Prakrit, applied by grammarians
* to a variety of forms, agrees only in name with the spoken
dialects.’ ‘ The Magadhi by which name may be considered
that dialect which is more ordinarily understood by Prdkrit,
is very different from the vernacular language of Magadh or
* Subotlb«lankarii on Rhetoric.
+ See his preface to the Mritchakatika.
I Prakrit Prakasa p vii.
XC1V
INTRODUCTION.
Behar. The Saurasem is by no means the same with the
dialect of Mathura, and Vrindavan, and the Maharashtri
would be of little avail in communicating with the Maha-
rattas, or people of Maharastra. The other species enu-
merated, are equally inapplicable for identification with the
dialects to which they might be supposed to refer.’ *
4. ‘ Highly finished specimens are to be found in plays
which are modem productions. The Vetlagdha Madhura,
for instance, consists more than half of high Prakrit, and
it was written less than three centuries ago.’ — ib.
Obs . — This discrepancy may be accounted for by the
following conjecture. The dramatic writers, whose age is
fixed by Professor Lassen at 403 — 100 B. C , and, who wrote
the great bulk of their plays in Sanskrit, were eminent Sans-
krit Scholars. They indeed studied the Prakrit languages ;
and, even if they did not, from the affinity of the Prakrits to
the Sanskrit, they found no difficulty for a display of their
learning by improving upon several then existing Indian
dialects. In doing so, according to the original aphorism
of Bharat a, it was necessary “ to employ choice and har-
monious terms, and an elevated and polished style, em-
bellished with the ornaments of Rhetoric and rythm.” It
may be then believed that they imitated the" best writers
with whom they were acquainted ; that some authors gave
preference to some writers as models for imitation, and others
to others ; and that some selected old, and others mod-
ern authors for their guide ; — whilst, perhaps, the same wri-
ter in different plays adopted the language of both ancient
and modern books. Hence ‘ the exceeding richness’ of the
Prakrita in some of the plays, and its comparative inferiority
in others, — and, perhaps, the same differences exhibited in
the works of one and the same person. The Grammarians,
on the other hand, especially Vararuchi, whom we regard.
» Wilson's Hindu Dramut, 1 pp. liiii, iv.
TO KACHCH AY ANA'S GRAMMAR.
X€V
according to Hindu traditions, as one of the ‘ nine gems’ of
Vikramaditya’s Court, and therefore a writer of compara-
tively after times ;* were led by different lights. The Prkk-
rita passages scattered throughout the Hindu dramas, did not
afford them sufficient means to obtain an acquaintance with
the whole extent of those languages. They found, pro-
bably, that one dramatic writer made one class of persons
speak a particular dialect, when another put that into the
mouth of other classes — thus rendering it difficult even to
assign a name to the dialects used. It is also probable that
the Grammarians sought in India for, and having found bufc
few traces of, the principal Prakrit, which tradition repre-
sented as a language which “ abounded in gems of lofty
expressions,” and which, as stated in the Prakiritadlpikk, “ i 3
the most excellent form of speech” took for their guide a
then existing dialect of Maharastra.
This was probably a mo lification of the Pali. For, front
the account of Fa Hiain, it would seem that Buddhism had
flourished in MtUra from a very early period ; and, conse-
quently, its language, the Pali had been early- introduced in-
to that country. Yet, from its having been amalgamated
with other Prakrit dialects, and not become fixed as a dead
language, as was the case with Pali in Ceylon, the Maharash-
tri presents a great many corrup tions, of which the Pkli is
comparatively free.
The following comparative Table of the first thirty words in
Vararuchi’s Prakrit Prakksa, will render this manifiest.
samriddhi
samiddhi
samiddhi
‘ prosperity’
prakata
pakata
paadam
‘ manifest’
abhijati
abhijati
ahijai
‘ family’
manasvini
manassini
manansini
‘ wise woman’
pratipad
pldipada
padivaa
‘ lstday lemons
sadrikksha
sarikkha
sarichchham
‘ like’
* Se« Indisehe Altathumskunde ii.,p. USO.
icn
INTRODUCTION
prasupta
pasutta
pasuttain
‘ asleep’
prasiddhi
pasiddbi
pasiddhi
‘ fame’
asva
assa
asso-aso
‘ horse’
i. hat
isan
isi
‘ little’
pakva
pakka
pikkam
‘ cooked’
J soppa
) ‘sleep’
svapna
) supina
sivina
J ‘ dreair
vetasa vetasa vediso ‘ ratan’
vyajana vijani viano ‘ fan’
inridanga mutinga muingo * drum’
angara angara ingalo ‘ charcoal’
aranya araiina rannam ‘ forest’
sayya seyyh sejja * bed’
saundarya sundara sunderam ‘ beauty’
trayodasa telasa teraho ‘ thirteenth’
as chary a
achchhariya
achchhera
achchhe ram * wo nderful’
pa'ryanta pariyanta perantam ‘ limit’
valli valli velli ‘ creeper’
badara badara voram ‘jujube’
lavana Iona lonam ‘ salt’
navamallika
mayiira
navamallika
\ mayiira
imora
no mall ih ‘
) mora
j mauro
j moho , <
jasmine’
peacock’
maydkha
mayuklia
[ mauho
ray’
ehaturthl
chatutthi
chatuddasi
chotthl ‘
fourth’
chaturdasi
. chuddasi
choddasi
chuddahl
chaddahi
|‘ fourteenth
Having once identified the principal Prakrit, with that
which approached nearest to it, viz. a dialect of the Maha-
TO KACIICII AY ANA’S GRAMMAR.
XCV11
rattas, different from the language which, like the Pali, was
once greatly admired, and different also from the language
now prevailing in that country, the Grammarians had no al-
ternative but to seek for the Magadhi in the speech of men
living in Magadha. This too, was different from that which
is in use there, and also greatly at variance with the original
Mhgadhl (the Pali) which was only preserved in Ceylon.
Hence the discrepancy between the Grammarians and the
dramatists — and hence also the difference between the Cey-
lon and Indian writers in respect of Magadhi — the Sinha-
lese treating it as the Pali (or the language of the text books
of Buddhism) which found an early retreat in Ceylon, and
the Brahmans identifying it with a modification of the same
dialect greatly deflected from its original construction.
It would also seem from the foregoing observations that
the dialect, which originally received the name of the Pra-
krit, has in course of time, undergone a vast change in India,
and that the patois of the dramas, does not furnish us with
sufficient materials for its identification with any known
dialect. Probably the Prakrit of the Plays is a modifica-
tion of the Pali; and it is very probable that the principal Pra-
krit of Vararuclii is a still greater modification of the Prakrit
of the plays. But of this w e may be sure — that both have many
traces of corruption, and that both have less claims for origi-
nality than the Pali. [See my comparative Tables infra .]
Another language which may demand attention here, is
the so-called Gathd dialect of the Nepal Buddhists. A
solution of the difficulty as to its origin, will be given
hereafter. In the meantime it is sufficient to notice what
we gather as to its style, from the writings of a learn-
ed Hindu gentleman* and of M. Burnouf, viz. ‘ that the
Buddhist literature of Nepal, from which the Sacred Scrip-
tures of Tibet, Tartary, and China have been compiled, is in
* Article by Babu Rajendralal Mlttra Esq., in the Bengal A. S. Journal for
1854, p. 601.
INTRODUCTION.
xcviii
an ugly Sanskrit dialect, destitute of the niceties of the Sans-
krit gramm itical forms of declension and conjugation, &c. ;
that the authors have sacrificed grammar to the exigencies of
metre ; that it is in a mixed style of prose and Gathas ; that
it hears a strong resemblance to the Tantras of the 4th
to the 7th Century of the Christian era — and that it appears
to be the production of men to whom the task of compilation
was assigned without sufficient materials at their disposal.
In view of these peculiarities, Mons. Btiruouf has pronounced
the Nepal sacred scriptures to be a ‘ barbarous Sanskrit, in
which the forms of all ages, Sanskrita, Pali, and Prkkrita
appear to be confounded.’*
These peculiarities establish its inferiority to the Pali ; and
the dialect of the Pillar Inscriptions (which were recorded in
the third century of the Christian era,) being decidedly poste-
rior to the language of Gotama, I shall, in search of this ori-
ginal Prakrit, next betake myself to the Ceylon Pali, a dead
language of antiquity, which came from Magadha, and has
been preserved in Ceylon from the time almost of the Buddhis-
tical era. Tts identity with the Miigadhi of remote antiqui-
ty, is not only established by the history of Buddhism, and
by the promiscuous use of the terms Pali and Magadh
in Ceylon ; but also from the extract above given, of the
enumeration of the shidbhaslid, ante p. lxxxiii. Its great
antiquity, and high state of cultivation in Ceylon, are made to
appear from a variety of circumstances.
It is indeed a remarkable fact that all oriental scholars,
who have made Pali the subject of study according to the
different, though imperfect, opportunities they have had out
of this island, have not failed to perceive something peculiar
in the Pali, which distinguishes it from every variety of
Sanskrit-idioms.
1. Professor Benfey in his Ersch and Gruber's German
Encyclo^aidia p 104, characterises the Pali as ‘ the sacred lan-
• I’ll istoire dii Riuldhisme Indie*, ji. iOo.
TO KACHCHAY ANA’S GRAMMAR
xcix
gunge of the Buddhist writings found in Ceylon and 1'rans-
gangetic India, Avhich is shown both by internal
and external indications, to have been the vernacular dialect
of central India, and which was diffused along with the
Buddhist religion in the countries above-named, where it soon
acquired the same sacredness in the eyes of the Bndlhists
which Sanskrit possessed, and still possesses, for the Brah-
mans. This language,’ he continues (‘ though distinct proof
cannot yet be adduced of the assertion,) is one of the very
oldest of tha Indian vernaculars, and was already in popular
use at the period of the rise of Buddhism.’
2. Dr. Muir after citing the list authority, states. “ But
it matters little in what particular province we suppose the
Pali to have originated, whether in Magadha, or in some
country further to the westward : as the fact remains in any
case indubitable, that it represents one of the oldest Pr.ikatic
dialects of northern India.” — Sanskrit Texts p. 79.
Obs . — I may here remark in passing, that if the Pali re-
presents, as it undoubtedly does, the oldest Prakrit ; and,
moreover, if the Maharashtri dialect is, as st ited by the writer
of Prakrita-kalpataru, “the root of the other [Prakrits];”
i. e. those of which the Indians had any knowledge, or which
have not been lost in India ; — the inference is inevitable that
the Pali, which had found an early retreat in Ceylon, is the
parent of all Prakrits, including the Maharashtri. But
to proceed : M. M. Burnouf and Lassen, who had but few Pali
works within their reach, have not however, failed to perceive
the nearest relationship of the Pali to the Sanskrit. Though
I reluctantly, but respectfully, differ from them in the belief
that the former is immediately derived from the latter ; yet
the facts which those learned writers record, are not without
importance or value.
3. ‘ When the Pali, [say those learned writers in their
Essai sur le Pali, p. 138] as a derivative from Sanskrit, is
compared with other dialects having the same origin, it
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c
INTRODUCTION.
is found to approach far more closely than any of those
others to that common source. It stands, so to speak, on the
Jiist step of the ladder of departure f 'tom Sanskrit, and is the
first of the series of dialects which break up that rich and
fertile language.’
4. Dr. Muir, after subjecting the Pali to a comparison
with the Sanskrit and Prakrit, concludes by saying, ‘ from
this comparison it will result that the Pali stands
nearer to the Sanskrit, and represents a more ancient phase
of the vernacular speech of Northern India than is exhi-
bited in the Prakrit ’
And he adds ‘ It has been demonstrated at length that it
(the Pali), in its turn, is more ancient in its grammatical
forms than the Prakrits are, and departs less widely than
they do from the Sanskrit.’ — p. ] 37.
I may also remark that entire sentences may be given of,
and that whole passages may be composed in, the Pali where-
in every word, every grammatical form, and every philologi-
cal development most closely accords with even the Sans-
kritized idiom of the Brahmans. The following extracts, for
example, from the Bhatti Kavya, which abounds with speci-
mens of the kind, authorize the above statement.
Charu samiraua ramane
Harina-kalanka kiranavali savilasd
Abaddha Hama moha
Vela mule vibhavari parihinit— p. 77.
‘The evening, radiant with masses of moon-beams, and
which filled (bound) Rama with affliction, was spent on the
confines of the shore which was rendered delightful by rea-
son of the (sweet) gentle breeze.’
Gantum Lanka tiran
Baddha mafia salila sancharena snhelan
Tarn hari mi giri jalan
Vahantu giri bln'vra sunsaha gurudelian — p. 88.
TO kachchayana’s grammar.
Cl
* Let the monkeys, able to sustain the weight of moun-
tains, convey the heavy-bodied rocky chain, so that we may
in one line, get to the shores of Lanka, on a bridge constructed
on the vast profound.’
To the above facts, all which are important in the consi-
deration of the general question, as to the relationship of the
Pali to Sanskrit, I shall add the testimony of eminent Orien-
tal scholars, who notice the difference of the Pali from every
dialect which is supposed to have arisen from the ancient
Magadhl ; — its difference
1. From the dialect of the rock inscriptions ■* * * §
“ Now it is curious enough that some of the distinguishing
traits of the pillar dialect are just such as are pointed out by
the Grammarians of a later day as constituting the differences
between Magadhi and Pali.” “The [same] language,’
Mr. Prinsep adds in another paper]* “ differs essentially from
every written idiom : it is as it were intermediate between
the Sanskrit and Pali.”
2. From the Buddhist writings of Nipal ;
‘ They are’ says M. Bumouf, “ intermediate between the
regular Sanskrit, and Pali — a dialect entirely derived, and
manifestly posterior to the Sanskrit. J
3. From the Prakrit dialects ;
‘ The Prakrits do not represent the derivative form of
speech which stands nearest to the Sanskrit ; and we are in
a position to] point out a dialect which approaches yet more
closely to the latter than the Prakrits do. I mean the Pali, or
sacred language of the Buddhists; a language which is
extinct in India, but in which numerous canonical books of
the Buddha religion, still extant in Burmah and Ceylon
are written.’ §
• ‘ We have seen (p. 72) that the Pali has some grammatical forms which are
older than those of the inscriptions ; and vice versa.’-*- Dr, Muir, p. 137,
* Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, vol. vi, p. 567,
J L’ Histoire du Buddhisme Indien p. 105,
§ Dr. Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, p. .65.
INTRO tHTTION'
cii
4. From the Magadhi dialect in which the works of the
Jains are written ;
‘ On comparing the Mahawanso (says Dr. Stevenson) one
of the- sacred books of the Ceylonese with the Jain writings,
I find considerable dissimilarity between the two dialects ;
the Pali approaching much nearer to the standard of the
general Prakrit, and having few, if any, of the peculiarities of
the Magadhi dialect, while the Jain works exhibit them by
no means in a slight degree.’ *
5. From the present language of Magadha or Behar ;
‘ The Pali’ says a writer in the Asiatic Journal, xviii. p.
VG4, ‘being generally known by the name Magadhi, was com-
pared with the modern dialect of Magadh or Behar, and the
comparison shews that they essentially differ. In those
respects in which it differs from the Pali, it approaches the
Prakrit or the sacred language of the Jains.’
6. And from the Magadhi of the Indian grammarians : —
The following comparative view of the Pali, with the rules
given by Vararuchi under the head of Magadhi, will render
their difference evident.
(i.) The first rule of Vararuchi is Sha soh SAH. In the
Pali there is no S. It has only the dental sibilant S. The
inapplicability of the rule which states that in the peculiar
dialect of Prakrit termed Magadhi, ‘ S is substituted for sh
or S,’ is therefore, self-evident.
(ii.) Jo VAH. The occasional substitution of y for j is no
more a peculiarity of the Pali than of the Sanskrit or Sinha-
lese ; c. g. yamini or jamini in Sanskrit, yixma or jama Sin-
halese ‘ night.’ The usual Pali nija is written in the Suttans
with a y, as niyan yuttan ‘ own son.’ Instances like these
are exceptions, not the rule, in those two languages. But
neither in the instance given by Vararuchi, nor in the
great majority of Sanskrit words with a j, is it changed
into a y in the Pali. The reverse of what is given by
Kalpa Sultra, p. 132.
TO KACHCIIAYANAS GRAMMAR. ciii
Vararuchi may be regarded as the rule. Thus, jdyate
‘he is born,’ is the same in the Pali, and is not
changed into ydyade. So likewise, raja is raja, and not
rely a ‘ king’ ; gaja is gaja but not gay a ‘ elephant vajra is
vajira, but not vayara ‘ diamond.’ It is true that in words like
parykshana, the PMi form is payyusana, and not pajjau-
sana, as in the common Prakrit. This peculiarity in the
Pali, however, does not indicate a change from j to y. It
is simply the reduplication of y.
(iii.) The next rule, chvargasyasprishtata tathoch-
ciiakanaH : seems to refer to a nicety in the pronunciation of
the palatal letters, which we do not perceive in the Pali; and
therefore proceed to the next ;
(iv.) HridaYaSYa HaDaKKah. This is equally inapplicable
to the Pali. Hridaya ‘ heart’ never becomes hadakka, but
hadaya, in Pali. So likewise hrisva ‘ short’ is not hadasva,
but rassa ; and hri ‘ shame’ is not hida but hiri.
(v.) RyarjayoR yyah. The substitution here spoken, of
yy for ry and rj may be regarded as the exception (and that
of very rare occurrence) rather than the rule in the Pali.
Thus kdryan ‘ to be done,’ is not kayye but kdriyan ; and
durjana ‘ wicked’ is not duyyana, but dujjana, in the Pali.
So likewise mrya ‘ exertion’ becomes viriya ; bharya, bhariya
‘ wife’ ; aisvarya, issariya ‘ prosperity’ ; and also garjana,
becomes gajjana ‘ noise’.
(vi.) Kshasya skah. This is again different in the Pali.
Thus rdkskasah ‘demon’ does not become laskase but rak-
khaso ; nor dakshah ‘ clever’ daske, but dakkho. So like-
wise, vriksha ‘ tree’ becomes rukklia in the Pali ; kshamd
kamd ‘ forgiveness’ ; dakshinn, dakkhina ‘ south’ ; kshura
khura ‘ razor’ ; kshetra, khetta ‘ field’. This peculiarity will
be found explained in another part of our observations, vide
infra, § x.
(vii.) Asmadas sau hake hage aiiake. The Sanskrit
ahan bhanami ‘ I speak’, is the same in the Pali ; and does
not become as stated here hake, hage, ur ahcike ban&mi.
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INTRODUCTION -
civ
(viii.) Ata iDETAu LUKCHA. The Sanskrit etad. (root)
eshak (nom :) is said to be changed in the M&gadhl into esa,
and su being added to it —esa-su ; and the latter affix being
elided, the a in esa is changed into i, or e. This is not a pe-
culiarity of the Pali, in which eta (root eso — nom :) becomes
esa raja, (which is esha rdjd in Sans :) ‘ this king’, • and
not as in the so-called Magadhi Esi Zaa; (! !) and similarly
esha purushah, Sanskrit, becomes eso puriso in the Pali, but
not, as in the Prakrit Magadhi, esd pulise ‘ this man.’
(ix.) KtantaD uSCHa : which is rendered by Dr. Cowell
into English as follows : U is substituted when the affix su
follows a word ending with the affix kta ; and also (as we
infer from the cha of the Sut ;) we may optionally use the
i or e of the preceding Sut, or even elide the affix ; as hasi-
du or hasidi, haside, hasida, for hasitah ‘ smiling.’ It is only
sufficient to state here that the Pali knows no such thing,
and that the Sanskrit hasitah is in the former simply
hasito.
(x.) Naso ho ya dirgiiatwamcha : That is to say ‘ha
is optionally substituted for nas, the affix of the genitive sin-
gular, and at the same time the preceding vowel is length-
ened, as pulisaha or palisassa dhane for purushasya dhanam
' the man’s-wealth.’ The Pali foim of this is purisassa dha-
nahn wherein the Sanskrit inflexion sya assumes ssa, for
the simple reason that the Pali dislikes the union of two con-
sonants of different classes. It is further remarkable here
that dhane of the Prakrit-Magadhl becomes dhanam (neuter)
both in the Sanskrit and Pali, in which moreover the
cerebral n is not used.
(xi.) Adirghas Sambuddhau. It is to be inferred from
the examples given under this rule that in the Prakrit
M&gadhi dialect the vocative inflexion o both in the singular
and plural number is long. In the Pali, however, the termi-
nation of the vocative singular may be either long or short.
(See Clough’s Balavatara p. 19,) ; as purisa dgachchha
or purisa dgachchha — •' 0 ! man come.’
TO kackchayana’s grammar. cv
(xii.) Chittiiasya chisiitiiah. In shewing the difference
of the Pali from the Prakrit-Magadhi, it is here sufficient
simply to exhibit the Pali forms of the given examples.
Purushah tishthati * — Sanskrit
Puriso titthati — Pali.
Pulise chishthadi — Mag : Prakrit.
(xiii.) KrinmringaMam Ktasya daii. Here again we can-
not exhibit the difference of the Pali from the M&gadhl
Prakrit better, than by placing the given examples in juxta-
position with their Pali forms.
Kritah ‘done’ mritah ‘dead’ gatah ‘gone.’ Sans.
Kato — mato — gato. Pali
Kade — made — gade. Mag-Prak.
(xiv.) Ktvodaniii. The following comparative view of the
examples given under this rule, shews the relationship of the
Pali to the Sanskrit to be far nearer than that of the
Prakrit-M;\gadhi.
Sodvdgatahf — kritvdgatah\ San.
Sahitvd gato — katvdgato Pali
Sahid&ni gade — karid&ni aade. Prak M.
(xv.) Srigalasya sialasialesiauakah. The difference
between the Sanskrit Srig&la and the Pali sigala is, simply
that occasioned by the absence of the Sanskrit r in the
latter language. But Vararuchi gives the three following
forms into which that word is changed in Magadhi-Prakrit ;
viz. sidld, si&Ie, sialake.
Obs . — From the above, and many a fact in the history of
Buddhism, it may be inferred that there are few traces of
the genuine Prakrit in the existing Indian dialects ; that
the principal Prakrit, which distantly approaches to the Pali,
is a corruption of the latter ; that the patois of the dramas
is an exhibition of it ; and that the Grammarians, who subse-
* ‘ The man stands.’ t ‘ Having borne went.’ i ‘ Having done went.’
CV1
INTRODUCTION
quently framed rules for the formation of this corrupt idiom,
had not the Pali, which had been banished the Mngadha
country along with the Buddhist religion. It may also be
thence inferred that in very early times the Pali became mixed
up with pure Sanskrit, as in the Nepal version ; that it
next assumed the form of the pillar dialect, and that at last it
was reduced to the Magadld of the Jains, which dis-
tantly resembles the dialect of the grammarians. Bud-
dhism, in a very early period of its history, doubtless,
brought the Pali language to Ceylon ; where, having soon be-
come a dead language, its use was confined to the priesthood;
and from the homage the Ceylonese paid to it as the lan-
guage of the founder of their religion, it remained in the
Island unaffected by those changes to which, as a spoken
language, it was subjected in its migrations in India. Thus,
its philological peculiarities, which will be noticed
hereafter — its great age in this Island — its still higher
antiquity in Asia — and the absence of any other Indian dia-
lect which bears traces of so close an affinity to the
Sanskrit as the Pali, when taken into consideration with
the facts, that ‘ the Brahmans and Aryas’ had for their
vyavahdriha vdk, a dialect similar to the Sans-
krit ; and that that dialect is declared by Buddhagosa,
himself a Brahman, to be the Pali [Prakrit] ; we may indeed
discover a few at least of the grounds upon which the tradi-
tion of the Buddhists is based, viz., that ‘ the Pali was the
raid a bdsd’
VI. This leads us then to the consideration of the theory
with which we have set out— that the Pali is “a sistcr-dia-
lect of the Sanskrit, being probably derived from one and
the same source.”
In considering this subject we notice that the Brahmans
regard the Sanslcrit to be of divine origin, and as a direct
revelation from their Creator ; and that the Buddhists claim
to kaciiciiayana’s grammar.
CVLl
for the Pali an antiquity so remote that they affirm it to be
a language ‘ the root of all dialects, which was spoken by
Brahmas, by men before the present kappa, by those who
h;id neither heard nor uttered human accent, and also by
supreme Buddhas’ —
Sa Magadhl mula bhasa
Nark ya ykdi kappikk ;
Brahmanochassutalapa
Sambuddha chkpi basare.
The above is found quoted by Mr. Turnour from the Payo-
gasiddhi ; and the following, to the same effect,* occurs in the
VlBIIANGA AtTHAKATHA.
Tissadatta thero kira Bodhi mande suvanna salakan ga-
hetvk ‘ atlharasasu bhasasu katara bhkskya katemi — iti’ pa-
varesi. Tan pana tena atthato uggahetva pavaritan ; na-
patisambhidaya ihitena ; sohi mahilpannataya tan tan bha-
san kathapetva ugganhi : Tato uggaheffiatva evan pavkresi.
Bhasan nama satta ugganhantiti vatvacha panettha idan
kathitan. Matapitarohi dahara kkle kumarake manchevk
piihevk nipajajpetva tan tan kathaya mana tani tani kich-
chani karonti ; daraka tesan tan tan bhasan vavatthapentu
‘ imiua idan vuttan imina idan vuttan’ti gachchante kale
sabbampi bhasan jananti. Mata Damili pita Andhako tesan
jato darako sache matu-kathan paffiaman sunati, DamUa
bhasan bhasissati, sache pitu kathan palhaman sunati An-
dhaka bhasan bhasissati. Ubhinnampi pana kathan
asunanto Magadhikan bhasissati. Yopi agamake maha ran-
Se kathento nama natthi sopi attano dhammataya vachanan
samuttha pento Magadha bhasa meva bhasissati. Niraye
tirachchhana Yonian pettivisaye manussa loke deva loke-ti-
sabbattha Magadhika bhasa eva ussanna.; tattha sesa Ottk
Kiratha Andhaka Yonaka Damifa bhksadika a^harasa
bhasa parivattanti. Aya’meva eka y ath abh uch ch a-Br ahnia-
vohira-Ariya-vohara-sankhata Mkgadhika bhksil eva na-pa-
* Parivattesi sabbapi Sihalafrtiakatha taJa,
Sabbesan mulabasaya Magadhayaniiut.tiya. — Mahavansa, j>. 253.
Umv Calif - Digitized bv Microsoft &
cvm
INTRODUCTION
rivattati. Sarama Sambuddhopi tepitakan buddha vachanan
tantin aropento Magadha bhasaya eva hropesi ; Kasma evan-
hi atthan ilharitun sukhan lioti. Magadha bhasayahi tanti
oru/hassa buddha vachanassa pafisambhidappattanan .sota-
pathagamane-nevayanche sotena sangha^ita matte yeva naya
satena naya sahassena attlio upaiihati ; annaya pana bhasa-
ya tanti arulhakan pothetva uggahetabban hoti.
‘ Tissadatta thera took up the gold broomstick in the Bo
compound, and requested to know in which of the eighteen
Ihdsas he should speak ? He so (spake) from (a knowledge
of those languages) acquired not through inspiration,*
but, by actual study ; for being a very wise personage he
knew those several dialects by learning : wherefore, being one
of (such) acquirements he so inquired. This is said here
(to illustrate) that men acquire a bhasa (by study.)
‘ Parents place their children, when young, either on a cot
or a chair, and speak different things and perfom different
actions. Their words are thus distinctly fixed by the children
(on their minds, thinking) ‘that such was said by him and
such by the other’ ; and in process of time they learn the
entire language. If a child, born of a Damilaf mother, and
an Andhaka\ father, should first hear his mother speak>
he would speak the Damila language ; but if he should first
hear his father speak, he would speak the Andhaka language.
If however he should not hear them both, he would speak
the Magadhi. If, again, a person in an uninhabited forest, in
which no speech (is heard), should intuitively attempt to ar-
ticulate words, he would speak the very Magadhi. It pre-
dominates in all regions (such as) Hell; the animal kingdom;
the Petta sphere ; the human world ; and the world of the
devas. The rest of the eighteen languages — Ottd, Kirathcb,
Andhaka, Yonaka, Damila, &c., undergo changes ; — but the
* ra/isarobliidaya — the four supernatural attainments peculiar to the highest or-
der of Arahama, including impired knowledge.
+ Damila (or Tamil) is the Pali form of Dramida, or Dravida.
t Andhaka is the Pali form of Andhra, the Sanskrit name for the Talugu— see
Caldu til's Dravidian Comp. Gram. p. 6.
to kaciich a Yana's grammar.
C1X
Jl tagadlu does not, which alone is unchangeable, and is said
to be the speech of Brahmans and Ariyas. Even Buddha,
who rendered his tepltaka words into texts, did so by means
of the very Mdjadh'i ; and why ? Because by doing so it
(was) easy to acquire their (true) significations. Moreover,
the sense of the words of Buddha which are rendered into
doctrines by means of the Magadhl language, is conceived in
hundreds and thousands of ways by those who have attained
the piti-sambhidd so soon as they reach the ear, or the in-
stant the ear comes in contact with them ; but discourses
rendered into other languages are acquired with much dif-
ficulty.’
Now it is a fact that ‘ all rude nations are distinguished
by a boastful and turgid vanity.’ They invent fables to
exalt their nationality, and leave records behind them to
abuse the credulity of after ages.’ They cannot speak of
their race, or of their sacred languages without assigning to
them an origin the remotest in the world. In ‘ a spirit
of adulation and hyperbole ’ they exalt them as high as the
object of their adoration and worship. This is peculiarly
the case with Eastern nations.
Although such extravagantly high pretensions, are by
themselves of no value ; yet when some of these traditions
are partially supported by the concurrence of other testi-
mony, we may by a judicious exercise of our judgments in
separating fact from fable, and reality from fiction, receive
them, I apprehend, to the extent to which they are con-
firmed. Let us examine this confirmatory proof.
The term Prakrita, as we have already seen, means ‘ root’
or ' original and the Pali is the earliest exhibition of the
Prakrit. In this point of view, therefore, the Pali may
claim greater originality, if not antiquity, than the Sanskrit,
which is confessedly a dialect ‘ made’ or ‘ done.’ In other
words, if the Pali, may be regarded as the prakriti, or an ex-
ox
INTRODUCTION
hibition of the aboriginal tongue, there is nothing in the
signification of the term Sanskrita to entitle the language
for which it is a name, to be considered the source from
whence the former is derived.
The facts, too, which we glean from history or find from
natural causes, accord wonderfully with the import of the
terms which we have above given, and with the be-
lief that Pali is a Vyavaharika idiom of the Sanskrit.
For, whilst both the languages are fundamentally the same,
the Pali is simpler in its formation, and is more adapted to
the vocal organs of men in a rude state of society, who, like
children, avoid the sharpness of a union of heterogeneous
consonants by the elision of the first, and the reduplication
of the second.
These can scarcely be pronounced to be peculiar charac-
teristics of a derivative tongue. For, we know that many
nations both of the North and South-Indian class, in their
attempts to beautify language, draw largely from the Sans-
krit. The Tamils and the Hindus use a dialect full of Sans-
krit words ; and the modern Sinhalese with a view to
beautify language, do not assimilate sounds, and shorten ex-
pressions, but Sanskritize our ancient simple language.* This
Avas probably the case with the Sanskrit itself, Avhich has no
claims to originality.
The simplicity of the grammatical system in the Pali, as
is indicated by the non-use of the dual number, the absence
of certain elaborations of simple tenses, f the small num-
ber of verbal classes,* &c. ‘ look like the spontaneous sub-
stitution of practical to theoretic perfection in actual
speech’. § For, it is a fact consistent avith natural events,
that the less finished and elaborate system is usually ante-
* See specimen in my Sidat Sangara, P- xxxvi.
+ See my Notes at tho end ol the First Chap, on A’erbs.
* Also my notes at the end of the Chap. ii.
5 1’rofessor AVilson’s Hindu Plays, 1. p. Ixv.
TO KAClICMAVANA’s grammar.
CXI
rior to that which is more so.* The presumption therefore
is — not that the Sanskrit had an origin anterior to the Pra-
krita, by which I here mean the Pali — not that it received
the name of Sanskrit when in a rude state — not that the Tali-
Prctkrit is a derivative of the Sanskrit ; — but that the latter
is only a more finished exhibition of the Pali, or of some un-
known idiom from whence both have sprung. I may, in jus-
tice to the theory of the Buddhists, add, that many of the
laws by which certain derived languages may be distinguished,
do not govern the Pali, e. g. The Pali has not reject-
ed case-terminations for particles ; and has not adopted
auxiliary verbs in conjugation. It is indeed the Sanskrit
which may be charged with using auxiliary forms altogether
unknown to the Pali.-f* For, “the Sankrit verbs of the
tenth class, and all derivative verbs’ periphrastically express
the reduplicated prseterite by one of the auxiliary verbs, — •
hri ‘ to make’, as and him ‘ to be.’
The fact, as remarked by M.M. Burnouf and Lassen, that
‘ no grammatical form is to be found in the Pali, of which
the origin [why not say, some traces ] may not be discover-
ed in the Sanskrit, Ӥ far from proving the Pali to be a daugh-
ter, establishes to my mind that she is, like the Zend, a sister
of the Sanskrit. It would also seem that no inferences can
be drawn by comparisons between the Pali and the Sanskrit|j
on the one hand, and, for instance, the Italian and the Latin
* • I feel bouaJ to concede that, by its greater simplicity of construction and
superior facility of enunciation, the Prakrit may easily bear away the palm from ils
rival as a simple, yet polished and harmonious vehicle of human thought, admira-
bly fitted to be the spoken tongue of a great and refined nation.’ — Dr. Stevenson’s
Kalpa Suttra, p. 137.
+ Panini iii., 1. 35. ff.
J Bopp’s Comp. Grammar, ii., p. 811.
§ Essai Sur le Pali, p. 138.
|| “ From tho facts detailed in the preceding paragraphs (says Dr. Muir in his
Sanskrit Texts ii. p. 274.) which prove that compouud roots have been taken by
the Indian grammarians for simple ones, and that old forms have been modified or
lost in the modern, or even in the Vedie-Sanskrit, it is clear that that langnage (es-
pecially in its modem form) cannot always he regarded as a fixed standard, accor-
ding to which the originality of the Latin and Greek [I would also add the Pali ]
forms could be estimated.”
✓a,
CX11
INTRODUCTION
on the other ; because the Sanskrit itself has undergone a
great change, and the various influences which contribute to
the corruption of languages are not the same both in Europe
and Asia. And the differences must be great indeed between
the languages ( e . g. Sanskrit and Pali) of tribes who had con-
tinued together for several thousand years in the same coun-
try, subject to the same influences of literature, religion, and
clime,* and who upon separation have changed their religious
faith, and have ceased to speak their respective languages ;
and of those (e. g. Latin and Italian) of other tribes who have
been ‘separated for as many thousands of years, living in re-
gions far apart from each other, under different physical con-
ditions, and whose vernacular dialects are subject to the
modifying action of different social, political, and religious in-
stitutions .’+
Yet it is a singular fact that, in some particulars in which
the grammatical forms of the Pali differ from the Sanskrit,
they agree with the structure cf the Indo-European lan-
guages, and of the Prkkrit dialects, e. g. There is ‘ a concur-
rence of the Prakrit with the old High German and the Latin
of the 2d conj. in this point— that it in hke manner
has contracted the affix aya to At Compare Sanskrit rnd-
naydmi ‘ I honor’, Pali mdnemi Prakrit mdnemi, Old-High
German var-manem ‘ I despise’, Latin moneo :”§
Sanskrit.
Pali.
Prakrit.
Old High Ger. Latin.
milnayami
mdnemi
manemi
var-manem
moneo
mhnayasi
mknesi
mitnesi
manSs
mones
manayati
maneti
nihnedi
manet
monet
manaytlmas
m&nema
mtinemha
manemes
monemus
m&nayatha
m&netha
manedha
manet
monetis
manayanti
mitnenti
milnenti
manent
monent
• “■ In general it appears that in warm regions languages, when they have once
burnt the old grammatical chain, hasten to their downfall with a far more rapid step
than under our milder European Sun.” — Bopp’s Comp. Gram. p. 711.
+ " Closely related dialects are known to develope and change at very different
rates of progress.” — Pr. Whitney Am. Oriental Journal Vol. v. p. 352.
I Also see Bopp’s Comp. Grammar, p. 701.
1 Bopp’s Comp. Grammar, pp. 109, 10. '1 he examples of the IDli in the above
table have been introduced by me.
TO I'ACaCHAYANA’S GFA\ Vf \R. CX ; ii
In regard to these weak verbs, (adds Professor Bopp)
which have suppressed the first vowel of the Sanskrit ay a,
and give therefore ya as affix, we will here further recall at-
tention to the forms iga, (ige), which occasionally occur in
Old Hiffii German and Anglo Saxon, whose connection with
aya is to be traced thus, that the semi-vowel y has become
hardened to g (comp. § 19.) and the preceding a weakened
to i.’ Hence the Prakrit padhijjai ‘ is read’, gamijjai ‘ is
gone.’
If the Pali was immediately derived from the Sans-
krit, it is sure to have those forms only which the Sanskrit
adopts ; and cannot possibly know any other forms which
her Sisters had taken away, at their separation from
the Indo-Ariyan speech. The existence however in the Pali
of both forms known to the Sanskrit, and forms which her
European-Sisters adopt, as in the instances cited under the
causal form of the verb,*— establishes the belief of Dr. We-
ber, to which I shall hereafter call attention ; — ‘ the contem-
poraneous development of both the Sanskrit and the Prakrit
dialects from one common source, viz., the Indo-Arian speech.’
I may also here observe that among the more ancient
Brahmans, none, notwithstanding their partiality to the
Sanskrit, have expressly stated the locality^ or the source of
the dialect called by way of eminence, the Prakrit. Com-
paratively later writers do indeed point at Mah&rashtrl as
that principal Prakrit ;j but neither Vararuchi nor Bahama-
ha has so stated it. The former who treats of four dia-
lects, says that Paisachi and Magadhi are derived from the
Sauraseni ; and the Saurasenl had its source in Sans-
krit ; b\it he is silent as to the origin of the Prakrit, to the
elucidation of which he devotes the largest portion of his
work.
* See my notes at the end of the Cap. iii. infra.
+ 1 No province is assigned however to the principal Prakrit dialect’ — Lassen’s
Inst. Prak. J 3.
J Sliaibhasha Chandrika.
CX1V
INTRODUCTION
It is however stated by those who maintain that the Pali,
or the principal Prakrit is a derivative, that the Sutra (1 8)
at the end of Cap. ix, in which Yararuchi refers the student
to “ the Sanskrit” for “ the rest” or the remaining gramma-
tical forms,* implies that the principal Prakrit had its origin
in the Sanskrit. This, however, is not the only inference.
The fact from which that inference is drawn, is also consis-
tent with the belief of the Buddhists— that the Pali or the
principal Prakrit is a sister of the Sanskrit. For, if they were,
like the Sanskrit and the vyava-harika vak of the Brahmans,
two dialects which had a simultaneous origin, and merely
differ from each other in some respects like the Attic and
the Ionic ; there was no necessity whatever to treat of,
twice, the grammatical forms which were identical in both.
Having a full and complete grammar of one (the Sanskrit),
it was surely sufficient to shew the differences only by which
the Prakrit grammatical forms were distinguishable from
those of the Sanskrit. Hence the simple l-eference — Seshah
SansTcritat — to ‘ the Sanskrit for ihe rest.’
I have already alluded to the fact that the Sanskrit had
been in a state of transition until it became fixed as the
classical language of the Brahmans. ‘ It shews clearly to be’
says a late writer, ‘ the adaptation of some vernacular dialect
to the state in which we find it, in order to form a character-
istic language.’ ‘ Its style exhibits all the traces of transi-
tion from the first efforts of expression to the highest refine-
ments of grace and inflection, and its literature all the gra-
dations from barbarism to sublimity, hnd from sublimity to
refinement.’ Some of the older compositions, such as a por-
tion of the Vedas, prove this ; for thier style, unlike the poetry
of Kalidasa is rustic and irregular, and ‘they arc written in an
ancient form of the Sanskrit, so different from that now in
* It is indeed remarkable that the I’ali Grammarian, who has even borrowed
technical terms from the Sanskrit, docs not refer the Student for ‘ the remainder’
to the Sanskrit, but to tho I’ali language, as the same is developed in the discourses
of Uolauia. See Cap. iv. 6 30 a.
TO KACIICIIAYANa’S grammar.
cxv
use, that none but the more learned of the Brahmins them-
selves can understand them.*
That the Pali, if it were not the vyavahdrilM vdk of the
Brahmans, had a contemporaneous existence with an old
form of language, which has been cultivated to the develop-
ment of the S mskrit, appears not only from a comparison
of the Pali with the oldest available Sanskrit, viz., the Vedas,
but also from a careful examination of the oldest Pali alpha-
bet.
To treat of the latter first : The e irliest records are by
Pali-speakingf Buddhists in an old type of the Nagari al-
phabet ; and, judging by its internal evidence, ‘it bears
every impress of indigenous organization and local matura-
tion.’:]; Although the age of this character is identical with
that of Asoka (235 B . C.) ; yet that the same character had
been in use for a considerable time before that date, may be
easily believed. Indeed the following description given by
King Pukkusati of the characters in which the letter of his roy-
al friend Bimbisara was written, clearly shews that the same
was the Magadhl alphabet used in the time of Gotama Bud-
dha. § So tan pasaritva ‘ manapani vata akkharani samasi-
sani samapantini chaturassanl’ti adito patthaya vaclietun
arabhi. That is, ‘ when he had unfolded [the gold plate 6
feet x |, on which the epistle was written] he (observed)
that the letters]] were indeed pretty — exact in (the forma-
» Elphinstone’s India, vol. i., p. 72.
+ Or, “ Magadhi, by which name may be considered that dialect which is more
ordinarily understood by Prakrit” — Wilson’s Hindu Plays, i., p. Ixtii,
J Prinsep’s Indian Antiquities, ii. p, 43.
§ ‘ The alphabet which we possess, as used by the Buddhists of a couple of cen-
turies later, was that in which their sacred works had been written by the contem-
poraries of Buddha himself, who died in 543. B. C. — Prinsep’s Indian Antiquities,
ii. p. 39.
|] This proves that the cursive departure from the square form should be dated
after the Buddhist era ; and tha't the latter was not, as supposed by some, confined
to Inscriptions, from its being better suited for lapidary purposes. For, the Epis-
tle of Briuhisara was written with “ pure vermilion”, a material, which, if ‘the
rounding of angularities’ was known in his time, 1 presented no difficulties to any
series of enrres or complicated lines.’
CXVl
INTRODUCTION
tion of) their heads — and quadrangular (in shape), — and
that the lines were of even tenor ; and he commenced to
read it from the beginning.’ — Papanclias&danlya.
In alluding to the specimens from the Buddhist caves of
western India, Mr. Prinsep remarks, “ The old alphabet*
appears to be the very vrototype of all the Deva Nagari and
Daksbini alphabets ; and nothing in the pure Sanskrit
tongue has yet been discovered, preserved in this character ;
indeed it would be impossible that it should, because, still
more than the Pali, the alphabet is deficient in many letters
absolutely necessary to Sanskrit' Syntax.”!
Col. Sykes, that enthusiastic advocate for the superior
claims of the Pali, has drawn all the inferences which may be
drawn from the above facts ; and I prefer to set them before
the reader in his own expressive language : ‘ It is incredi-
ble,’ he states, ‘ to suppose that the modern Sanskrit could
have existed without symbols or a character to express its
present richness, force, and beauty. How, then, are we to
account for the fact of the modern Deva Nagari resolving it-
self into the ancient Pali letters, and those letters expressing
only, not the Sanskrit language, but, the ancient Pali? I
cannot see any other way of solving the question, than in the
supposition, that at the period the primitive Deva Nagari
was expressing the old Pali language * * * * the
Sanskrit itself, if it existed independently from the old Pali,
was in the same rude state with the I’ali.’J
* 1 This primitive character may well hove proved sufficient fur all purposes of
record, so long as the language it was called upon to embody remained as simple as
that fur eipressionof which we may suppose it to have been originally designed and
adapted. On the introduction of the Sanskrit element, it was necessarily subjected
to previously-necdless combinations, and under this and other process, perhaps,
lost some of the stiffness of outline, which it may, nevertheless, have retained to-
gether with its original literal simplicity among the vulgar, even in the presence
of an improved style of writing, suited for more polished literature; ns in the cx-
istii g Orthography of Hindi, contrasted with the elaboration of Sanskrit alphaheti-
nl definitions.’ Printer's Indian Antiquities ly Edward Thomas , vol. ii. pp. 13, 4.
+ Beng. Asiatic Society’s Journal, vi. p.1013.
{ See Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vi. p. 411.
TO KACHCn \ Yana's QKAMMAU. oxvii
T return to the language : It is indeed a very significant
fact that many grammatical forms of the Pali, which may be
distinguished from those of the modern Sanskrit, are identi-
cal with some of the Vedic peculiarities. This may be ren-
dered evident by a few examples contained in the following
notes, taken by me in the course of my studies : and I have
no doubt that, with a more intimate acquaintance with these
two languages than I possess, the list may be greatly enlarged.
(i.) The Vedas— and I shall here take an example from
a portion which is not in metre — contain exceptions to the
general rule in Sanskrit, by which a -word ending in e or a
when not combining with a following a, should cause its eli_
sion ; as Vasishteaclhi ‘ over Vasishiha.’ This is frequently
the case in the Pali. Thus, in the Dhamma-Pada, dussilo-
asamdhito ‘ a reprobate free from meditation.’ It is remark-
able that owing to this peculiarity Pali Grammarians do not
make elision imperative in this case.
(ii.) I believe short vowels are rendered long in the Ve-
das. See Wilson’s Sanskrit Grammar, p. 453. This is also
the case in the Pali. Thus, san rajjati becomes sd rajjaU
‘ greatly attached.’ See Bill avatar a, p. 14; khantl para-
man tapo (instead of khantl short) ‘ Forbearance is the
highest religious austerity’— Kachchdyana. Evan game muni
chare. ‘ Thus, may the muni dwell in the village’ — Kachclid-
vana. A long i is frequently rendered short in the Pali.
Thus in the Attanagaluvansa, Chap. i. § 2.
‘ Yo bodhisatta gunava sir? Sanghabodhi.’ Again in the
well known ‘ Ye dhamma hetuppabhava stanza of the Bud-
dhists, vddi is written vddl ; thus,
‘ Evan vadi maha Samar, o’
Thus also in Kachchdyana’s Pali Grammar Bho* vadi nama so
hoti ‘He is named Bho vadl’f
.* < g; v ’ — a term in (he vocative, used amongst the Brahmans ; and larfi— ‘ speaker’ ;
thence a name for the Brahman—’ 1 venerable speaker.’
+ These examples are taken from Kechchnysna, lib i. Section 3.
ft
IN’TKODrCTION
CXviii
(iii.) In the Pali as in the Yedas the cerebral d is very
frequently changed into the Vedic l which is also found in the
Pali. Tims gulha ‘ concealed’ ; da?ha ‘ hard' ; and the com-
mon Sanskrit arurfha becomes aru/ha — See Balavatara, p. 110.
(iv.) Adukshat^ the Vedic form of adhukdiat is in conso-
nance with the Pali, wherein the aspirate dental is changed
into the unaspirate ; as idha bkilckhave or ida bhikkhave ‘ here,
O priests ’ — See Balavatbra, § 24.
(v.) Auge angc, would to quite correct in the Pali, and
so it is in the Vedic ; although in modern Sanskrit the fol-
lowing short vowel should be elided, as angenge ‘mem er,
member.*
(vi.) The Pali ay an so coggi, which in modern Sanskrit
should be written ayansognih, is found to agree with the Ve-
dic ay an so agnih.
(vii.) Even the phrase Hari Ilari ydhi in the Gitagovin-
da, is more in accordance with the Pali than the modern
Sanskrit,
(viii.) As in the Vedic Sanskrit, wherein the person
plural bhls is not unfrequently retained instead of the sub-
stitute ais ( aih ) which is enjoined after nouns in a, the Pali
invariably takes the former ; as devebhi ‘ with god’ Bud-
dhebi ' by Buddha’ ; rukkhebhi ‘ with tree.’"f*
(ix.) ‘ The Prakrit (says Bopp) has fully followed out the
path commenced by the Veda dialect, and changed into e. the
d of asmd-blus, y ushmd-bhis, as also, in the locative plural,
that of asmd-sa, yiishmdsu ; lienee amhe-hi(n), tumhe-hi
( 11 )* amhcsu, Uanhcsu. Moreover, in Prakrit, all other a
bases, as well pronouns as substantives and adjectives, termi-
nate the instrumental plural with ch i (a) ; and thus kusuiehi
(a) ‘ doribus’, (from kusmet ,) answers to the Veda kusume-
/,/, ,V Comp. Gram. § 220.
* 1 h same form ol sandhi frequently occurs in the llig Veda; e. g\ dev& so aplu-
rah , l*. 74-
+ 1 he lh is sometimes eh ringed into h in 1’ali; as dcvebhi or devehi,
4 Tl.v v \> lofct m 1 he I all.
TO KACHCIIAYAXA'S Gil a aimak.
CXI X
(x ) Tlic substitution of ya for n before ( a ) the sign ot
the instrumental case singular, is to be found in the Pali as
in the Yedas, but with this difference — that the substitution
is confined in the Pali to feminine nouns ; as dlidnuyd ‘ by
a cow’ ; ydguyd ‘ with gruel.’
(xi.) In the Rig Yeda, p. 60, nard, is given for the dual
vocative. The Pali, which docs not recognize the dual,
adopts this in the plural.
(xii.) Again mitmvarund (see Rig Veda, p. 63) which in.
the modern Sanskrit is changed into mitra varunait, is in
accordance with the Pali.
(xiii.) The gender -is found changed in the Vedas, as
midhos triptdh ‘satisfied with nectar.’ Here madhu is mas-
culine ; and similarly it may be either masculine or neuter
in the Pali. — See Balavatara, p. 51.
(xiv.) The curtailment of the neuter plural of nouns in a ,
by the omission of ni, is as frequent in the Pali as in the Ve-
das. Thus khettd for khettdni ‘ fields’ ; cliittd for chittdni
‘ minds.’ — See Balavatara, p. 41.
(xv.) In the Vedas mri ‘ to die’, of the sixth conjugation
is inflected as if belonging to the same cla=s, (the first) to
which it belongs in the Pali.
(xvi.) One voice is used for another in the Vedas ; as
brahmachdrina, m ichchate (for ti ) ‘ he wishes for the religious
student.’ As the distinction of dtinane pada and pcirasmai
pada is not strictly observed in the Pali, the above is equally
admissible in that language, and the same sentence will serve
as an example.
(xvii.) In.- the dtmane pada, the initial t& of a termina-
tion is rejected in the Vedas, as dakshina tali s aye (s ete) ‘ he
sleeps on his right side.’ So likewise in the Pali the above
sentence may be correctly rendered thus ; dakkhina to saya
{sayeyya or sayetha.) — See Balayatara, p. 104.
(xviii.) In the modern Sanskrit the infinitive is turn ;
but the Vedic shows different forms, amongst which we have
fare, which, as well as turn, is found in the Pali. Thus the
cxx
INTRODUCTION
Vedic kdrtave ‘to do’ becomes Jcdtave in the Pali. — See
Balavatara, p. 121.
(xix.) The Pali past participle p'ltvana ‘ having drunk’
is nearer the Vedic jrbtvdnan. — See Wilson’s Sanskrit Gram-
mar, p. 477.
(xx.) “ From the researches of M.M. Kuhn* and Ben-
fey, ”•}• observes Dr. Muir in his Sanskrit Texts, p. 16S„ ‘ it
appears that many words, which in modern Sanskrit are only
of one, two, or three, &c., syllables, have in the Veda to be
read as of two, three, or four, &c. syllables, i. e. as of one
syllable longer, in order to make up the full length of the
lines required by the metre employed by the Vedic poets.
Thus tvam has to be read tuam ; vyuslitan as vlushtan ;
turyam as tun yam ; martydya as martidya ; varenyam as
vareniavi ; amdtyam as amktiam ; svaclhraram as suad-
varam ; and svastibhih as suastibhih. Now as this mode of
lengthening words is common in Prakrit, it would appear
that the Prakrit pronunciation agrees in this respect with
that of the old Sanskrit, in contradistinction to the more re-
cent.’
Such are the relations which the oldest Sanskrit now ac-
cessible to us, bears to the Pali ; and it must be borne in
mind that the former is (1) a modification of two sorts of
language, the Vedic or the sacred Sanskrit, and the vyava-
liarika or the Vernacular; — that (2) the vernacular, or the
‘ current’ language of the Brahmans was in course of time
assimilated to their Vedic Sanskrit and (3) that the
Vedas themselves have been tampered with, so that whilst
they received additions and mutations in point of substance,
the language itself has indeed undergone a considerable
change in point of form. We have thus no truthful evidence
of the normal development of the Vedic Sanskrit, and which,
if we had, might, perhaps, exhibit that many other forms of
* Xeitsclirift inv dip Kuiide des MorgenknUef . iii., 80 .
( S.ifSio Win Iniruduetitw, p. liii., M'.
to kaciic Havana’s oh • .aimak.
C\XI
the Pali, which are distinguishable from their corresponding
forms in the Sanskrit, were at one time .as much identical
with the Anti-Vedic, as several remnants of the Vedic forms
are decidedly the same in the Pi\li. A few words may how-
ever be deemed necessary in support of the above proposi-
tions ; and
1. That the Brahmans lia l two kinds of language. It is
a well known fact in the East generally, that nearly every
nation has a book-dialect and a vernacular speech. Take,
for instmee, the Sinhalese. Our vernacular language is ge-
nerally without the contrivance of Sandhi and compounds ;
whereas the dialect in which our books are written cannot be
understood without much reflection, and, in some cases, with-
out a Commentary. The case was doubtless the same with
the Sanskrit. Its refinement and development are such that
no one can reasonably conclude that it was ever the spoken
language (vyavaharikavak) of the Brahmans ; yet from seve-
ral passages in the Sanskrit literature, the colloquial use of
a modified form of the Sanskrit may be concluded. It
would thence seem that their language was two-fold. A pas-
sage that we have already quoted (ante p. lxxxviii.) from the
earliest Veda, sets this beyond doubt.
2. The development of the existing Sanskrit, other than
the Vedic, indeed proves, that the Vnavahdrika vdk has
been so assimilated to their sacred language, that— vires
acquirit eundo — it has received additional refinement in its
progress.
“The language of the Vedas (says Pr. Whitney) is an older
dialect, varying very considerably, both in its grammatical and
lexical character from the classical Sanskrit. Its grammatical
peculiarities run through all departments : euphonic rules
word-formation and composition, declension, conjugation, syn-
tax. Without entering into any specification of them, which
would extend this paper beyond its propel limits, it will be
enough to say here that they are partly such as eharac terize
an older language, consisting in a greater originality of forms
cxxu
INTRODUCTION
and the like, and partly such as characterize a language
which is still in the hloom and vigor of life, its freedom un-
trammelled by other rules than those of common usage, rnd
which has not, like the Sanskrit, passed into oblivion as a
native spoken dialect, become merely a conventional medi-
um of communication among the learned, been forced, as it
were, into a mould of regularity by long and exhausting
grammatical treatment, and received a development which is
in some respects foreign and unnatural.”* If it may he
established that the Vedas were altered, it may indeed be
concluded that the anti Vedic forms had been greatly differ-
ent from the Vedic. This leads to the consideration,
3. Were the Vedas altered by Brahmans ? Professor
Wilson, in his Review of Professor Max Muller’s valuab’e
work on Sanskrit Literature , thus notices the subject.
“ The first and most obvious conclusion to be drawn from
the hymns of the Vedas, whatever may be their relative an-
tiquity, whether twenty or twelve Centuries B. C., is that the
religion which they inculcate is not that of the Hindus of the
present day. The Bralimm, who from the time of the
code of Munu as we have it, had arrogated to himself the
attributes of a god upon earth, is in the Veda only among
seven, or even of sixteen priests, acting as a sort of master of
the ceremonies, but not invested with any superior rank or
authority. Of the distinction of caste, all the indications
are faint and uncertain, with one exception —that of a re-
marka’. le hymn in the 10th Mandala, the tenor and stvlo of
which place it indisputably in->a comparatively recent stage,
and bring it at least to the Brahmanic period, by which
time we know that the Brahmanical system had been organ-
ized. There is no mention of temples nor of public worship ;
the ceremonial is entirely domestic, and so far the formula,
the language of the Suktas, still constitute the liturgy of the
domestic rites of the Hindus. It is very doubtful if image:
American Oriental Journal, iii.. i>l>- 2H0-7.
cxxtu
TO KACTTCIIAYANa’s GRAMMAR.
were known, although mention of personal peculiarities, as of
the handsome j tws of Indra, might be suggested by a sculp-
tured representation of him. Something else may, however, be
meant; but' the great feature of difference is the total ab-
sence of the divinities, both nomina and numina, who have
for ages engaged, and, to a great degree engrossed the adora-
tion of the Hindus. VVc have no indications of a Triad, the
creative, preserving, and destroying power ; Brahma docs not
appear as a deity, and Vishnu, although named, has nothing in
common with the Vishnu of the Buninas ; no allusion occurs
to his Avataras. His manifestation as Krishna, the favorite
divinity of the lower classes, for some centuries at least, does
not appear. As a divinity Siva is not named, nor is his type
the Linga ever adverted to. Durga and her triumphs, and
Kali whom the ‘ blood of man delights a thousand years,'
have no place whatever in the hymns of the Vedas. These
differences are palpable, and so far from the Vedas being the
basis of the existing system, they completely overturn it. It
would be an interesting subject of inquiry to discover
when and by what means the vast mass of the modern my-
thology of the Hindus sprang into existence and attained a
circulation throughout India.”*
The Buddhists enlighten us on this subject : and the fal-
lowing extracts show that not only were additions made to
the Vedas, but that the Vedas themselves which are said to
have been originally composed in accordance with the Bud-
dhist doctrines of Ivassapa, a so-called predecessor of Gotama,
were in after times altered by the Brahmans.
In the Ambatta Suttan, [Gotama, declares that the mantas
of the Brahmans (which are identified with the Vedas by the
Commentators) were compiled by Attaka (a) Vamaka, Va-
rrndeva, (a) Vessamitta, (a) Yamataggi, Anglrasa, (b) Bhara
dvaja, (a) Vaseffha, (a) Kassapa (b) and Bhngu. (b) f
* Edinburgh Review No. 228, pp. 381-2.
+ All these names are also given in the Abhidanapadipika. Some of them are the
Rishis of the Rig- Veda. — See Max Muller p. 44 note. Names marked with an pa)
may be identified with those given in Muller’s Sanskrit Literature, p. 42 ; ami for
those marked wilh (h) See Max Muller, p. 378.
CXX1V
INTRODUCTION
Te kiradibbenn chakkluma oloketwa parupaghatan akat-
va Kassapa sannna sambuddhassa piivachanena saha sansan-
dhetva mante ganthesun. Apara paran pana Bralnnana pa-
nati patadini pakkhi pitva tayo vedo bhinditva Buddha va-
c-bane saddhin viruddhe akan su . — Sum a nga la VUdsini.
‘ Those sages after obtaining* the supreme discourses of
Ivassapa Buddha, tln\ ugh the medium of their divine eyes,
compiled the Manta conformably to those discourses, with-
out the mention of tormenting (sacrifices.) The Brahmans
in course of subsequent times, however, set aside the three
Vedas, and m ule (a different compilation) by departing from
the words of Buddhism, and introducing (an authority for)
life-slaughter &c.’
Tisu vedesh’-ti adisu Irubbeda Yajubbeda Sama-veda san-
khatesu tesu vedesu : tuyo eva kira veda Attakadihi dham-
mikeld isihi lbkassa sagga magga bhavan’ atthaya hath it ;
tenevahi tayoti vuclichanti. Athabbana vedo pana pach-
chha adhammikelii Brahmanehi pana vadhadi atth&ya kato,
purimesucha tisu vedesu teheva dhainmika yajayo apanetva
yaga vadadi dipika adhammika saklia pakkhitta-ti veclitabba*
‘ Tisu Veclesu i. e. the three Vedas called Irubbcdda (Rig.
Veda.) 1 Yajubbeda (Yujur), and Sama Veda. These three
Vedas were made by Attaka, and other religious sages for the
attainment of the path of heaven by mankind : they arc
therefore called ‘ three.’ The Athabbana (Atharvan) Veda,
however, was since madef by irreligious (wicked) Brah-
mans with a view t > introduce life-slaughter (animal sacrifi-
ces). Moreover, be it known, that they themselves introduced
into the first mentioned Vedas, irreligious branches which
proclaim sacrificial torments &c., after expelling virtuous pro-
moters of sacrifices. — Vimata Viuodaua TVru.
I have thus glanced over the peculiari ies which distin-
guish the oldest from the modern Sanskrit — the structure of
* l.it. ‘beliol'Ung.’
4 See aUo Edinburgh Review. No. 288 p. S70.
to KAcncn A yana’s grammar.
cxxv
the latter being that which may be regarded as the most
expressive and harmonious that has ever been attuned to
human utterance.”
An examination of Pali Grammars establishes beyond
all doubt the affinity which it bears to the Sanskrit
(i.) “from which it differs only in such modifications as are
exhibited by those European dialects which are most imme-
diately derived from the unknown idioms of antiquity.”*
(ii.) In a review of the Itevd. B. Clough’s Pali Grammar (see
Asiatic Journal for 1827, p. 663) the writer bears similar testi-
mony to the identity of Sanskrit with the Pali. He says,
“ every essential part of it (the Pali) is found in the Sanskrit.
The vocabularies of its nouns and of its verbal roots are nearly
the same. The Grammar is also formed on the same model,
but is much more simple.”
(iii.) Professor Bopp also thinks that “ the relation between
these two idioms (the Sanskrit and Pali) is nearer than that
which subsists between most of the distinct branches of the
Indo-European system, and that it may be compared to the
degree of affinity which the Latin bears to the Greek.”-f
(iv.) Fausboll in his Introduction to the Dhammapada
(p 6.) states the relationship of the Pali or JMagadhl
to the Sanskrit, thus : “ Inter literas buddhisticas sacras
hunc librum antiquiorum in numero habendum esse
ex sermone, quo utitur, ehicere videtur, qui multis in rebus
a sanscritico et quidem antiquissimo prope abest, et multum
ab eo dicendi genere differt, quo utuntur Sutta prosaica et
scholia Buddhaghoste. Hue pertinent : nom. prses. participii
in — am, ut ganuyam, rodam; a. pers. plur. praes.medii in — are,
ut socare, upapojjare ; dat. gerund., ut netave pahhtave ;
prseterea formse, quales sunt : karoio etkubbato (karontassa)
kahiti ( karissati ) al., arahatam (arahanthnam) , sabbhi ( sante -
hi), vaddha (vuddha), Jdesa (Jcilesa), cetya ( cetiya ) etc.
* S>e Asiatic Journal, xvii. p. 7tJ3.
+ Pritchard's Physical History of Mankind, iy. 22.
CXXV1
INTRODI t CTIOX
The weightiest ami most conclusive authority on the
subject, however, to which I wish to call attention, is con-
tained in the following o’ serrations of Dr. Weber, and which
I have only seen through the medium of the valuable trans-
lations in Dr. Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, since these sheets were
prepared for the press.
Speaking of the way in which he conceives the Prakrits*
to have risen, Dr. Weber says : —
(v.) “ 1 take this opportunity of declaring myself distinctly
against a commonly received error. It has been concluded
from the existence (in inscriptions) of Prakrit dialects in the
centuries immediately preceding our era, that the Sanskrit
language had died out before these dialects were formed ;
whereas we must, on the contrary, regard the development of
both the Sanskrit and the Prakrit dialects from one common
source, viz. the Indo-Arian speech, as entirely contempora-
neous For a fuller statement of this view I refer
to my ‘ Vajasaneyi Sanhitse specimen,’ ii. 204-6; and, in proof
of what I have ur^ed there, I adduce here the fact that the
principal laws of Prakrit speech, viz. assimilation, hiatus, and
a fondness for cerebrals and aspirates are prominent in the
Vedas, of which the following are examples : kuia=kiita,
Ii. V. i. 46, 4. ; kata=«=karta, (above, p. 30) ; geha=griha,
(above, p. 40) ; guggulu=gungulu, Katyay., 5, 4, 17 ; vivittyai
— vivishiyai, Taitt. Arany. x. 58 ; krikalasa, Vrih. Ar.
Ma. i. 3. 22.=krikadasu, Itik. i. 29. 7 ; purodasi,=purolasa
(comp. dasru=lacryma) ; padbhih=padbhih ; kshullaka=
kshudraka ; bhallaksha=bhadraksha, Chhandogya, 6. 1.
(gloss) ; vikirida=vikiridra (above p. 31) ; gabhasti=grab-
hasti, or garbhasti ; nighantu=nigranthu ; ghas=gras ;
bhanj— bhranjz=bhuj=bhruj ; bhas=dbras
Comparative philology exhibits similar phonetic prakriti-
* " I once conjectured’’ says Mr. Colebrook, ‘‘ the Prakrit to have keen formerly
the colloquial dialect of the Sarasvata Brahmans [see his Essays Vnl. ii p. 21] ; but
this conjeciure has not been confirmed by further researches. I believe it to be
the sum.- lanou.ijfc with the Pali of Ceylon.’ — Miscellaneous Essays, ii. p. 813.
to kachchayava’s grammar. cxxvii
sings within the circleof the Indo-germanic languages as com-
pared the one with the other.” The same writer says in his
Yajas. Sanh. specimen ii. 203. ff. ; 101 “ I incline to the opi-
nion of those who deny that the Sanskrit Bhiisha, properly
so called, was ever the common spoken language of the whole
Arian people, and assign it to the learned alone. Just as
our modern high German, arising out of the ancient dialects
of the Germans, reduced what was common to all to univer-
sal rules and laws, and by the power of analogy obliterated
all recollection of varieties ; and just as, on the other hand
these dialects, while they gradually degenerated, often pre-
served at the same time fuller and more ancient forms ; s 0
also the Yedic dialects, became partly combined in one
stream, in which their individual existence was lo-t, and so
formed the regular Sanskrit Bhasha, and partly flowed on
individually in their own original (Prakrita) irregular force,
and continued to be the idioms of different provinces, in the
corruption of which they participated. The Sanskrit lan-
guage and the Prakrit dialects had, therefore, a common and
a simultaneous origin : the latter did not spring out of the
former, but rather, being connec'ed by a natural bond with
the .ancient language, have often a more antique fashion than
the Sanskrit, which, being shaped and circumscribed by the
rules of grammarians, has sacrificed the truth of analogy for
the sake of regularity. The Prakrit tongues arc nothing
else than ancient Yedic dialects in a state of degeneracy ;
wliile the Sanskrit (or Epic) bhasha is the sum of the Yedic
dialects constructed by the labour and zeal of grammarians,
and po lished by the skill of learned men. In this way we
obtain an explanation of two facts : 1st, That the very same
exceptions which are conceded by grammarians to the Yedic
language (chhandas) are often found in the Prakrit dialects,
being in fact nothing but original forms ; and 2nd, That in
101 Reprinted in Indiaclie Slulien. ii. pp. 110, 111.
CXXVlll
introduction
the Vedic writings, forms and words occur which are more
irregular than any Sanskrit word could ever be ; for as yet
no fixed rules of euphony, orthography, or formation existed,
— rules which were eventually deducted in part from those
very irregularities. All the irregular forms which prevail
in the Prakrit tongues are to be found throughout the Ve-
das. In the latter, the faculty which creates language is
seen exuberant in its early power, while in the former (the
Prakrits) it is seen in the degeneracy of full blown license,
luxuriating wantonness, and at last of senile weakness. As-
similation, the hiatus, and a fondness for cerebrals and aspi-
rates, play an important part in the Vedas, not so much in
those portions which are peciliar to the Yajur-veda (which,
as forming a transition from the Vedic to the Epic period, or
rather itself initiating the Epic period, has also a style of
language of a more modern cast, and adapted to a gramma-
tical ruh), as in the older forms and words of the Rig-veda,
many of which were difficult to understand in the age of the
Aitareya and Satapatha Brahmanas ( jxiroxavrittayah : comp.
Roth. p. li. Nighantavah.) There occur moreover in the
Epic poems many words which, however corrupted, have been
received into the Sanskrit sometimes with no change, some-
times with very little, from the Prakrit languages in use
among the greater part of the people.”
I have thus laid before the reader, the facts stated by emi-
nent philologists, — men who enter quite as fully into a com-
parison of the Grammars, as of the system of words in the
two languages, — to shew the difference between the Pali and
the Sanskrit ; and those statements, it would seem, go the
length merely of establishing the theory with which we have
set out, viz., that the Pali, like the Sanskrit, is the offspring
of an unknown language ; and, whether the cultivation of
both commenced at one and the same time or not, that “ the
former stands in fraternal connection with the latter — not in
the relation of descent from it.”
TO kaciiciiayana’s grammar.
CXX1X
Before however dismissing this part of the subject, it may
not bo out of place here to advert to a few circumstances
which point out that the Magadlii (Pali) had its origin in the
Punjab, or Bactria.
Dr. Stevenson remarks that “it seems highly probable
that the ruder dialect from which the present Sanskrit has
been formed was the spoken tongue of the tribe, who, under
Bharat, as they themselves relate, settled in upper India,
and afterwards gave the name of their Sovereign to the
whole country, which extends from Cape Comorin to the
Himalaya mountain.”* * * § The Magadlias, whose language was
the Pali, also trace their origin to Bharat. It is hence pro-
bable (for, in questions relating to languages we can only
deal with probabilities -f,) that both the Pali and Sanskrit
branched oft from the same parent stem, — -the latter taking
a lead in a comparatively civilized country, attaining its
present high refinement, so as to tempt men to mix it with
their n on-Sanskrit tongues on the South of the Vindhya ;
whilst the former was banished from the land from whence it
arose, to different Indian countries, where it assumed th e
various forms exhibited by the Jaina dialects and the Ma-
harastrij of the Grammarians, and to our own “ utmost Indian
Isle, Taprobane,” where alone it has become a dead language.
Another circumstance is deserving of attention. Tradition,
which is after all the best evidence on these matters,
says that the Mkgadhl was the language of Saurasena,§ on
the banks of the Yamuni, close upon Mathura .H The
* Kalpa Sutra, pp. 132 — 3.
+ “ There are no data from which the original formation of any one language can be
ascertained ; and consequently all opinion on the subject must rest entirely on
conjecture.” — Asiatic Journal, xxi., p. 653.
J “ There is so close an affinity between the primary dramatic dialect, and the
Pali, as to leave scarcely any doubt of their being origiually identical .”— Professor
Lassen ’» Instilutiones Prukrilicm.
§ Prakrit Trakcsa, Sec. xi. § 2.
•J Lassen’s Int. Prakrit, § 3,
cxxx
INTRODUCTION
language of Paurasena* * * § is also called Prakrit by the Brah-
mans ; and they treat AlH;iadh\ under the same name, and
place it in the same class with Panchala , or the language of
Punjab,' f by which we understand the Zend. It is also clear
that the Sanskrit Brahmans had als o come from Bactria, \
and that several languages found in that locality, for instance
the Persian, the Phelevi, and the Zend,§ are more nearly re-
lated to the Sanskrit than her Indo-European sisters. On
this subject, the erudite editor of the Bengal Asiatic So-
ciety’s Journal (see vii. p. x.) remarks : “The history of India
had been traced back to the period before the invasion of
Alexander, and had been verified at each step by coins and
by inscriptions ; but the language of Bactria and of Persia,
at the period of that Conquest, was still insufficiently ascer-
tained. The Bactrian alphabet was already more than half
discovered through the comparison of letters upon coins with
bilingual superscriptions. Several inscriptions, as obtained
from the Topes excavated, or as forwarded by travellers from
within the ancient limits of Bactria, were nearly deciphered,
so that very little remained to perfect the discovery also [by
Mr. Prinsep], and to establish, that the ancient Pali language>
or something very closely resembling it, prevailed over all
those countries.”^ It would hence seem that the Pali,
which approaches closely to the Sanskrit even in some of its
* “ These two (Saurascm and Maharashtri) dialects stand the nearest to tlio
Tali, though it fthe Pali > is decidedly older ih an they are.” — Lassen’s Indian Anti
quitie*.
* Sec- Note, ante p. lxxix.
1 “ The oldest scats of the Indians, of which we find any mention made, are to he
placed in the Punjab" — Spiegel’s Avesla, i. p. 5. “ The earliest seat of the Hindus
within the confines of Hindustan was undoub tedlv the Eastern Confines of Pun
jab” — Professor II. II. Wilson.
§ See Professor Spiegel’s Discourse referred to in the last note.
^ " We learn that Pali not only pervaded India, but Bactria and Persia ; and tha
this is no wild theory or hazardous speculation is attested by the very high authority
oi the Pali Scholar, Professor Lassen, of Bonn, * * * who says, “ the legends,
upon the Bactrian Coins are in Pali or I’racrit.” — Col, Sykes in the Journal of the
lfoyal Asiatic Society, vi. p. 4v!5.
to kachcjiayana’s grammar.
cxxxi
oldest forms, had originally started from the same country in
which the cradle of the Sanskrit Brahmans is placed, “ in
or near Bactria.”
VII. That the Pali was, at least, in the time of Cotama
Buddha, 628-543. B. C., a highly cultivated language of Ma-
gadlia and several adjacent countries, does not admit of
reasonable doubt. We find from numerous works extant in
Ceylon, that in grammatical structure and precision at least,
it is but very little inferior to the Sanskrit. A language too,
which is capable of enunciating discourses so varied and ab-
struse as the Pitakattaya and the voluminous Commentaries
thereo n, cannot but be deemed copious. It is rich in expres-
sion ; and its force and harmony are but one degree re-
moved from the idiom that has been Sanskritized.
Professor Wilson in his Introduction to Vikrama and Ur-
vasi, thus speaks of the Prakrit, regarding it as an exhibition
of the Magadhi. “The richness of the Prakrit in this play,
both in structure and in its metrical code, is very remark-
able. A very great portion, especially of the fourth act, is in
this language, and in that act a considerable variety of metre
is introduced. It is clear therefore that this form of Sans-
krit must have been highly cultivated long before the play
was written.”
If such is the case as respects the Prakrit of a period nearly
three centuries after the Buddhist era, a higher refinement
ought certainly to be accorded to the Pali, the language of
the time of Gotama.* The presumption is therefore irresisti-
ble, that it had been highly cultivated very long before the
age of Gotama.
I have already adverted to the dynasty of the Magadha
kings, which commenced from the war of the “ Maha
Baharata,” an event involved in the Mythological obscurity of
the past ; and it is also therefore to be presumed, that their
* The Rev. F. Mason of Barmah says “ I do not think that the Pali is quite
understood yet. * * Pali is much more copious than the Sarana are aware
though not to be compared with the Sanskrit,” — Amtr. Or. Journal, ii. p. 336.
CXXX11
INTRODUCTION
language is of as great an antiquity as their kingdom is cer*
tainly older than the written Vedas.
“ But in very truth,” says Hodgson, "the extant records
of Buddhism, whether Sanskrit or Prakrit, exhibit both lan-
guages in a high state of refinement.”* If this be true of
the Prakrit, it is undoubtedly so of the Pali, — “ a rich, refined,
and poetical language of the land in which Buddhism as pro-
mulgated by Stikya or Gotama had its origin, at which pe-
riod it was a highly refined and classical language.”*!*
When therefore we consider the h’gh state of refinement,
to which the Pali had in very early times attained as a lan-
guage, — its copiousness, elegance, and harmony, combined
with its high antiquity, and its comparative simplicity, both
verbally and grammatically, — its relationship to the oldest
language of the Brahmans, from which their present dialect
has 1 een Sansh itized , — its claims to be considered the Vyava-
harika vak of the Brahmans to which the Rig Veda refers, —
its concurrence with some of the Indo-European languages,
in some forms which differ from the Sanskrit, — its identifica-
tion with the only original Prakrita dialect, which was “ simi-
lar to the Sanskrit”, — the absence of any statement in old
Brahman writers to the effect that that Prkkrita dialect was
a derivative of the Sanskrit, — the great improbability of a de-
rivative beingdenominated the [prakriti] Prkkrita, — the palpa-
ble inaccuracy of the definition by which in modern times,
it is called “ the derived, the vulgar, or the ungrammatical”
— the absence in it of many a peculiarity which distin-
guishes derivative tongues, — and the probability that it
had issued from the same ancient seat (Bactria or Punjab)
from whence the Sanskrit itself had taken an easterly di-
rection,— I believe it may be concluded that the Pali and the
Sanskrit are, at least, two dialects of high antiquity, con-
temporaneously derived from a source, of which few, if any,
traces can be discovered at the present day.
• Rental Asiatic Journal, vi., p. C8C,
t Tumour's Mahavansa.
TO kaciiciiayana’s GRAMMAR. CXXXlii
To the above remarks on the relationship of the Pali to
the Sanskrit, I had originally intended to add a brief sketch
of the progress of Buddhism in the East, along with the Pali
language, with which the former is inseparably connected.
But the great difficulties which I have experienced in print-
ing, have compelled me to reserve the subject for a future
publication. For the same reason I have given the Text in
Sinhalese characters. If, however, I should be permitted to
complete the translation of the remaining seven books of
Kachchayana’s Grammar, with which I am now engaged, I
hope to be able to forward to my publishers in England, a
complete edition, including the matter which has been re-
served, together with the Text, in Roman characters.
Of the work now submitted, with great diffidence, to the
European public, I have little to say, beyond expressing a
hope that they will not severely judge of this my first at-
tempt at translating from the Pali into English, and trans-
ferring, what may be termed “ algebraic aphorisms” into in-
telligible phraseology. I am sensible that there are many
errors, of omission and commission, in the translation ; but
they are such as I could not avoid. For, though living at
“ the very fountains of Pali literature,” I have, nevertheless,
been unable to consult a single friend, either as to the choice of
my language or the correctness of my renderings into English.
I have indeed had much assistance from native Pandits, of
whom I shall have occasion to speak hereafter, but none of
them possess a sufficient knowledge of the English language
to be able to rectify an incorrect translation. The numerous
Tlkas and Comments, again, to which I have had access,
being entirely in Sinhalese, could not afford any greater help
than I have derived from the Pandits. The only European
Pali Scholar in this Island, I mean the Rev. D. J. Goqerly
of the Wesleyan Mission, who had “ cheerfully” promised to
assist me in my labours, and to revise my translation, was.
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CXXX1V
INTRODUCTION
unfortunately, removed by death, at the very period when I
desired to avail myself of his invaluable advice.
As to the deficiencies of my language, I believe it is unne-
cessary to offer any apologies, — for, I have no doubt, the
European reader w>U make great allowances for the short-
comings of one who cannot claim the Engh’sh as his native
tongue.
The errors of the press are far too numerous to be passed
over in silence. I believe few persons in this Island are ig-
norant of the difficulties which an Author has to contend
with in publishing his works on Oriental literature in Cey-
lon. — Witness the Mahavansa, whose learned translator was
obliged to append no less than thirty-five closely printed
quarto pages of corrections. Refei ring to my own work, I
may be permitted to remark, that the Compositors in Ceylon
entertain an aversion to handling a MS. containing Pali or
Sanskrit passages written m Roman characters, and especi-
ally with diacritical marks. Indeed it was with great diffi-
culty that the men in one of our printing establishments
could be induced to undei ,ake tins work, or, when under-
taken, to continue it. From the universal inattention in
Ceylon to the orthography of Oriental words and names,
they sometimes took it upon themselves to set aside my
spelling, and to adopt their own : and this, I need hardly re-
mark, has entailed much labour in the coirection of tho
press. It Avill scarcely be credited, that for the correction of
these eirors, I have often had to revise six or seven proofs of
one and the same sheet. Even with such labour, and with
all the vigilance I could bestow', it has been impossible to
avoid a great many errors, which have rendered it necessary
to add rather a copious list of Errata. My absence too, from
Colombo, aud from my library, during the whole of the period
during which this work was going through the pres?, has ad-
ded not a little to my difficulties.
TO kaciiciiayana’s grammar.
cxxxv
Those remarks, however, apply to the Introduction. The
Grammar, which is comparatively free from errors, has been
printed in the Wesleyan Mission Press, whilst its Transla-
tion, and the Appendix, have received the invaluable super-
vision of Mr. Siceen, the Government Printer, at whose estab-
lishment they were printed.
In the Introduction and the Translation, I have adopted
the following scheme of orthography, which will be found to
approach closely the system adopted by Sir William Jones.
Vowels.
9
&
C
S’)
e
a
a
a;
i
1:
; u
u;
e
0
Consonants.
Gutturals
—
<5 55
k
a
kh ; <55
g
es
gh;
0
n
Palatals
—
0
ch
0 chh ; C?
j ^
i h ;
ii
Linguals
—
0
t
&
th ; 0
d
a
dh;
n
Dentals
—
<35
t
0
th; q
d
a
dh;
n
Labials
—
a
P
6
ph; ©
b
$5
bh;
©
m
ca y, (5
a
1,
0
V, cs s,
23
h, <5
1,
o m
Owing however to the absence of some of the accented
letters, such as t, d, 1, &c., I have been obliged in printing
this work to deviate from the above system ; and to adopt
italics in their stead. This substitution again, has not been
uniformly attended to by the printer ; whilst I myself have
failed to pay any attention to the difference of n n n and
m, all which will be found expressed by an unaccented n.
It only remains for me to . acknowledge the assistance
which I have received in the course of this publication ; and
here I cannot adequately express the sense of my obligations
CXXXvi INTRODUCTION TO KACHChAYANa’S GRAMMAR.
to my Pandit, Batuyantudave, who has assisted me during
a considerable period of time which has been devoted to the
translation of the following sheets, and the extracts in the
Introduction. I have, with his permission, given expression
to a few opinions of my own, upon which, from religious dif-
ferences and the dissimilarity of our education, and other
causes, agreement was found impossible. But, whenever we
differed, it is but right to state that I did not hastily reject
his views without first devoting my best and most serious at-
tention to them.
In the collection of materials for this rather lengthy intro-
duction, the reader will perceive from the Notes and Anno-
tations, the extent of assistance which I have received from
the published works of Colebrooke, Wilson, Max Muller, Bal-
lentyn, Muir, Burnouf, Lassen, Weber, Spiegel, Goldstucker,
Fausboll, &c. ; and I must not omit also to state that I
have been greatly assisted by several learned Buddhist
priests, especially Sumangala of Hickkaduwa, to whom my
best thanks are due.
It is impossible to pass over, without due acknowledge-
ment the useful hints and information I have obtained from
Mr. J. R. Blake, in the course of frequent conferences on
the subject of Oriental literature, and also the still more val-
uable translations which he has made for me from several
German and French writers.
I cannot conclude more appropriately than with the words
of one* in the same field of labour in which I am enlaced,
and who has less reason than myself to say, “ et nunc haec
folia non sine justo timore in lucem emitto, qua?, si non om-
nino displicuerint viris doctis, jam operae pretium factum
esse censebo.”
JAMES ALWIS.
Professor Spiegel’s Kammavaclia.
KACHCH A YANA’S GRAMMAR.
LIB. VI.— Ow Verbs.*
Learned sages, by the ship of comprehensive
wisdom, cross the ocean of verbs (filled with)
the water of radicals; (abounding with) the fishes
of Vikarana,'p Augment, and lenses; (having)
thecurrent of Elision, and Anubandlias;^ (foam-
ing with) the billows of Ajjatani ;§ (and bounded
by) the shore of Investigation. ||
Hear ye my comprehensive words on Verbs,
which, diffused with beautiful adornments, I,
after saluting the perfect Buddha of infinite
knowledge, do declare so that they may be easily
mastered.
* In the Grammatical systems of the East, the Verb constitutes the
most important as well as the most difficult section. I have, therefore,
selected this for translation ; and have occasionally added a few notes
shewing the relation in which the Pali Verb stands to the Sanskrit, and
the Prakrit.
t The vowel or syllable intervening between the base and the Affix in
the several conjugational classes in the Pali.
J Certain supernumerary letters which denote the class or conjugation
in which the verb is inflected, or intimate the peculiarities to which each
single verb is subject in its inflections.
§ Ajjatani — See note at the end of this Chapter. As the present tense is
more frequently used than the past ; so, of the past tenses, the present-
perfect (Ajjatani) is of more frequent occurrence in the Pali. It is
thence denominated, ‘a wave in the ocean of verbs.’ — See Clough’s
Bfilavatara, p. 106.
|| Lit. Attha vibhaga — ‘investigations of sense.’
2
kachchayana’s tali grammar.
CAP: I.
1. Now,* * * § of the terminations the first six
are Parassapada.
a. Now of all the terminations, every first six terminations
are named Parassapada. f
Ex. ti, anti; si, tha; mi, ma.
Q. Wherefore the term Parassapada? * The Parassapada
[mark]t the Agent. ’§
2. The last are Attanopada.
a. Of all the terminations every last six terminations are
named Attanopada ;|| that is to say: —
Ex. te, ante ; se, vhe ; e, mhe.
Q. Wherefore the term Attanopada? 1 ‘The Attano-
pada (mark) the action and the object.’ If
* The stanza given in the text, as a note to ‘atha,’ is supposed by some
to be the interpolation of a Commentator to explain the force of that
particle with which this chapter opens. It would also seem that KAtya-
yana has also given a similar explanation — 1 Otn and atha are both used in
the beginning of Chapter, &c.,’ Indisehe Studien, iv. p. 103. In the
words of the Pali text: '■atha is used in the beginning of a Chapter, and
as a word of benediction, completion, emphasis, and as an inceptive
particle.’
f 1 Words for another.’
} The words within brackets have been supplied from Commentaries
and other sources.
§ 5eshit kartari parasniaipadan — Panini, lib. 1, Cap. iii. § 78.
jl ‘ Words for one’s self.’
The two systems of inflection — the first conveying a transitive sense,
and the action passing parassa ‘to another;’ and the second bearing a
reflexive sense, and the action reverting attano ‘to one’s self’ — may be
regarded as Voices. Although the Pali, like the Piakrit, does not pre-
serve this distinction to the same extent that the modern Sanskrit does ;
yet the former agrees in this respect with the Fedm-Sanskrit, wherein
one Voice is used for another: as, brahuiacharina inichebhate (for ti.)
‘ He wishes for the religious student.’ In the Puli the above change is
also admissible, and the foregoing sentence equally serves as aii example.
Again in the itmanepada the initial ta of a termination is rejected in the
Vedas, as dakshinnlah saye (.vete) * lie sleeps on his right side.’ So
likewise in (lie Pali, wherein the last sentence may be thus rendered —
dakkhinato sa ye (sayevya or sayetha.) See lfilavatara, p. 104.
KACHCIIAYANA’s PALI GRAMMAR.
«
o
3. Each two, the Panama,* Majjhima, and
Uttama.-f-
a. Of all the above terminations, both in the Parassapada
and Attanopada, each (set of) two is named the third, second,
and first person (respectively.) That is to say;
Ex. ti, anti — Third persons,
si, tha — Seeond persons,
mi, ma — First persons.
In the Attanopada likewise, [thus:]
te, ante — Third persons,
se, vhe — Second persons,
e, mhe — First persons.
So likewise every where.
Q. Wherefore the terms ’ third, second, and first persons ’ ?
(To shew that the affixes of) the third person should be used,
when a nama,j [whether] expressed (or not), agrees with the
verb; (the affixes of) the seeond persons, when tumha; and
(those of) the first, when amha.§
4. In speaking of all by one, the first person.
a. In speaking of all the three persons, viz., the first,
second, and third by one (verb) the highest (or first) person
should be adopted. ||
* Eastern writers begin with the third person, and therefore call it
the pathama or ‘ first ;’ they treat of the seeond next, and name it the
majjhima or ‘ the middle,’ and the first they designate uttama * the highest
or chief.’ In the above translation, to avoid confusion, I have used the
terms ordinarily employed in European systems, viz., the third, second,
and first persons.
f In P&nini, this same rule is merely adapted to the Sanskrit which
has a dual number; thus, Tinas trini trini prathauia maddhyainottamah. —
Lib. 1. c. 4. $ 101.
J Here nama is used as a generic term for a noun of the third person,
as opposed to tumha (2 p.) and amha (1 p.)
$ Vide infra, note to rule 5.
| This may be thus explained: — When one verb governs two or more
nominatives of different persons, the former takes the [plural] termina-
tion proper to the first person; but if there be no nominative of the first
person, the verb should be made to agree with the second: — as,
1. So cha tvan ahan pach&ma == ‘we cook.’
2. So cha ahan pachima == ‘ we cook.’
3. Tvan cha ahan pacliikma = ‘we cook.’
4. So cha tvan paehatha = ‘ye cook.’
This is also the case in the Murathi. See Dr. Stevenson’s Grammar, p. 140.
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4
KACIICHAY ANA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
Ex. Socha padiati
* He reads — and ’
techa padianti
‘ They read — and ’
tvancha pafhasi
‘ Thou readest — and’
tumhecha padiatha
‘ Ye read — and ’
Mayan padn'ima,
‘We read.’
ahancha pafhami
‘also I read.’
So pachati
te pachanti
tvan pachasi
tumhe pachatha
ahan pachami.
In like manner the highest person should be used in the
other tenses.
= Mayan pachama,
‘ We cook.’
5. The third person when a nama, which
agrees [with the verb,] is expressed, &.*
a. (A termination proper to) third person is used when
the noun (nominative), which exercises government,! is either
expressed or not.
Ex. So gachchhati, ‘ He goes.’ I expressed 1
Te gachchhanti, ‘They go.’ J L expiessecl.J
Gachchhati, ‘(he) goes.’ I ,, r , .
~ ... ..... , > When not expressed.
Gachchhanti, ‘(they; go. J
Q. Wherefore ‘the Nominative’?
[To distinguish it from the agent or the Instrumental in a
* Panini lays down the same rule; but by changing the order of persons
from the third to the first, thus; — Yushmadyupapade samanadhikarane
sthaninyapi inadhyainah — Lib. 1. Cap. 4 § 105. Asmadyuttamah — ib.
J 107. Seshe pratliamah § 10S.
f Tuly adhikarana — lit. ‘that which has common property, or agrees
with one another.’ 1 have rendered this ‘the Nominative.’
kachciiayana’s tali grammar.
1 When not expi’cssed.
J
sentence like] Tena hannase tvan Devadattena. ‘ By that
Devadatta thou art killed.’
6. The second when tumha.
a. (A termination proper to) the second person, is used
when the nominative tumha is either expressed or not.
Ex. Tvan yilsi, ‘ Thou goest.’ . _
Tumhe yiUha, - Ye go.’ j £ When e)t l> res “ d ]
YtVsi, ‘(thou) goest.’
Yatha, ‘(ye) go.’
Q. Wherefore ‘the Nominative’?
(To mark the difference between it and the Instrumental
as) Tay& pachchate odano. ‘By thee is rice cooked.’
7. The first, when amha.
a. (A termination proper to) the first person is used when
the nominative amha is either expressed or not.
Ex. Ahan yajami, ‘ I worship.’ 1 [When ex d
Mayan yajaina, ‘We worship.’ 3 ^ ^
Yajami, ‘(I) worship.’ 7™-! . .
iajama, ‘(we) worship. y
Q. Wherefore ‘the Nominative’?
[To mark the difference between it and the Instrumental,
as in a sentence like] Maya ijjate Buddho, ‘ By me Buddha
is worshipped.’
8. As to time.
a. Know that this ‘time’ exercises an authority (adhikara.)*
9. Vattamana (are) the present.
a. The Vattamana affixes are in the present Tense.
Ex. Pa/aliputtan gachchhati, ‘He goes to Pataliputta.’
Savatthin pavisati, ‘ He enters fcavatthi.’
Viharati Jetavane, ‘He dwells in Jetavana.’
* This Sutta is supposed to exercise an authority over the succeeding
Suttsini.
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6
KACHCHAYANA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
10. In commanding and blessing, in unde-
fined* * * § time, the Panchami. -f
a. In the sense of both commanding and blessing} without
any distinction of time, the terminations are Panchami.
Ex. Ivarotu kusalan, ‘Let him do meritorious acts.’
Sukban te hotu, ‘Be happiness to thee.’
1 1 . The Sattami, in the sense of assent and
inclination. §
a. In the sense of assent and inclination the terminations
are Sattami, where the time is undefined. ||
Ex. Tvan gachchheyyasi, ‘Thou mayest go.’
Ivimalian kareyyami, ‘ What may I do.’
12. In the unperceived past, Parokkhii.
a. The terminations (which signify) time past, IT unper-
ccived (by the narrator) are Parokkhd.
Ex. Supine kila** eva maha, ‘[He,] it is reported, said so in
a dream.’
* “ Since these moods xlo not comprehend other tenses under them,
but are susceptible of all times, — present, past, andfuture.it can lead to
no embarrassment to consider them as tenses.” — William’s S. Gr. p. 56.
t This answers to the Imperative and the Benedictive Moods, of the
Sanskrit Grammarians.
} There is great misapprehension as to the origin of the name Panchami
for the Imperative and Benedictive Moods. The Balavatarasays, [Pan-
chami (Sattami) tyikyan pubbi chariya saniia] that it is a name given by
former teachers. But the Maha Sadda Niti, in reference to this passage,
says, that the Panchami is so named after some of the Sanskrit Gram-
marians, such as the Katantra, See., which place the Imperative as a fifth
tense of the verb. In Plnini likewise Let, the Scriptural Imperative,
which Professor Bopp says, is confined to the Vedas, and is wanting in
the Classic Sanskrit [Comp. Gr. II. p. 951] takes a fifth place in the list
of tenses; and. if the appellation of Panchami has been thence coined, it
is reasonable to believe that Sattami has had a similar origin. But such
is not the case, for Lin., the Potential, which is identical with the Pali
Sattami, occupies an eighth, and not a seventh, place in Ikinini’s List.
§ This is the Potential Mood of the Sanskrit Grammarians.
|| See Balavatara, p. 104.
*|[ Apaehchakkha is interpreted to mean that which the senses cannot
discern, ‘the unperceived,’ or ‘the indefinite.’
** This aptate answers to the Singhalese la or lu ; see my Sidatsangara,
p. 171, § 12. Also my Introduction to Singhalese Grammar, §§ 316-17.
KACHCIIA YANA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
7
Evan kila porana ahu, ‘ Thus, it is reported, the an-
cients said.’
13. Ill the perceived from yesterday, 111-
yattanu
n. In [the sense of] time past from yesterday, whether (the
same be) perceived or unperceived, the terminations are
Hiyattani.
Ex. So maggan agama, ‘ He went to the road.’
Tc agamu maggan, ‘ They went to the road.’
14. In approximate, Ajjatani.
a. In [the sense of] time approximately (or recently) past
from this day, whether (the same be) perceived or unperceived,
the terminations are Ajjatani. *
Ex. So maggan agami, ‘ He has gone to the road.’
Te maggan agamun, ‘ They have gone to the road.’
15. When ma combined, all times, &.
a. Hiyattani and Ajjatani terminations, when combined
with ma, are in all the tenses.
Ex. Mdgamd or Magami, ‘Let him not go.’
jSIavacha or Mavaehi, ‘ Let him not say.’
Note. — By the combination of an ‘and’ [to the Sutta] the
Panchami terminations [are also understood.]
Ex. Ma gachchhahi, ‘Go thou not.’
16. In the future, Bhavissantl.
a. In the future tense the terminations are Bhavissantl.
Ex. So gaehchhissati, ‘ He will go.’
Sa karissati, ‘ She will do.’
Te gachchhissanti, ‘ They will go.’
Te karissanti, ‘ They will do.’
17. K&latipatti in an action past going be-
yond.
* See note at the end of Chapter First.
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8
KACHCNAYAXA’S PALI GRAMMAR
a. Ivdldtipatti* only in an action past going beyond.
Ex. So che tan yanan alabhissa agachchliissa, ‘If he had that
vehicle, he would have gone.’
Te che tan yanan alabhissansu agachchhissansu, ‘If
they had that vehicle they would have gone.
18. The Vattamana ti, anti; si, tha ; mi,
ma ;— te, ante; se, vhe ; e, mhe.
a. This appellation Vattamana is for these twelve termi-
nations; — ti, anti; si, tha; mi, ma; — te, ante; se, vhe; e,
mhe.
Q. What does Vattamana imply ? ‘Vattamana [express]
the present time.’
19. The Panchami tu, antu ; hi, tha : mi,
ma ; — tan, antan; ssu, vho ; e, amase.
a. This appellation Panchami is for these twelve termina-
tions — tu, antu; hi, tha; mi, ma; — tan, antan ; ssu, vho; e,
amase.
Q. What does Panchami signify? ‘Panchami [expresses]
command and blessing in undefined time.’ f
20. The Sattami eyya, eyyun ; eyyasi, e} -
yatha ; eyyami, eyyarna ; — etha, eran ; etho,
eyyavho, ; eyyan, eyyainhe.
a. The appellation Sattami is for these twelve termina-
tions; — eyya, eyyun; eyyasi, eyyatha; eyyami, eyyama; —
etha, eran; etho, eyyavho; eyyan, eyyamhe.
Q. What does Sattami signify ? ‘ The Sattami conveys
the sense of assent and inclination.’
* Kiriy;\tipanne kriyutipattnu. Panini lib. 3. Cap. 3. § 139. In
the Sinhalese Commentary to the Ilalavatara, this is defined to be ‘the
uncertain or the doubtful assertion of an action.’ It may be translated
the ‘Conditional.’ — See Laghukauinudi, p. 161-2.
f i. e., without any distinction of time.
KACIICIIAYAXa’S l'AT.T GttAMMAH.
9
21. The Parokkha ; a, u; e, ttha ; a, mlia;
— ttlia, re; tt ho, vho; i, mhe.
a. The appellation Parokkha is for these twelve termina-
tions ; — a, u; e, ttha ; a, mha; — ttlia, re; ttho, vho; i, mhe.
Q. What does Parokkha signify ? ‘ Parokkliii (implies)
the unperceived past.’
22. The Hiyattani ; a, u ; o, ttlia ; a, mha ;
—ttha, tthim ; se, vhan ; in, mhase.
a. The appellation Hiyattani is for these twelve termina-
tions — a, it; o, ttha; a, mha; — ttlia, tthun; se, vhan; in,
mhase.
Q. What does Hiyattani signify ? ‘Hiyattani (expresses)
the perceived [past] from yesterday.’
23. The Ajjatani ; i, unj o, ttha; in, mha;
— a, h ; se, vhan ; a, mhe.
a. The appellation Ajjatani is for these twelve termina-
tions; — i, un; o, ttha; in, mha; a, ft; se, vhan; a, mhe.
What does Ajjatani imply ? ‘Ajjatani (expresses) ap-
proximate* [time.]’
24. The Bhavissanti ; ssati, ssanti ; ssasi,
ssatha ; ssami, ssama ; — ssate, ssante ; ssase,
ssavhe; ssan, ssamhe.
a. The appellation Bhavissanti is for these twelve termi-
nations; ssati, ssanti; ssasi, ssatha; ssami, ssama; — ssate,
ssante ; ssase, ssavhe ; ssan, ssamhe.
Q. What does BhaVissanti signify? ‘Bhavissanti (expres-
ses) the future.’
25. The Kalatipatti; ssa, ssansn ; sse, ssa-
I tha ; ssan, ssamha; ssatha, ssinsu ; ssase, ssavhe;
ssan, ssamhase.
* i e. — The nearest past.
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KACHCHATAXA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
a. The appellation Ivahitipatti is for these twelve termi-
nations; ssa, ssansu; sse, ssatha; ssan, ssamha ; ssatha, ssin-
su ; ssase, ssavhe ; ssan, ssamhase.
Q. What does Kalatipatti imply ? ‘Kalatipatti (expresses)
an action past, going beyond ’
26. Hiyattani, Sattami, Panchami, (and)
Vattamana, (are) Sabbadhatuka.*
a. Sabbadlnituka is the appellation for the four, Hiyat-
tani, &c.
Ex. A’gama, *' He went.’
Gachchheyya, ‘ He may go.’
Gachchhatu, ‘ Let him go.’
Gachchhati, ‘He goes.’
Q. "Wherefore Sabbadlnituka? ‘[To distinguish them
from] the Asabbadlmtuka f which take] i as an augment. ’f
End of the First Chapter on Verbs,
Notes.
Whilst in the Prakrit “the only tenses of the active voice
which remain, seem to be the present, the second future,
and the Imperative'’ [Cowell’s Prakrit Prakasa, p. xxix] ;
the Pali has nearly all the tenses known to the Sanskrit, viz:
1 Vattamana, 2 Panchami, 3 Sattami, 4 Parokkha, 5 Hiyat-
tani, G Ajjatani, 7 Bhavissanti, and R Kalatipatti. The first
answers to the Present Tense; the fourth, fifth, and sixth to
the Past ; and the seventh to the Future. The second is the
Imperative; the third is the Potential ; and the eighth, the
Conditional. Thus, the Pali differs from the Sanskrit merely
in the absence of those elaborations, by which the Imperative
is distinguished into “commanding” and “blessing,” and by
* 1’Anini, 11 1. 4. 113. Survadhiitiika ‘applicable to all the radicals.’
f For the coincidences between the Rules, &c., of this chapter, and
those in Pauini; compare Piitini, 111. 1. 1 — 30.
KACIICHATANA’S TALI GRAMMAR.
11
which also the Future is divided into the “definite” and the
“indefinite.” There is, however, some difficulty in reconcil-
ing the Sanskrit Prajterites with the three past Tenses in the
Pali. This arises from the promiscuous use of two, at least,
of the three prajterites, both in the Pali and Sanskrit ; and
also from the confused definitions of Grammarians.
One of these Tenses, Lit. is defined [see Panini, III. 2.
115.1 to be, ‘what took place before the current day, and
unperceived (by the narrator.)’ [Dr. Ballentyn’s Laghu
Kaumudi, § 417.] The introduction of the words, “before
the current day,” which we do not find in the Pali definition,
adds not a little to this confusion. The Parokkha (paroksha.
Sans.) as ‘the past of any period,’ and from its agreement in
purport, as well as in its construction by re-duplication, may,
however, be identified with the Second Proeterite of Dr. Wil-
kins, and Professor Wilson.
Another Praterite, Lang, which is defined to be “ the past
before the commencement of the current day” [Panini III.
2. Ill; Laghu Kaumudi, § 450] agrees with the First Pras-
terite of Dr. Wilkins and Professor Wilson; and is identical
with the Pali Hlyattani [hyastana, Sans.]; although, I must
observe, it does not seem to convey, as remarked by several
European Grammarians, and amongst them by Pr. Wilson,
“action past, but not perfected.” See Wilson’s Grammar,
p. 112.
The remaining Prseterite, Lung, which is the Third in
European Sanskrit Grammars, can only refer to the Pali
Ajjatani; but its definition in Sanskrit Grammars as ‘what
is past (indefinitely)’ [Panini III. 2, 110; Laghu Kaumudi,
§ 462] does not accord with the Pali definition, nor with the
adyatana bhhta kala, given by Dr. Wilkins, as ‘the past time
of to-day ’ — p. 651.
According to Pali Grammarians, the three past tenses in the
Tali, have a clear syntactical distinction, which does not appear
12
IvACnCHAYAXA’S TALI GRAMMAR.
to exist in the modem Sanskrit. [See Bopp’s Comp. Gram-
mar, II. p. 729.] Although in the former, all the three tenses
express the past; yet they are for three different periods of
the past, that is to say; — The Ajjatani is ‘time past within
the current day.’ The Hiyattani is for ‘ time recently past
before yesterday.’ And the Parokkha, or the re-duplicate
pneterite, is ‘for time past unperceived (by the narrator)’ i.e,
an action past at a time, of which the senses ha ve no percep-
tion ; or, in other words, action indefinitely past. See note
IF at p. 6, supra.
As the Pali, like the Sanskrit, loves the use of the present
tense ; so likewise in using the past the former prefers, what
is called ‘ a wave in the ocean of verbs,’ the Ajjatani, which
has a present-perfect sense. The Balavatara lays down the
farthest limit of this past time as follows : —
Pachchhimo’ tita rattiya ytuno addham’amussa va
Kiilo siya tvajjatano Veyyakarana dassinan.
‘The Ajjatani tense of the Grammarians is [commences from]
the last Yuma [from 3 A.M.] of the previous night, or, its half
[from 5 a.m.] ’
Thus the Pali Ajjatani (adyatana, Sans.) which is regarded
as ‘ the prmterite of to-day ’ or ‘ action which has taken place
during the current day,’ appears to me to be the “ present-
perfect,” (amavri, in the Latin; and I have accordingly
rendered it into English in my translation : and, in view of
the other distinctions to which 1 have adverted, I believe, I
am justified in regarding the Hiyattani as “ the definite past;’’
and the Parokkha as “the indefinite past.”
KACIICIIAYANA’s PALI GRAMMAR.
CAP: II.
is
1. At the end of verbal, and nominal roots,
Affixes.
a. The affixes are at the end of these, (viz.) verbal and
nominal roots.
Ex. Ivaro-ti, ‘He does.’
Gachchhati, ‘He goes.’
[But] kareti, ‘He causes to do ’ [where] one docs, and an-
other bids the doer, do; or, [where one] causes the doer.
Pabbatayati — [as where] ‘the Sangha conducts himself-as-
a mountain.’
Samuddayati— [as where one] ‘acts-himself-like-the-ocean.’
Likewise Chichchifa-yati [as where] ‘ the Sea (roars) acts-
like* ■ chichchi/a.’
Vasiftho — [to express] ‘the-son of Yasiftha.’f In like man-
ner other affixes should be employed.
2. Kh, chh, s, optionally after tija, gupa,
kita, mana.j
a. The radicals tija, gupa, kita, mana, optionally take
after them the affixes kh chh and s.
Ex. Titikkhati, ‘He endures.’
Jiguchchhati, ‘ He reproaches.’
Tikichchhati, ‘ He cures.’
Vimansati, ‘He investigates.’
Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’ ? [Because the roots sometimes
take other affixes, e. g.j Tejati, ‘ He sharpens’ ; Gopati, ‘He
protects’; Maneti, ‘He offers. ’§
* ‘Making the noise indicated by cbiehchifa.’
t Gotama mentions Vasittha as a Rishi who composed the Vedas.
J Tija, ‘to endure ;’ gupa, ‘to conceal;’ kita, ‘to cure;' and mana,
1 to investigate.’
§ To words with these exceptional inflections, the writer of Rupasiddhi
assigns different meanings. In the above translation I have adopted his
explanations.
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KACHCIIAYAXA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
3. Also after bhuja ghasa liara supa, &c.,
in desideratives with tun.*
a. The radicals bhuja, ghasa, hara, supa, &c., optionally
take after them, in desideratives with tun, the affixes kh,
chh, and s.
Ex. Bhottu michchhati = Bubhukkhati.
[In the sense of] ‘ He-wishes-to eat,’ = Bubhukkhati.
Ghasitu michchhati = Jighachchhati.
[In the sense of] e He-wishes-to-eat,’ = Jighachchhati.
Haritu michchhati = Jiginsati.f
[In the sense of] ‘ He-wishes-to-take,’ = Jiginsati.
Supitu michchhati = Susshsati.
[In the sense of] c He-wishes-to-sleep,’ — Sussusati.
Patu michchhati = pivasati.
[In the sense of] ‘ He-wishes-to-drink,’ — pivasati.
1st Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [Because the same words
are used in an infinitive form, thus] Bhottu’michchhati,
* He wishes to eat.’
2ndQ. Wherefore ‘in desideratives with tun?’ [To shew that
primitives do not take those affixes, as in] Bhunjati, ‘ He eats.’
4. After a nominal root denoting comparison
to the nominative, aya in the sense of treatment.
a. The affix aya (in the sense of) treatment comes after
the nominal root, when it denotes a comparison to the Nomi-
native.]:
Ex. Pabbatayati, ‘ He conducts himself as a mountain.’
ChichchiGiyati, ‘ It roars like chichchita.’
Note . — In like manner should others be employed.
5. And iya denoting comparison. §
* The sign of the Infinitive.
f This word is written in all the Puli works Jig-insati, also see Clough’s
Ilalavatilra, p. 111. Qi /. — Should it not be Jiginsati?
J Fanini, III. 1, 11.
§ l’&nini, III. 1, 10.
KACnCITAT ANA’S TALI GRAMMAR. 15
a. And the affix fya (in the sense of) treatment, comes
after a nominal root which denotes a comparison.* * * §
Ex. Achhattan chhattamivaacharati=chattiyati, ‘He treats
that which is not an umbrella, like an umbrella =chattiyati.’
Aputtan putta niiva acharati=puttiyati, ‘He treats as
a son, him who is not a son = puttiyati.’
1st Q. Wherefore ‘ that which denotes comparison? ’ (To
mark the difference between exact likeness and mere conform-
ation to a model, in which latter case the rule does not apply;
as) Dhammamacharati, ‘He practises dhamma ’ |
2nd Q. Wherefore ‘treatment’ ? (To shew that although
the verb may denote an identical likeness ; yet if it does not
convey a continuance of the action, or usage, the rule does
not apply ; as) Chatta miva rakkhati, ‘He preserves (it) like
an umbrella.’
In like manner should other (affixes) be used.
6. After a nominal root implying self-desire.
a. After a nominal root, implying desire for one’s self, the
affix becomes iya.$
Ex. Attano pattamichchhati ti = pattiyati.
‘ He desires a vessel for himself’ = pattiyati.
So likewise ; vatthiyati, ‘ He desires raiment for himself.’
Parikkhariyati, ‘ He desires Parikkhara§ for himself.’
Chivariyati, * He desires yellow robes for himself.’
Dhaniyati, ‘ He desires wealth for himself.’
Patiyati, ‘ He desires clothes for himself.’
Q. Wherefore the words ‘desire for one’s self? ’ [To shew
that where the desire expressed is not for one’s self, the rule
* In the Balavatara this is explained to be a nominal root which de-
notes camparison to [dutiyantan naman] ‘a noun in the second case’ or
the Accusative.
f i.e. — ‘He conforms himself to the duties of religion.'
J See Laghu Kaumudl, p. 297.
§ Parikkliara — theologically, the necessaries of life for an ascetic.
1C
KACHCHATAXAS PALI GRAMMAR.
does not apply ; as] Aniiassa pattamichchhati, ‘ He desires a
vessel for another.’
So likewise should others be used.
7. In the sense of the Causal .Agent the
Causal (affixes) ne naya nape napaya after
the radical.
a. In the sense of the Causal Agent* all roots take the
affixes, ne, naya, nape, napaya ; and they receive the appel-
lation of Ivarita ‘ the Causal.’
Ex. Kareti, karayati, karapeti, [or] karapayati, ‘ He causes
to do ’ — [where] one does, and another bids the doer ‘do ’; or
[where one] causes the doer.
Karenti, karayanti, kartipenti, (or) karapayanti, ‘They
cause to do’ — [where] some do, and others bid the doers ‘do, do.’
Pacheti, pachayati, pachapeti (or) pachapayati, ‘He causes
to cook’ — [where] one cooks, and another bids him ‘cook’;
or [where one] causes the cook.
Pachenti, pachayanti, pachapenti (or) pachapayanti, ‘ They
cause to cook ’ — [where] some cook, and others bid those who
cook, thus ‘ cook-cook.’
So likewise,
Ilaneti, lianavati, hanapeti, (or) hanapayati, ‘He causes to
kill.’
Bhaneti,bhanayati,bhanapeti, (or) bhanapayati, ‘He causes
to utter.’
In like manner should also others be used.
Q. Wherefore ‘ in the sense of the Causal Agent’ ? [To
exclude primitives, such as] karoti, ‘He does’; pachati, ‘ lie
cooks.’
Note — By the insertion of ‘ the sense,’ the affix la may be
(understood ; as) Jotalati, ‘ He causes to glitter.’
* Ilctu ‘the cause’; but it means hero [yo k;\reti so lietu] ‘lie who
does the act — the agent.’ Also see P:\nini, 1, 4, 5.5. Clough’s version
of llalavatara throws no light whatever on the subject. He translates
pacheli, ‘ lie cooks.’ See p. 108 § 149.
KACIICII A YANA’S TALI GRAMMAR.
17
8. After a crude noun with the sense of a
verb, naya, &.
a. After a nominal root with the sense of a verb, tho affix
is naya; and it is named Ivarita.*
Ex, atihatthayati = hattina atikkamati maggan, ‘By
means-of-the-elephant he-goes-beyond-f the way.
upavinayati = vinaya upagayati, ‘He plays music with
a lute.’
dalhayati= dalhan karoti vinayan, ‘He excels in vinaya.
visuddhayati = visuddha hoti ratti, ‘ The evening is
bright.’
Note. — By the addition of the ‘and’ such affixes as ara,
ala are admissible ; as antararati, ‘ He incurs danger ;’ upak-
kamalati, ‘ He devises a plan.’
9. Yd. in the substantive and passive voices.
a. In the substantive and passive voices, the affix ya
comes after all the radicals.
Ex. ffiiyate, ‘ (it is) standing.’
bujjhiyate, ‘is known.’
pachchate, ‘ is cooked.’
labbhate, ‘ is acquired.’
kariyate, ‘is done.’
ijjate, 1 is sacrificed.’
uchchate, ‘is spoken.’
Q. What is the force of ‘ the substantive and passive
voices’ ? [By that expression the active voice is excluded ;
as in the following examples] karoti, ‘ he does’ ; pachati, ‘ he
cooks’ ; paffiati, ‘ he reads.’
Note. — By the insertion of yo [in the rule] the affix ya is
admissible in other than the substantive and passive voices ;
as daddallati, ‘it illumines intensely.’]:
* See preceding rule.
| i.e. — Completes his journey.
] This exception so far as our observation extends, is confined to verbs
indicating the repetition of an act, or its intensity. See Panini, VII. 4, 82.
r>
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18 KACHCHAYAXa’S PALI GRAMMAR.
10. A substitution of y. v and the letters of
the eh. class lor it, and the final letter of the ra-
dical.
a. As exigency may require the letters of the ch class,
y. (or) v. may be substituted for it i.e. [see preceding rule]
the affix ya, joined to the final letter of the radical. i
Ex. vuchchate, ‘is said’; vuchchante, ‘are said.’
uchchate, ‘is said’; uchchante, ‘are said.’
mnjjate, ‘is intoxicated’; majjante, ‘are intoxicated.’
pachchatc, ‘is cooked’; pachchante, ‘are cooked.’
bujjhate, ‘is known’; bujjhante, ‘are known.’
yujjhate, ‘is fought’; yujjhante, ‘are fought.’
kujjhate, ‘is provoked’; kujjhante, ‘are provoked.’
ujjhate, ‘is abandoned’; ujjhante, ‘are abandoned.’
harmate, ‘is killed’; hannante, ‘are killed.’
kayyate, ‘is done’; kayyante, ‘are done.’
dibbate, ‘is played’; dibbante, ‘are played.’*
1 1. Optionally the augment of i class.
a. When the affix ya comes after a radical, the vowels of
the i class are optionally augmented.
Ex. kariyyate ‘is done,’ kariyanti ‘are done’; gachchhiyate
‘ is gone,’ gachchhiyyanti ‘ are gone.’
Q. Wherefore ‘ optionally ’ ? [To shew that the augment
is not inserted in a word like the following] kayyate ‘is
done.’
12. And assumes the previous letter,
a. AVhen the affix ya comes after a radical, the same is
optionally changed into the letter preceding it.
Ex. viuWhate, ‘is increased’; ‘phallate, ‘is fructified’;
dammate, ‘ is subjugated’; labbhatc, ‘ is acquired’; sakkate,
‘ is ablcd ;’ dissatc ‘ is seen.’
Q. Wherefore ‘ optionally’ ? [To mark the exception as
in] damyatc, ‘ is subjugated.’
* This example is put in to shew the promiscuous use of b and v.
kaciichayana's pat,i grammau.
19
13. And likewise in llic active voice.
n. As (different) substitutions take place [according to
previous rules] to the affix va, in the substantive and passive
voices; so likewise the same substitutions for the affix ya may
be adopted in the active voice.
Ex. bujjhati, ‘he knows’; vijjhati, ‘he pierces,’ manfiati
‘ he thinks,’ sibbati ‘ he stitches.’
14. A (after) bhu, &c.*
a. In the active voice the affix a comes after the radi-
cals of the bhu, & c. class.
Ex. bhavati ‘ is’ ; pafhati ‘reads’; pacbati ‘ cooks ’; yajati
‘ sacrifices.’
15. After rudh &e , with a niggahita-j-
before, &.
a. In the active voice the affix a comes after the radicals
of rudha, &c. class, with a niggahita augment before [the
final letter of the root.]
Ex. rundhati ‘obstructs’; bhindati ‘ breaks’; chhindati ‘cuts.’
Note . — By the insertion of ‘ and ’ [to the rule, other] affixes
such as i, i, e, and o, are admissible with a niggahita before
the [final letter of the root]; as rundhiti, rundhiti, or run-
dheti, ‘ obstructs ’; sumbhoti, ‘ shines.’
1G. Ya after div, &c.
a. In the active voice the affix ya comes after the radi-
cals of the diva, &c. class.
Ex. dibbati ‘ sports ’; sibbati ‘stitches’; yujjhati ‘fights’;
vijjhati ‘ pierces’; bujjhati ‘ knows.’
17. And nu, na,J and um\, after su, &c.
* This and the following rules are in reference to the several classes
of verbal roots.
f Name for the Sanskrit anusvara.
| Some Pali writers use this na short.
20
KACHCHAYANA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
a. In the active voice the affixes nu, na, and una come
after the radicals, of su, &c. class.
Ex. abhisnnoti or abhisunati ‘well-hears’; sanvunoti or san-
vunati ‘obstructs’; avunoti or avunati ‘strings’; papunoti or
papunati ‘obtains.’
18. Na after ki, &c.
a. In the active voice, the affix na comes after the radi-
cals, of ki, & c. class.
Ex. kindti ‘buys’; jinati ‘conquers’; dhunati ‘shakes’;
lunati ‘cuts’; punati ‘purifies.’
19. And ppa and nha, after gah, &c.
a. In the active voice, the affixes ppa and nha come after
the radicals of gaha, &c. class.*
Ex. gheppati or ganhati ‘takes.’
20. O, and yira after tan, &c.
a. In the active voice, the affixes o and yira come after
the radicals of tanu, &c. class.
Ex. tanoti ‘ stretches ’; tanohi ‘stretch (thou)’; karoti ‘ does’;
karohi ‘do [thou]’; kayirati ‘does’; kayirahi ‘do [thou].’
21. Ne, nay a after chur, &c.
a. In the active voice, the affixes ne and naya come after
the radicals of chura, &c. class.
Ex. choreti or chorayati ‘steals’; ehinteti or chintayati
‘thinks’; manteti or mantayati ‘deliberates.’
22. Attanopada (mark) the action and the
object.-)-
a . The attanopada (affixes) are used to mark the action
and the object.}
* Although by the appendix, ‘&o.’ a class is meant; T have not been
able to ascertain that such is the ease. Some grammarians dispute the
correctness of the & c. here ; and they limit the rule to gaha.
f See ante Cap. 1 § 2 Q.
} In the substantive and passive voices, vide ante §§ 0, 10.
KACnCHAYANA’S PAM GRAMMAR.
21
Ex. uchchate ‘ is spoken uchchante ‘ are spoken.’
labbhate ‘is acquired’; labbhante ‘are acquired.’
majjate ‘ is intoxicated ’; majjante ‘ are intoxicated.’
yujjhate ‘is fought’; yujjhante ‘are fought.’
kayyate ‘is done’; kayyante ‘are done.’
23. Also the agent.
a. The attanopada (affixes) also mark the agent [in the
active voice.]
Ex. marinate ‘ he respects ’ [himself.]
rochatc ‘ it brightens’ [of itself.]
sochate ‘ it grieves.’
sobhate ‘ it illumines.’
bujjhate ‘he understands’ [by himself.]
jayate ‘ he produces ’ [by his own effort.]
24. Verbal terminations after radicals and
affixes.
a. Verbal terminations come after the radicals ending
with affixes [beginning] from kh, &c., and ending with the
karita.*
Ex. titikkhati ‘he endures’; jiguchchhati ‘he reproaches’;
vimansati ‘he investigates.’
Tatakan sainudda miva attanam’acharati = samuddayati
‘the lake conducts itself like the sea.’
Puttiyati ‘he treats (him) as a son of his own’; pachayati
‘he causes to cook.’
25. Parassapada, the agent.
a. The parassapada mark the agent.]
Ex. karoti ‘he does,’ pachati ‘he cooks,’ pathati ‘he reads,’
gachchhati ‘ he goes.’
26. Bhft, &c., are radicals.
* See ante § 7.
f See Cap. 1 § 1.
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KACHCIIAYAXA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
a. Classes of words such as bhu, &c., receive the appel-
lation of radicals.
Ex. bhavati ‘ is bhavanti ‘ are.’
pachati ‘ cooks pachanti ‘ cook.’
cliarati ‘ walks.’
chintaynti ‘thinks.’
gacbchhati ‘goes.’
End of the Second Chapter on Verbs.
Notes.
In the Pali, the roots dhatu) are nearly identical with
those in the Sanskrit ; and are distinguished into different
conjugations, the same as in the Sanskrit, by anubandhas, or
characteristic letters affixed to them.
The Prakrit verb seems to be far less complete than the
Pali ; for the former has but one Conjugation, equal to the
first in the Sanskrit, though fragments of forms belonging to
other Conjugations frequently occur in the Dramatic works.
(Pr. Cowell’s Prakrit Prakasa, p. xxix.)
The Pali fonns of verbs and participles, generally, depart
less from the Sanskrit than the Prakrit ones do (see Tables
in Dr. Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, II. p 97, et seq.) In the San-
skrit there are ten Conjugations. To the Pali are unknown
three of them, answering to the 2nd, 3rd, and 6th in the
Sanskrit.
True it is that Kachchilyana gives (see § 19 supra)
another class, at the head of which he places pah. But, not
only is the existence in the Pali, of this [eighth | class ignored
in the Dhatu Manjnsa, but the writer of the Maha Saddaniti
says, that the adi (by which a ‘class’ is indicated) in the Sutta
KACIICHATAXa’S PALI GRAMMAR.
23
above noticed, is a mistake, — which is indeed probable; since,
except gall it is difficult to discover any other Pali radical
which comes under this class, and since also gall itself may
be conjugated as a verb of the k'i class.
The seven Conjugations known to the Pali, answer to the
first, fourth, fifth, seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth classes
of the Sanskrit verb; thus:
Pali class.
Affixes.
PI
1 .
bhfi
. a
1
2.
rudh
. a
7
3.
div
. ya
4
4.
su
. nu, na, una.
5
5.
ki
. na
9
6.
tan
. o, yira
8
7.
chur
. ne, naya
10
The writer of the Dhktu Manjusa remarks that the second,
third, and sixth Conjugations of Sanskrit Grammarians are
comprehended in the first of the Pali verbs, which also oc-
cupies the same place in the Sanskrit classes. It may indeed
be readily believed that the three classes which the Sanskrit
possesses over the Pali, are merely the elaborations of Gram-
marians. For, although in the Sanskrit, primitive verbs may
belong to any one of the first nine classes; yet it is a signi-
ficant fact that by far the greatest number do not belong to
the second and third: and the third is only distinguished from
the second by a syllable of reduplication in the special tenses.
[Bopp’s Comp. Gram. p. 107.]
In considering the characteristics of the Sanskrit classes,
it is also remarkable that the sixth, like the first, adds a to
the root, “the difference between the first class of nearly one
thousand roots (almost the half of the entire number), and
the sixth class which contains about 130 roots,” being, as re-
marked by Bopp in his Comp. Gram. p. 104, that “ the former
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KACHCHAYAXa’S PALI GRAMMAR.
raise the vowel of the root by Guna, while the latter retain
it pure.” “A 3 a has no Guna,” adds the same writer, “no
discrimination can take place through this vowel between the
ciasses 1 and 6; but nearly all the roots which belong to
either, having a as the radical vowel, are reckoned in the
first class.”
I may also here observe that in the Vedas some verbs, e.g.
mri, of the sixth conjugation, are inflected as if belonging to
the first — a circumstance from which it may be inferred that
the Sanskrit roots were not originally divided into ten classes.
The correspondence between the Pali and Sanskrit affixes
in the remaining Conjugations will be readily seen, the differ-
ences being indeed very slight. The distinction, however,
between the two first Conjugations in the Pali, is, that in the
second the root takes an augment of a niggahita before the
final consonant [Bopp, p. 108.] In the affixes the Cerebral
n is an anubandha, which however is not very frequent in the
Pali. The n in the affixes of the seventh class denotes the
substitution of vriddhi [see Balavatara, p. 88] for the radical
element.
Although the Grammar before us does not distinctly name
all the derivative verbs known to the Sanskrit, and has not
shewn the peculiarities of the Frequentative form of the verb ;
(see note at p. 17,) yet the existence of them in the Pali is
undoubted. More on this subject hereafter. See notes to
the third Chapter infra.
KACIICIIAYANA’S PALI ORA MM AH.
25
CAP: III.
1. Sometimes the primary letter of a mono-
syllabic radical* is reduplicated.
a. The primary letter of a monosyllabic radical is some-
times reduplicated.
Ex. titikkhati ‘forbears.’
jiguchchhati ‘reproaches.’
tikichchhati * cures.’
vimansati ‘ investigates.’
bubhukkhati ‘ wishes to eat.’
pivasati ‘ wishes to drink.’
daddallati f illumines intensely.’
jahati ‘abandons.’
chankamati ‘ walks repeatedly.’
Q. Wherefore ‘ sometimes’ ? [To mark the exceptions ;
such as] kamati ‘ walks’; chalati ‘ shakes.’
2. The first abbhasa -f-
a. The first [letter] of a reduplicate root is named abbhasa.
Ex. dadhati ‘holds.’
.dadati ‘gives.’
babhuva ‘ became.’
3. Is short, t
*
a. The (first) vowel in the abbhasa is short.
Ex. dadati ‘ gives ’; dadhati ‘holds’; jahati ‘ abandons.’
4. The second and fourth become first and
third.
a. When the abbhasa is either the second or fourth [letter
* Lit. — a root having one single vowel.
t Same in Panini — see vi. 1-4.
J Same in Panini, vii. 4-59,
E
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KACHCHAYANA’s PALI GRAMMAR.
in a class] they are (respectively) changed into the first, and
third [letters of that class.]*
Ex. chichchheda ‘ He (it is reported) cut.’
bubhukkhati ‘wishes to eat.’
babhuva ‘became.’
dadhati ‘holds.’
5. Ch. class for k class.
a. When the abbhasa is a k [or another of that] class, the
same is changed into [its corresponding letter in the] ch class.
Ex. chikichchhati, ‘cures’; jiguchchhati, ‘reproaches’;
jighachchhati, ‘ wishes to eat’; chankamati, ‘ walks repeated- .
ly’; jiginsati, ‘wishes to take’; jangamati, ‘frequently goes.
6. Optionally v. and t. for mana and kita.
a. Optionally the abbhastl of the radicals mana and kita
are respectively changed into v. and t.
Ex. vimansati ‘investigates’; tikichchhati ‘cures.’
Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception as
in the example] chikichchhati ‘cures.’
7. J for h.
a. The h in the abbhasa is changed into j.
Ex. jahati ‘abandons’; juvhatif or juhoti ‘sacrifices’; ja-
lutra ‘(it is said) he abandoned.’
8. Optionally i|. and a for the last.
a. The last§ of the abbhasa becomes, i; optionally a.
Ex. jiguchchhati ‘reproaches’; pivasati ‘wishes to drink’;
vimansati ‘ investigates’; jighachchhati ‘ wishes to cat babhu-
va ‘ became ’; dadhati ‘ holds.’
* Or in other words ‘when the abbhasa is an aspirate, it is changed
into a non-aspirate.’ This rule too accords with Panini; but with a slight
verbal difference — See Panini, viii. 4-54.
f In the Pali the v and li change positions in composition.
+ t\ henever the word vanna is mentioned with a short vowel, as in
the text (ivanna) the long vowel is included. The Balavatara sajs :
vannaggahanan sabbattha rassa digha sangahanatthan.
§ l(y the ‘last’ is meant the inherent vowel: c. g. the u in ju-gueh-
chhati is the last in the abbhasa.
KACIICIIA YANA’S PALI GllAMMAR.
27
Q. Wherefore ‘optionally ’? [To mark the exception, as
in the example] bublmkkhati ‘ wishes to eat.’
9. And a nirrQ'ahita.
OO
a. Optionally an augment of niggahita (anusvara) after
the abbhasa.
Ex. cliankamati ‘walks repeatedly’; chanchalati ‘frequent-
ly shakes jangamati ‘ frequently goes.’
Q. Wherefore ‘optionally 1 ? [To mark the exceptions
as in the instances] pivasati ‘ wishes to drink ’; daddallati
‘ illumines intensely.’
10. After pa and ma, va and man [before
the affix] sa.
a. When the roots pa and ma take the affix sa, optionally
they receive after the abbhasa, the substitutions va and man
respectively.
Ex. pivasati ‘wishes to drink’; vimansati ‘investigates.’
11. Thdia for £ha,
a. Optionally titfha is substituted for a root such as dia.
Ex. ti^hati ‘ stands ’; titfhatu ‘ let him stand ’; tittheyya
‘he may stand’; tiMieyyun ‘they may stand.’
Q. Wherefore ‘ optionally ’ ? [To mark the exception as
in the example] ffiati ‘ stands.’
12. Piba for pa.
a. Optionally piba is substituted for the root pa.
Ex. pibati ‘ drinks ’; pibatu ‘ let him drink ’; pibeyya ‘ he
may drink.’
Q. Wherefore ‘ optionally ’ ? [To mark the exception as
in the example] pati ‘ he drinks.’
13. Ja jan and na for na.
a. Optionally ja jan and na are substituted for the root na.
Ex. jiinati ‘ knows ’; janeyya ‘ may know ’; janiya ‘ iiiay
knoAV ’; janna ‘ know thou ’; nayati ‘ he knows.’
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KACIICHATANA’s PALI GliAMMAK.
Q. Wherefore ‘ optionally ’ ? [To mark the exception]
viniiayati ‘ is well-known.’
14. Optionally passa, dissa, and dukkha for
disa.
a. Optionally passa, dissa and dakklia are substituted for
the root disa.
Ex. passati ‘sees’; dissati ‘sees’; dakkhati ‘sees.’
Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception]
addasa* ‘he saw.’
15. Ch for the final consonant, [when fol-
lowed by the] allixes chh., &.-]•
a. The final consonant of the radical becomes ch, when
it (the root) takes the affix chh.
Ex. jiguchchhati ‘ reproaches’; tikichchhati ‘cures’; jighach-
chliati ‘ wishes to eat.’
16. And ka, when k l a.
a. The final consonant of the radical becomes ka, when it
takes the affix kha.
Ex. titikkhati ‘forbears’; bubhukkhati ‘wishes to eat.’
17. Gin for hara, when sa.
a. Gin is substituted for the entire root hara, when it
takes the affix sa.
Ex. jiginsati ‘ wishes to take.’
18. aha and bhfiva, for bru and blm (before)
parokkha.
a. Aha and bhuva are ("respectively) substituted for the
radicals bru and bhu, before parokkha terminations.^
Ex. alia ‘(it is reported) lie said.’
ahu ‘(it is reported) they said.’
babhuva ‘(it is reported) it became.’
babhuvu ‘(it is reported) they became.’
* 'J'his is sometimes written ad<las;\.
f The Vutti is deficient in explaining the See.
[ Sec Cap. i. § 12.
KACIICIIAYAXA’s rAI.I GRAMMAR.
29
Q. Wherefore parokkhti? [To mark the exception as in
the Ajjatani, see Cap. 1. § 14] abruvun ‘they have said.’
19. Optionally, before all. chchh. for the
final of garni.
a. Optionally the final m in the root ganui, becomes chchh
before all the affixes and terminations.
Ex. gachchhamtlno 7
o \ c t
pachchhanto
j going.
gachchhati
gameti *
gachchhatu
gametu
he goes.
j e lct him go.’
gachchheyya )
gameyya
agachchha
a gam a
agachchhi
he may go.’
he went.’
I
V
s
| he has gone.’
agami )
gachchhissati ) ,. m
garni ssati J
agachchhissa 7 , . ...
^ lie would have gone.
agamissa
agachchhiyati
° v / ; he is gone, f
agamiyati J
Q. Wherefore * of garni’? [To shew that the rule is
limited to the given verb and that it does not apply to is]
ichclihati ‘ he wishes.’
20. The a invach[becomes]o before Ajjatam.
* Gameti, gametu, and gameyya my be also the causatives of the forms
given with them within brackets.
f It will be seen that these examples do not illustrate the parokklia.
J Even were there no express statement to the effect that this Pali
writer had a previous knowledge of Sanskrit Grammar, the above vutti
would clearly establish the fact. For obviously the object here was to
shew the difference between the Pali and the Sanskrit in which latter ish
and gam come under the same rule. See l’anini vii. 3, 77 ; and Laghu
kauinudi, No. 533.
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KACHCH AYAXA S TALI GRAMMAR.
a. Before Ajjatani terminations, the a in the root vach
becomes o.
Ex. avocha ‘he has said’; avochun 'they have said.’
Q. Wherefore ‘before Ajjatani’? [Witness the exam-
ples in the hiyattani, as] avacha ‘ he spoke ; avachu ‘ they
spoke.’
21. Before hi mi and ma, the a is long.
a. Before the terminations hi, mi, and ma, the a is long.
Ex. gachchhahi ‘ go thou gachchhami ‘ I go gachchha-
ma ‘ we go gachchhamhe ‘ we go.’
Note . — By reason of the insertion of ‘mi’* (in the rule) the
a is sometimes short before the termination hi ; as gachchhahi
go thou.’
22. Optionally hi is elided.
a. The termination hi is optionally elided.
Ex. gachchha for gachchhahi ‘go thou.’
gama for gamehi ‘go thou.’
gamaya for gamayahi ‘go thou.’
Q. Wherefore ‘hi’? [To limit the rule to that particular
termination; as] gachchhati, ‘he goes’; gamiyati ‘he is gone.’
23. And ssa, in bhavissanti; [when] the
vowel in hotif- [becomes] eha, oha, e.
a. Optionally the ssa in bhavissanti terminations is elided,
when the vowel in the radical! hu is changed into eha, oha, e.
Ex. hehiti
hohiti
heti
hehissati
hohissati
hessati
he will be.’
hchinti
hohinti
henti
hehissanti
hohissanti
hessanti
[ ‘ they will be.’
* I am not sure whether I have correctly rendered the above note.
It is not intelligible.
! Eastern Grammarians frequently give the inflected verb in the third
person when strictly the root should be given.
] See my observations on this radical at the end of Chapter Fourth.
KACIICIIAYAXa’s PALI GRAMMAR.
31
Q. 1st. Wherefore hu? To exclude the radicsil bli it
of the same import, to which the rule does not apply ; as]
bhavissati ‘ he will be ’; bhavissanti ‘ they will be.’
Q 2nd. Wherefore ‘ in bhavissanti ’ ? [To shew that the
rule is limited to the future tense, as in] hoti ‘ he is ’ honti
‘ they are.’
24. Kaha for kara including its affix.
a. Before bhavissanti terminations optionally kaha is sub-
stituted foi the radical kara including its affix, [when] always
the ssa is elided.
Ex. kiihati, kaliiti ‘he will do’; kahasi, kahisi ‘thou wilt
do ’; kahami ‘ I will do ’; kahama ‘ we will do.’
Q. Wherefore ‘ optionally : ? [Witness] karissati ‘ he
will do ’ karissanti ‘ they will do.’
Note — that by the force of the words * including its affix ’
[the rule may be extended] to other roots before bhavissanti
terminations, when the radicals take the substitutions
khami, khama, and chhatni, chhama, e. g., the radical vas,
vakkhami ‘ I shall relate ’; vakkhama ‘ we shall relate ’; the
radical vasa — vachchhami ‘ I shall dwell’; vachchhama ‘we
shall dwell.’
End of the Third Chapter on Verbs.
Notes.
Although the Grammar before us has not distinctly defined
the derivative verbal forms known to the Sanskrit; yet,
it will be observed (see examples to the very first rule with
which this Chapter commences), that the Pali is not deficient
in any of them. It has the Passive, the Causal, the Nominal,
the Desiderative, and the Intensive forms.
The Pali, like the Sanskrit Passive, receives the syllable
va to the root. Cap. ii. § 9. Although y is frequently lost
by assimilation, as in pachchate ‘is cooked’; bhujjate ‘is
32
KACHCJIAYAXA S TALI GRAMMAR.
known’; it is, nevertheless, retained in words like kariyate
* is done.’ The Pali is, in this respect, different from the
Prakrit, which, in the formation of the Passive, generally
takes ia or ijja ; as, parfhiai or parfhijjai [ Vararuchi vii. 8,
9,] for the Pali pafthate ‘is recited.’ In the Prakrit ai, tve
clearly see the Dravidian termination ei, which runs through
the entire body of its principal dialect, the Tamil; e. g. avei
‘those’; talei'head’; videi ‘to sow’; irukkei (the verbal nouns
for) ‘being.’ In the termination ijja, however, may be dis-
covered the representative of the Sanskrit y, viz , gor j, into
which the y passes in difterent forms of the Prakrit and the
Indo-European languages. See Popp’s Comp. Grammar,
pp. 17, 110.
In the Pali there are four forms of the Causal verb, viz , e,
aya, ape, and apaya; [Cap. ii. § 7,] whilst, of these, two
alone are generally found in the Prakrit, e. g. karedi or ka-
ravedi. The first answers to the Pali kareti, and the second
(in which, as in the Dravidian, the p is changed into v) to kara-
peti. These again may be regarded as the vernacular forms
of karayati and karapayati, which are known to the Sanskrit,
in which, it is moreover remarkable, the first aya is the prevail-
ing affix, the second paya being confined to ‘those roots which
ending in a, or in a diphthong to be changed into a, receive
before aya the affix of a p,’ as in sthiipayami ‘I make to stand.’
Bopp’s. Comp. Gram. p. 1002. The difference between the
Pali, Prakrit, and Sanskrit causal affixes may be thus exhi-
bited: —
(i.) kareti — karayati — karupet.i — karitpayati.
(ii.) karer/i — — kavavetfi —
(iii.) — karyati — — stliapayati
It is indeed very remarkable, as stated by Professor Bopp,
that the contraction of aya into e, as in the Pali and Prakrit
mancmi, is also to be found in ‘ the Old-IIigh German, and
the Latin of the second conj.’ Comp. Gram. p. 109.
kaciiciiayaxa's tali grammar.
S3
With regard to the Prakrit form of the Causative, Pro-
fessor Lassen has the following observations.* “From the
Sanskrit form of the Causative roots in a, which insert a
servile p between the termination of the root and the addition
ay, arises another form of the Prakrit Causative which adds
&p to the root, or to the theme of the present active. The
Causative inflects this dissyllable in ap (whence ab; Comp,
sec. 37) entirely like that which has just been mentioned.
This form is derived from the Sanskrit discourse of one of the
lower orders; for, in the Vetalapanchavinsati, and in other
Milesian tales we read jivapayati, mochapayati, and others
of the kind. Vararuchi observes, vii. 17, that karabeyi is
also called karabeyi, i.e., if dp be added, the vowel of the
Sanskrit Causative is now and then shortened. Examples of
this are thabehi Yik. 6, 10; lohhbedi Sale. 58, 5 from lubh;
tuarabedu Mai. Vik. 44, 10; marisabedha Sak. 55, 9; mo
(ch) abehi Sale. 153, 6; Yik. 13, 14; 14,3. Fut. moabissam
&c.”
I may here refer to a peculiarity of the Pali Causal verb,
which has been noticed by the writer of the Balavatara, viz.,
that Intransitive verbs with a causal affix, convey a transitive
signification; e g., bhikkhu ragadi dhsakan maggan bhdveti,
‘the priest contemplates the defiling path of the passions ’f
Aknmmak&pi hetvatthappachchayanta sakanimakd
Tan yatha bhikkhu bhaveti maggan rag&di ddsakan.
The affinity between, what I conceive to be, the cultivated
forms of the Causal affixes and the Passive, is obvious. The
same relationship which exists between these forms exists
also between them and the affixes of the Nominal verb, which
* Lassen’s Inst. Prak. p. 360.
f See Clough’s Balavatara, p. 10S.
F
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34 KACIICn AT ANA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
takes aya and iya in several different senses, as in the Sans-
krit. [Laghu Kawmudhi 297.] Thus,
kari
.(va) ..
...ya-te .Passive.
kikra
.(ya) ..
...ya-ti Causal.
pabbat .
.(aya)..
..Aya-ti (i.) Nominal, Cap. ii.
§4.
chatt
.(iya) ..
...iya-ti (ii.) do.
do.
§5.
chatt
.(iya) ..
...iva-ti (iii.) do.
do.
§6.
upavin .
.(aya)..
...aya-ti (iv.) do.
do.
§8-
dad-dal.
.(ya) ..
. .1 (y)a-ti Intensive.
Of the Intensive and Desiderative forms in the Prakrit,
Professor Lassen remarks that “reliques only of these verbs
are extant, and, in truth, these kinds of derivative verbs
rarely pass over into common conversation. Jugutsa, whence
the Prakrit jugutcha. It is extant in M. M. 36, 11, etc.”
Prak. Inst. p. 367.
The Desiderative and Intensive forms of the verb, are
indeed no strangers in the Pali. See Cap. ii. § 3; also iii.
§ 1. They are both formed, as in the Sanskrit, by the redu-
plication of the first syllable of the root. The Intensive
form appears, as in the Sanskrit, generally, in verbs signifying
‘ to shine,’ ‘ to be beautiful,’ ‘to lament.’ Where, however,
the primitive verb has a reduplicated form, as in titikkhati,
it does not, as we learn from Moggallayana, undergo a redu-
plication in its formation into the Desiderative; as titikkhisati
‘he wishes to endure,’ jiguchchhisati ‘he wishes to reproach.’
In these examples the affix s* is the same as in the Sans-
krit. But this is sometimes changed in the Pali into kh, or
chh. See Cap. ii. §§ 2, 3. The Desiderative verb may also
be formed into a Causal, e. g., bubukkhapeti. See Moggal-
lkyana’s Pali Grammar.
* ish — is ‘to desire.'
KACIICHAYANX’s PALI GRAMMAR.
CAP: IV.
35
1. Before mi, ma, an for the final of dA
a. Before mi, and ma, an is substituted for the final letter
of the root dit.
Ex. datnmi * I give damma ‘ we give.*’
2. Before a causal affix, (the radical) when
not ending with a compound consonant, is sub-
ject to vuddhi.
a. The root, when not ending with a compound conso-
nant, is subject to vuddhi* before a causal affix.
Ex. kareti ] karenti )
karayati (‘he causes karayanti (‘they cause
karapeti ( to do.’ karapenti f to do.’
karapayati ) karapayanti )
Q. Wherefore ‘ when not ending with a compound con-
sonant’? [Witness] chintayatif ‘he reflects’; mantayati ‘he
causes to deliberate.’
3. Optionally Ghata, &c.^
a. When not ending with a compound consonant the
roots ghata, &c., optionally receive vuddhi substitutions before
causal affixes.
Ex. ghateti
ghateti
ghatayati
gh&tapeti
ghatapayati
ghatfipayati
r-‘he causes to unite.’
* Vuddhi is the change or substitution to which the vowels are subject.
Thus a for a; e for i and i ; and o for u and u.
f Can this be the causal form? I have not seen this word used in such
a sense.
% See Tinini, vi. 4, 92.
36
KACHCIIAYASA’S TALI GRAMMAR-
gameti “j
Gameti ( .
\ . > ‘he causes to go.
gamayati I
gamayati J
Q. Wherefore ‘ghata, &c.’? [To exclude roots such as
kara c. g.] kareti ‘he causes to do.’
4. And others.
a. When not ending with compound consonants all roots
receive vuddlii substitutions before other affixes.
Ex. jayati ‘he conquers’; bhavati or hoti ‘is.’
Note — by the insertion of an ‘and’ [to the sutta it may
be laid down that,] the affix nu also takes the vuddhi substi-
tutions; as abhisunoti ‘he hears well’; sanvunoti ‘he closes.’
5. Gulia dusa long;,
O
a. Before causal affixes, the vowel of the roots guha dusa,
becomes long.
Ex. guhayati ‘lie causes to conceal’; dusayati ‘he causes
to pollute.’
6. Before ya, u for (v)a in vacha, vasa,
vaha, &c.
a. Before the affix ya the (v)a in the roots vacha, vasa,
vaha, &c., becomes u.
Ex. uchchate . . ,
. . ;‘is said,
vuchchati )
vussati ‘is inhabited.’
vuyhati ‘is borne.’
7. Before y, h is transposed; (and) optionally
(changed into) 1.
a. Before the affix ya, the letter h is transposed; and the
affix ya is optionally changed into 1.
Ex. vuyhati or vulhati ‘is borne.’
8. Before ppa, ghe for gaha.
KACHCIIAYAKA’s PALI GRAMMAR, 37
a. Before the affix ppa, ghe is substituted for the entire
root gaha.
Ex. gheppati ‘he takes.’
9. Before nlia, ha is elided.
a. Before the affix nha, the ha in the root gaha is elided.
Ex. ganhati ‘he takes.’
10. Before Ajjatani, kasa for kara.
a. Before Ajjatani terminations, the form of kksa is sub-
stituted for the entire root kara.
Ex. akasi or akari ‘he has done.’
akhsun or akarun ‘they have done.’
Note * — by the expression atta ‘the form,’ sa may be aug-
mented in others, e. g., ahosi ‘has been’; adasi ‘has given.’
11. The mi ma of asa (become) mhi, mha ;
and the last is elided.
a. The terminations mi and ma, which come after the root
asa, are optionally changed into mhi and milk; when the final
letter of the root is elided.
Ex. amhi, or asmi ‘ I am.’
amha, or asma ‘we are.’
12. Ttha for tha.
a. The termination tha of the root asa is changed into
ttha, when [as before] the final letter of the root is elided.
Ex. attha ‘you are.’
13. Tthi for ti.
a. Ti, the termination of the root asa is changed into tthi;
when the final letter of the root is also elided.
Ex. atthi ‘he is.’
* This note like several others is not intelligible to my mind.
By the expression ‘form of kasa,’ a substitution of sa may be implied;
but how an augment can be understood, I do not perceive. Again
auiiatthkpi ‘in other places’ can according to the text, only refer to
terminations other than Ajjatani ; yet from the examples given to the
note, which are in the Ajjatani tense, it would seem that something else
was meant.
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38
KACIICTIAY ANA’S PAM GRAMMAR.
14. Ttiiu for tu.
a. Tu, the termination of the root asa is changed into
tthu; when the final letter of the root is also elided.
Ex. atthu ‘let him be.’
15. Also [when] si.
a. Also when si is the termination of the root asa, its final
letter is elided.
Ex. ko nu tvam’asi ‘ who art thou’ ?
16. Ttha tthan, for i im, after labha.
a. When the terminations i and im, come after the root
labha, the same are changed into ttha and tthan ; and the
final letter of the root is elided.
Ex. alattha ‘he has got’; alattham ‘I have got.’
17. Chehhi for i, after kudha.-
a. When the termination i comes after the root kudha,
the same is changed into chchhi ; and the final letter of the
root is elided.
Ex. akkochchhi ‘he has angered.’ *
18. Optionally dajja for the root da.
«. Dajja is optionally substituted for the entire root dit.
Ex. dajjiimi or dad&mi ‘ I give ’; dajjeyya or dadeyya ‘he
may give.’
19. Vajja for vada.
a. Vajja is optionally substituted for the entire root vada.
Ex. vajjami or vad&mi ‘I speak ’; vajjeyya or vadeyya ‘ he
may speak.’
20. Ghamma for gamu.
a. Ghamma is optionally substituted for the entire root
gamu.
* In the Dbammapada this word is used to signify ‘abused,’ (see
Gogerley’s Trans: in The Friend iv. p. 21.) When it means ‘abused,’ or
‘reviled,’ akkocbehbi is derived from kunsa, and not from kudha.
KACHCIIAYANa’s PALI GRAMMAR.
39
Ex. ghammatu ‘let him go’; ghanunahi ‘go thou’; gham-
mami ‘ let me go.’
Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To shew the regular forms]
gachchhatu ‘let him go’; gachchhahi ‘ go thou ’; gachchhhini
‘ let me go.’
21. Before ya, 1 for da, dha, raa, dick, ha,
pa, maha, matha, &c.
a. Before the affix ya, the final vowel of da, dha, ma, riia,
ha, pa, maha, matha, &c., becomes i.
Ex. diyati ‘is given’; dhiyati ‘is holden’; miyati ‘is mea-
sured’; diiyati ‘is stationed’; hiyati ‘is reduced ’; piyati ‘is
drunk’; mahiyati ‘is adored’; mathiyati ‘is churned.’
22. I for the first of yaja.
a. Before the affix ya, i is substituted for the first letter
of the root yaja.
Ex. ijjate maya Buddho ‘Buddha is worshipped by me.’
23. Imsu for um of all.
a. The termination um of all radicals, is changed into im-u.
Ex. upasamkamimsu ‘ they have approached ’; nisidimsu
‘ they have sat down.’
24. Optionally jira (or) jiyy a, and miyya
for jara and mara.
a. Optionally the roots jara, and mara take the substitu-
tions jira or jiyya, and miyya.
Ex. jirati or jiyyati ‘ he becomes decrepid ’: jiranti or jiy-
yanti ‘ they become decrepid ’; miyati or marati ‘ he dies ’;
miyanti or maranti ‘ they die.’
25. And the initial of asa is elided before all.
a. Before all terminations and affixes, the initial [vowel]
of the root asa, is optionally elided.
Ex. siya ‘it may be’; santi ‘they are’; santo ‘being’;
Eamano ‘ being.’
40
KACHCIT A YANA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
Q. Wherefore * optionally ’ ? [To mark the exception
e. o-.“l asi ‘ thou art.’
O _j
26. For asabbadli&tuka, bhu.
a. In asabbadhiituka* terminations, the very root asa,
optionally becomes bhu.
Ex. bhavissati ‘he will be’; bhavissanti ‘they will be.’
Q. Wherefore ‘ optionally ’ ? [To mark the exception
e. g.] asum ‘ they have been.’
27. Optionally iya, and anna foreyya after na,
a. Iya, and aima are optionally substituted for the termi-
nation eyya after the root ha.
Ex. janiya ‘he may know’: janna ‘he may know.’
Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [Witness] janeyya ‘he may
know.’
28. Na is rejected [or] changed into ya.
a. The affix na of the root ha is sometimes elided, and
sometimes changed into ya.
Ex. janha ‘he may know’; nayati ‘ he knows.’
Q. Wherefore ‘ optionally ’ ? [To mark the exception
e. g.] janati ‘he knows.’
29. A [becomes] e, and is rejected.
a. The affix a [see Cap. ii. § 14] is sometimes elided, and
sometimes changed into e.
Ex. vaijemi or vademi ) T
.. . .1 speak,
vajjhmi or vadami S 1
30. O becomes u.
n. Optionally the affix o [see Cap. ii. § 20] becomes u.
Ex. kurutc or karoti ‘lie does.’
Q. Wlierefore ‘o’? [To shew the exception as in] hot!
‘ is.’ f
* The asabbadhatuka comprise all the moods and tenses except the
sabbadhatuka, see Cap. i § 2G.
| This is not verv intelligible.
KACHCITAYANA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
41
31. And also the a of kara.
a. The a of the radical kara optionally becomes u.
Ex. kurute, karoti, knbbate, kubbati, and kairati ‘lie does.’
Q. Wherefore ‘kara’ ? [To exclude other radicals, such
as] sarftti ‘ walks inarati ‘ kills.’
32. Before a vowel o becomes ava. #
a. Before a vowel, the final o of a radical optionally be-
comes ava.
Ex. chavati ‘ quits bhavati ‘ is.’
Q. 1st. Wherefore ‘ before a vowel ’? [To show that the
rule does not apply except before a vowel, e. g.] hoti ‘is.’
Q. 2nd. Wherefore ‘o’? [To limit it to the rule, e. g.]
jayati ‘conquers.’
33. E becomes aya.
a. Before a vowel, the final e of the radical optionally
becomes aya.
Ex. nayati ‘leads’; jayati ‘conquers.’
Q. Wherefore ‘before a vowel’? [To shew that the rule
does not apply except before a vowel, e. g.] neti ‘leads.’
34. Before a causative, they become &va
and fiya,
a. Before a causative they, viz., o and e, take the substi-
tutions ava and aya.
Ex. laveti ‘he causes to cut’; nayeti ‘he causes to lead.’
Note . — By analyzing the suttan, aya is admissible before
other affixes, e. g., gayati ‘he sings,’
35. I is augmented before asabbadh&tuka.
a. Before asabbadhatuka terminations, i is augmented.
Ex. gamissati ‘he will go’; karissati ‘he will do’; labhis-
sati ‘he will acquire’; pachissati ‘lie will cook.’
Q. Wherefore ‘before asabbadluituka’? [To shew that
G
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KACHCHAYANA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
the rule does not apply to sabbadhatuka terminations, e. g.]
gachchbati ‘goes’; karoti ‘does’; labhati ‘acquires’; pachati
‘ cooks.’
36. In certain instances, radicals, termina-
tions, and affixes become long, take transform-
ations, substitutions, and receive elision and
augment, & c-
a. In certain instances, which are not here treated of,
under the different voices of the verb, the elongation, trans-
formation, substitution, elision, and augment, which radicals,
terminations, and affixes receive [or undergo] should be adopt-
ed according to [the models furnished in] the word of Buddha.
Ex. jayati* ‘is born.’
kareyya ‘he may do.’
janiya ‘he may know,’
siya ‘may be.’
kare ‘he may do.’
gaehchhe ‘he may go.’
j an nit ‘he may know’; or ‘know thou.’
vakkhetha ‘you speak.’
dakkhetha ‘you see.’
dichchhati ‘he sees.’
agachchhun ‘they have come.’
ahosi ‘has been.’
ahesun ‘have been.’
Note . — In this wise should others be used.
37. The attanopadani [become] the very
parassapada.
a. Sometimes the attanopada (terminations) are changed
into parassapada.
Ex. vuchchati ‘is spoken’; labbhati ‘is acquired’; pach-
chati ‘is cooked’; kariyati ‘ is done’; sijjhati ‘is accomplished.’
Q. "Wherefore ‘sometimes’? [To shew that, the change
* The commentator deduces this from the root ji ‘to conquer.’
KACIICHAYANA’S PALI GRAMMAR. 43
is optional; as] vucliehatc, labbhatc, pachchatc, kariyate,
sijjhate.
38. A is augmented in the hiyattani, ajja-
tani, and kalatipattl.
a. Sometimes when the terminations are the Hiyattani,
Ajjatani, [or] Kalktipatti, a is augmented [before the root.]
Ex. agama ‘lie went’; agami ‘he has gone’; agamissa ‘he
would go.’
Q. Wherefore ‘sometimes’? [To indicate that the
change is optional ; as] gama, garni, gamissa.
39. i after brh, when ti.
a. i is augmented after the root brit, when the termina-
tion is ti.
Ex. braviti ‘ he speaks.’
40. The final of a root of many vowels is
elided.
a. Sometimes the final [vowel] of a root of many vowels
is elided.
Ex. gachchhati ‘goes’; pachati ‘cooks’; sarati ‘remem-
bers’; marati ‘kills [or dies]’; charati ‘ walks.’
1st Q. Wherefore ‘ of many vowels’? [To exclude mono-
syllabic roots, as] pati ‘ drinks ’; yati ‘ goes ’; dati ‘ gives ’;.
bhati ‘ shines ’; vati ‘ wafts.’
2nd Q. Wherefore ‘sometimes ’? [To mark the excep-
tions, such as] mahiyati ‘ adores ’; matiyati ‘ churns.’
41. Optionally the finals of isu and yama
[are changed into] ichchha.
a. Optionally the finals of isu and yama are changed into
ichchha.
Ex. ichchhati ‘ wishes ’; niyachchhati ‘ regulates.’
Q. Wherefore ‘ optionally ’ ? [To mark the exceptions
such as] esati ‘searches’; niyamati ‘determines.’
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KACIICHAYANpS PALI GRAMMAR.
42. The n of karita is elided.
a The n of karita affixes is elided.
Ex. kareti
k:\rayati
karapeti
karapayati
For the advancement of religion, the verb has
been ( thus) briefly illustrated by me : ma}' the
learned, according to their own respective attain-
ments, reflect, (hereon.)
End of the Foui th Chapter on Verbs.
'causes to do.’
Notes.
Some modern writers on Pali Grammar follow, in their
illustrations, the principles of Sanskrit Grammar. E. g., the
eight conjugations of Pali verbs are classed by Moggalldyana
differently from Kachchayana ; and the classification by the
former seems to be nearly in accordance with that adopted by
Sanskrit writers. lie also, like Vararuchi, refers the student
in certain parts of his Grammar 'to the Sanskrit,’ for the
explication of ‘ that which has been omitted.’ But it is
very remarkable that the older the grammarian, the less he
has identified the Pali with the Sanskrit. Kachchayana is,
certainlv, one of the latter class. Although he has borrowed
a few technical terms from Sanskrit Grammarians* (see In-
troduction, p. xxv.), and has even adopted the language of
Panini, as we have shown in the notes, and in the Introduc-
tion (p. xvii.); yet lie has referred us for all that has not been
1
]
I
This merely proves the superior culture of the Sanskrit, at this time.
KACIICH AY ANA’S PALI GRAMMAR. 45
treated of, in Ins work, to the Text-books of Buddhism — not,
to the Sanskrit. This indicates clearly that he, at least, did
not regard the Pali as an emanation of the Sanskrit. It is
also clear from the whole tenor of his work that he wished
to treat of the Pali as a dialect distinct from the Sanskrit.
Confining my observations to the portion of Grammar which
is published, two circumstances may be here adduced in sup-
port of this.
(i.) That where the Sanskrit takes the substitute chha for
the finals of these, viz., ish ‘to wish,’ gam ‘to go,’ and yam
‘to restrain,’ when an affix follows having an indicatory s, as
gachchhati ‘lie goes.’ [Lagliu Kawmudhi, p. 187]; the Pali
receives it only in the verb gam ‘to go.’ It is clearly to show
this difference that Kaclichayana gives us the Vutti in Cap.
iii. § 19.
(ii.) It is indeed with the same object that a little farther
on he calls attention (§ 22) to the existence in the Pali of a
verb Substantive unknown to the Sanskrit. This is hu; on
which a few remarks may not be out of place here.
Yararuchi,in his Prakrit Prakasa (vii. § 3) states that ho and
huva are the substituted forms of the verbal root bhfi. If this
%vere so, the substitution would indeed be invariably found in
all the variations of the root. But such is not thefact. When
both Yararuchi cap xii. § 12 and Hemachandra § 269, speak-
ing of the Sauraseni, give bliuvo lhah, a commentator, adds
va with ex. b/iocli, hodi; bhuvadi, luivadi; bhavadi, havadi-;
showing clearly the existence of both forms in the Prakrit.
This is the case in several Prakrit languages, e. g., in the
Maratha, which also possesses the Pali hu, the Sanskrit as is
used to supply the deficiences of t he paradigm of the root hu.
The Pali likewise takes in bhu to fill up the deficiencies
of the uncultivated root hu, and the indiscriminate use of
bhu, hu, and as disproves the alleged substitution. It is
also disproved by the fact that in the Conjugation of hu it takes
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KACHCHAYANA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
different modifications which are not found in the forms of
bird; e. g, bhavati is not havati, but hoti ; abhava is not
ahava, but ahuva. So likewise the other forms of hu, not one
of which is identical with the forms of bhd. Take, for in-
stance, the principal Ajjatani forms in bhu and hil ; and their
difference is manifest: —
abhavi j
i ahu
[ ahosi
abhavinsu ■
f ahavun
( ahesuti
abhavo ■]
| ahosi
abhavattha -
|
^ ahosittha
♦
abhavin -
1
[ ahosin
[ ahun
abhavamha -
i
f ahosi mha '
[ ahuinha
Again, if we regard hu as the substituted form of bhu, how
is it that the former, like as, is so irregular? wherefore have
we not as many forms without a b as with it? why is it deprived
of Attanopada forms in all Tenses except the Hiyattani? tvhy
indeed does it take so many forms as six in the future, when
without the alleged substitution of h for bh, it has but one
single form, bhavissati ? For the illustration of other differ-
ences I subjoin the following
COMPARATIVE TABLES
OF BIIU, AS, HU.
Present Tense.
Parassa-pada.
Singular.
Plural.
3 bhavati
atthi
hoti
bhnvanti santi
honti
2 bhavasi
asi
hosi
bhavatha attha
hotha
1 bhavimi
| asmi
( ainhi
homi
i i ^ f asma
buavaina i ,
( amha
hoina
Attanopada.
3 bhavate
bhavante
2 bhavase
bhavavhe
1 bhave
bhavamhe
Definite Past.
I’arassapada.
3 abhava
ahuva
abhavLl
ahuvu
2 abhavo
ahuvo
abhavattha
uhuvattha
1 abhava
( aim van
( alniva
abhavamha
ahuvamha
KACHCIIAY ANA’S PALI GRAMMAR.
47
Attanopada.
Singular. Plural.
3 abhavattha ahuvattha ] abhavatthun ahuvatthun
2 abhavase ahuvase abhavavhan ahuvavhan
1 abhavin ahuvin j abhavanihase ... ahuvamhase*
Present Perfect.
Parassapada.
3 abhavi Asi J a { nl . abhavinsu \ f insu \ a } iavun
( ahosi £ asun £ suicsun
2 obhavo Asi ahosi abhavattha Asittha ahosittha
1 abhavin Asin | abhavamhA ksimha |
Attanopada.
3 abhnvA abhavil •
2 abhavase abhavavhan
1 abhava abhavamhe
Indefinite Past.
Parassapada.
3 babhuva babhdvu
2 babhuve babhdvittha
1 babhuva “. babhuvamha
Attanopada.
3 babhAvittha babhuvive
2 babhuvittho babhtivivho
1 babhAvi babhuvimhe
3 bhavissati
2 bhavissasi
Future Tense.
Parassapada.
f heti
I hehiti
J hohiti
j hessati
I hehissati
[ hohissati*
f hesi
| hehisi
j hohisi
j hessasi
j hehissasi
l.hohissasi
bhavissanti
bhavissatha
I
>
I
l
J
f henti
| hehiuti
j hohinti
j hessanti
! hehissanti
l hohissanti
f hetha
hehitha
j hohitha
. hessatha
I hehissatha
Lhohissatha
* The Attanopada forms of the radical hd, so far as my observation goes, are
confined to this Hiyattani Tense.
t The forms with ho, such as hohissati; hohissasi, hohissami. &c., are given by
theRev.F. Mason of the Baptist Union, as those of ‘ the Second Future Tense.’ See
Am. Or. Journal iv-, p. 280. But I can find no authority for this. For some of the
changes of this verb in the Future Tense, see Rule in cap. iii. § 20,
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KACITCIIAYANA S PALI GRAMMAR.
1
1
1 bhavissami y
I
j
3 bhavissate
2 bhavissase
1 bhavissan
3 bhavatu attlin
2 bhavahi ubi
1 bbavami asmi
3 bhavafan
2 bh ivassu
1 bhave
3 bhave f
si y A
bhaveyya \
assa
2 bhaveyyasi
assa
1 bhaveyyami
as sun
3 bhavetha
2 bhavetho
1 bbavey yam
f liemi
j h eh ami
J bohdmi
I hessami
! hehissami
l hohissiimi
bhavissdma
Attonopada
. bhivissante
. bhavissavhe
bhavissimhe
I
<
I
I
L
'hema
hehdma
, hobdtua
* hessama
hehissdma
.hohiss&ina
The Imperative.
Parassapada.
botu
hohi
bomi
bbavantu
bhavatha
bbavatua
Attanopada.
bhavantan
. . bhavavho
. . bhavamase
The Potential
Parassapada.
heyya
beyyasi
heyya mi
bhaveyyun
bhaveyyatha
bbayeyyama
Attanopada.
santu- hontu
attba hotha
asma homa
( siyun
j assu
assatha
assama
beyyun
heyyittha
{ beyyama
beyyan
bliavernn
bhaveyyavbo
bhaveyydmhe
For the forms of lift in the Potential, the Rfipasiddhi
gives the above; but we have not met with any of them in
the text books of Buddhism. We have, however, found a
different form huveyya in Malta Yagga lib i., ‘ huveyya
pavuso.’* In accordance with this the other persons should
be formed as follows: —
huveyya
buveyyasi
lmveydmi
buveyyun
hnveyydtha
huvcyydma
* avuso — a term of address. This is, I believe, not found in the Sanskrit ; see my
observations thereon in the C. B., A. S. J. lor 1856 — 8., p. 247.
K AC 1IC 1 TAYA N AS PAM GRAMMAR.
49
3 abhavissa
2 abhnvisse
1 abhavissam
3 abhavissatha
2 abhavissase
I abhavissam
The Conditional.
Parassapada.
abavissa
ahavisse
ahavissara
abhavissansu
abhavissatha
abhavissamha
Attanopada.
abhavissante
, abhavissavhe
. abhavissamhe
Participles.
Present.
p. , I bhavamana f santa
ec ' ( bhavanta ( saniana
Passive . — bhuyamana
ahavissansu
aksivissal ha
ahavisawha*
Past.
Decl . — bhuta, huto, hutilvi
ludec . — hutva or hutvana
Future.
Decl . — bliavi
bhavissanta
bhavissamina
From the above differences; and the confused mode in
which the Prakrit Grammarians treat of bhavadi havadi, & c.,
it may be inferred that they were indebted to little beyond
their own observations for the elucidation of the laws of the
Prakrit ; and that they consequently mistook a distinct
radical for the modified form of another.
The Rev. Henry Ballantine of the American Board in
India remarks, with reference to this radical in the Maratha,
“The substantive verb, especially, exhibits the most strik-
ing dissimilarity between the Sanskrit and the Maratha
languages. In Maratha, we have the following forms of the
substantive verb.
* For these forms of hu in the Conditional, I am indebted to the writer of the
Rfipasiddhi.
U
50
kachch a yana’s i*ali grammar.
Singular.
Pr. Ind. -
1st per.
2nd per.
3rd per.
1st per.
2nd per.
3rd per.
— ahe
...alies
...ahe |
aho
.. ahi
.. abet
Sd. form -
— lmya
...hos
...hoya 1
hwo
...hw;\
. .hot
II ndu fm-
- hu
...hai
...hai
hai
...iio
...hai
Im.In.mas
— hoto
.. hotis
...hotel
hoto
...liot-1
...hote
“The root of this verb is evidently ho or he, reminding us of
the Hebrew havah or hayuli* The Sanskrit root of the sub-
stantive verb as, is employed in Maratha to fill up the defi-
ciencies of the paradigm of the original root; being used in
the formation of the present habitual tense, and of the past
habitual, and also of the conditional mood, e. g. ; asato ‘ he
is habitually ase ‘ he was habitually,’ asaliz ‘ if he were but
these are evidently later introductions, required and employed
only when the language had been considerably cultivated.” f
That hit is a radical distinct from bhu appears not only
from the express mention of it, as such (cap, iii § 23.) by
Kachchayana, and other Pali Grammarians ; but also from
its existence both in the Indo- European languages and in the
Prakrit.
Although, of the Sanskrit auxiliaries as ‘to be’ bhfi ‘ to
become,’ and kri ‘ to do,’ all which exist in the Pali, — the
German idioms alone substitute for the third, a verb signify-
ing ‘to do’ [Bopp’s Comp. Gr.,p. 843]; and although some of
the other European dialects possess the two first, both sepa-
rately and conjointly [e. g. es Eat. is Tent., csti Gr., ist Germ,,
is Eng., and be and is Eng. &c.,]; it is, nevertheless, remark-
able that in the last we find another form have , which renders
the same assistance to the principal verb that be (bhu) and is
(‘as’) do. There is, therefore, I conceive, no objection to its
(‘ have’) being regarded as a verb substantive of that language
from whence the Prakritsand their Indo-European sisters have
* ‘ Some would derive this) root from the Sanskrit bhu ‘to be,’ and
others troni the Sanskrit as, but either of these derivations is far-fetched
and unsatisfactory.”
t Amer. Oriental Journal, iii., p. 380.
KACnOHAYANA’S TALI GRAMMAR.
51
sprung up. Moreover, the difference between * have ’ and
‘ be ’ is simply that which exists between ‘ possession ’ and
‘existence.’ Possession itself conveys, as the Murathi honen
does, ‘ the entrance on the state of existence.’ Dr. Stevenson’s
Murathi Grammar, p. 86. The signification of existence is again
not far removed from the idea of possession. The power
of the one has clearly grown out of the other. The two
auxiliary verbs have and be, which play a most important
part in English Syntax, are indeed not more different in
signification than the as, 5/tiiand kri, which Sanskrit writers
employ both in the Reduplicate Preterite, and in composition
with nouns (Wilson’s San. Gr., p. 350.)*
The auxiliary verb which has h for its radical consonant
in the Indo-European languages; e. g. habeo Lat., haban
Goth., have Eng., is intimately related to hu (va) Prak. , ho
(na) Mura.,f and is therefore clearly traceable to the Pali hu,
of which the inflexions, \ye Eng , beo Lat., ban Goth., va
Prak., va Sin.,] are found in the praeterite.
Neither Yararuchi nor the other Prakrit Grammarians
seem to have been struck by coincidences such as the following;
or, they would not, I apprehend, have traced the Prakrit hu
to bhu:
Pali.
Prak.
Mur.
Lat.
Goth.
Eng.
homi
—
. hoya ..
.. habeo
. haba
.. have
hosi
. hosi
hos
.. habes
.. habais .
.. hast
hoti
f hoi
hoya .
.. habet
. habai/j ..
.. has
hotna
l huvai
. hvo
.. habemus.
.. habam .
.. have
hotha ...
—
. hva
, habetes ..
. habai p .
.. have
honti
( honti
( huvant "
. hot
.. habent
,. habant .
.. have
* e. g. sukli-karoti=seti-karoti ; sukli-bhavati=seti-bhavati ; sukli-
sySt=seti-siyi.
t “ At Cuttack we have hoti, atthi, as in the modern Pali.” — American
Oriental Journal, vol. ii., p. 336.
Calif - Digitize <
52
KACHCHAYAX'a’S PALI GRAMMAR,
On the supposition, however, that “ the simpler the form the
older is its origin”, my Pandit is inclined to believe that the
Pali form hu, is even more ancient than its fuller form
assumed by the Prakrit in common with some of her Indo-
European sisters; and for this belief confirmatory proof may
be found in the fact that the simple Pali hu is found in the
radical elements of such a different class of languages as the
Chinese [(s)hee], the Burmese [(s)hi], and the Tavoy
dialect [hi.]* Be this however as it may, the existence of
hu in some of the European dialects is manifest; and its
absence in some others, as in the Sanskrit, furnishes no valid
objection to its being regarded as a radical; for we have satis-
factory proof' that the Sanskrit has not only lost several roots,
which are to be found in the Vedas, [e. g. kan, ink, ubj, sav,
ven, sach, myaksh, thsar, dhraj, maud, ves, vaksh, turv, bharv,
&c.,] but that some primitive radicals had also disappeared
from the Vedic Sanskrit.f The absence of hu in the Sanskrit
is, moreover, not more surprising than that the Greek,
Latin, and the old Slavonic which possess the defective as,
have not borrowed the fuller bliu.
* Am. Oriental Journal, vol. iv., p. 279.
| See Dr. Muir’s Sanskirt Texts, p. 272.
APPENDIX.
Note at page xxxii.
Scarcely a century* had elapsed from the death of Gotama,
when, in the tenth year of Susimiga’s successor, Kahisoka,
the teachings of Gotama were disregarded in the strong-
holds of Buddhism, and usages contrary to his doctrines
prevailed even amongst the priesthood. The Sovereign him-
self “extended his protection” to those who deviated from the
orthodox doctrines.
It is therefore not surprising that many thousands of priests
who had been doubtless much inconvenienced by the rigid
rules of discipline in the Buddhist Church, openly introduced
certain innovations, of which the following is a condensed
account.
The order by which priests were prevented from keeping
salt for more than seven days, was construed not to extend
to the case where salt was preserved in a horn. The allotted
time for their morning meals, was extended to “two inches of
shadow” after the meridian sun. The general prohibition
against enjoyments was restricted to the Viharas. Certain
ceremonies, which were permitted only in the Uposatha hall,
were extended to the monasteries. Consent, which was
made the condition precedent upon which certain religious
acts could be performed, was considered dispensable, where
the act was confirmed after its completion. The doctrines of
* Dasa dasaka vassamhi Sambuddhe parinibbute
VesMiyan Vajjiputta dipenti dasavattkuke.
That is — “when a century had elapsed from the date of Buddha’s
varinibban, the Vaiiians of Vesali declared the ten innovations.” — Di-
pavansa.
54
APPENDIX TO
Buddhism, for which Gotaina exacted implicit obedience,
were set at naught upon the example of preceptors, or the
authority of the fathers of the Church. Substantial food,
which was forbidden after mid day, tvas thought not to extend
to whey, “a component part of milk.” Fermented liquor, the
drinking whereof was totally prohibited, did not in their
opinion include toddy , resembling water. Costly coverlets,
against the use of which Gotama laid his Canon, were consi-
dered to comprise only fringed cloth. All precious metals,
which they were inhibited from receiving, were construed to
mean all metals besides gold and silver* Such were the in-
novations of a body of ten thousand priests which led to the
Dutiya Sangiti or second Convocation.
1. — Uddhamman ubbinayancha
Apagatan Satthu Sasane ;
Atthan dammancha bhinditva.
Yiloman dipayinsute.
2. — Tesan niggaha natthaya
Bahubuddhassa savaka ;
Dva dasa sata sahassani
Jina putta samagata.
3. — Etasmin sannipatasmin
Pamokkha aftha bhikkhavo ;
Satthu kappa maha naga
Dura sada maha gani.
4. — Sabbakami cha Salho cha
Bcvato Ivujja Sobhito ;
Vasabhagami Sumano
Sana vasecha Sambhuto;
5. — Yaso Ivakanda puttocha
Jinan diftha ime isi ;
Papanan nigga hatthaya
Yesaliyan samagata;
See Clmlavagga, lib. 4 of the Vinaya.
KACHCHAYAXa’s PALI GRAMMAR.
fifi
6. — Vilsabhugami cluv Sumano
Anuruddhassanu vattaku;
Avasesa anandassa
Dittha pubba tathagatan.
7. — Susunagassa putto
Asoko asi mahipati ;
Pulaliputta nagaramhi
Ilajjan karesi khattiy o.
8. — Tanoha pakkban labhitvana
A#ha thera mahiddkika ;
Dasavatthunan ninditva
Pape nimmaddayinsute.
9. — Niddha inetva papa bhikkhd
Madditva vada papakan;
Saka vada sodhanatthaya
A/dia them mahiddiiika.
10. — Arahantanan satta satan
U chchinitvana bhikkhavo ;
Varan varan gahetvana
Akansu dhannna sangahan.
11. — Ku^agara salayan
Vesaliyan puruttame;
Attha masehi niMiasi
Dutiyo sangaho ayan.
4 They (the sinful priests) made a melange by departing
from the sense and phraseology of the dhamma and Vinaya,
the doctrines of Buddha.®
4 With a view (therefore), to degrade them, many priests,
disciples of Buddha, (in all) twelve hundred thousand,
assembled together.® In this congregation there were
eight preeminent principal bhikkhus, who had a large retinue,
who were (unapproachable, i. e.) without their equals, and not
inferior to Buddha (himself; viz.)® Sabbakami, Salha,
5G
ArPEXDIX TO
Revata, Kujjasobhita, Vasabhagaini, Sumana, Sambhfita of
Sana,™ and Yasa, son of Ivakanda, all who had seen Buddha.
They assembled at Vesali with a view to reproach the sinful
priests.™
‘ Vasabhagaini and Sumana were the disciples of Anurud-
dha, and the rest of Ananda. They had all seen Budda.™
‘ [At this time] Asoka, the son of Susinaga, a Khattiya
prince, reigned in Pafaliputta.™
‘ The (abovenamed) eight pre-eminent theras,havinggained
(this prince) to their side, censured the ten indulgences,
and (oppressed) inflicted pains and penalties on the sinful
innovators.™ Having (thus) overcome the sinful bhikkhus,
and suppressed their heresies; these illustrious eight priests,
with the object of purifying their own discourses,™ assem-
bled seven hundred arahats — pre-eminent bhikkhus; and held
a Council of dhamma. (l0>
‘This second Sanguti was brought to a close in eitrht
months, at the Kutagara Hall, in the renowned city of
Vesalil ">
The account given of this convocation in the Tibetan
Annals* does not precisely accord with that in the Maha-
vansa. Both the accounts indeed agree as to the number of
convocations, — as to their having been liolden at three dif-
ferent places, — as to the first having been immediately after
the death of Gotama, — and as to the second having been 1 10f
* See Asiatic Researches, xx., p. 41 .
t Here too, there is a slight difference often years, which is too trivial to
be noticed; and it is probable that the mistake arose by confounding
the numbers 100, and 10, which may have occurred in a passage such as the
following, conveying information as to the date of the second Convocation.
Atite dasarhe vasse K Alasokassa lajino;
Sambuddhu parinibbuna evan vassa sutangatau.
KACIICIIAVAXa’S PALI GRAMMAR.
57
years from the last date. The difference between the two,
however, consists in that the Tibetan writers allege the
second to have taken place in the reign of the celebrated
Asoka of Pataliputta, and the third during the reign of one
Ivanishka on the North of India, upwards of 400 years A. n.;
whereas the Sinhalese version represents that the second
occurred in the reign of Kalasoka, and the third in the 17th
year of the reign of Asoka, which would be 325 b. c.
Prof. Max Muller in commenting upon this point,* inti-
mates as his opinion, that the Ceylonese, by a stretch of their
imagination, introduced into their history an intermediate
Asoka, and an intermediate Council. But there is no
solid ground for such a supposition. That a Council was
held about the close of the first century of the Buddhist era, is
clear enough from all the accounts on the subject; and this
could not have been, as stated in the Tibetan Annals, during
the reign of Asoka the Great, for the best evidence which
History furnishes us, proves that that monarch com-
menced to reign 325 b. c., or 218 after Buddha. In whose
reign, then, was the Second Council held, which sat about
a century after Buddha ? The Sinhalese affirm that it
was in the reign of one £ Kalasoka, son of Susinaga.’ The
Vishnu Parana , f and other Indian traditions, fully sup-
port this statement. It is clear indeed, that according to the
latter, the king who agrees with the Kalasoka of the Ceylonese
* See his History of Ancient Sanskrit, p. 271, et seq.
f Compare Mahawansa with the following account in the Vishnu
Purdna.
‘ 'the next Prince will be Sisunaga; his son will be Kdkavarna (36
years v. and m.) ; his son will be Kshemadharman, (Kshemakharman 20
years v. Kshemadharman 36 years m.); his son will be Kshatraujas, (40
years v. ; Kshemajit or Kshemarchis, 36 years m. ; Kshetrajna, Bli. P.)
his son will be Yidmasara, (Vimbisara 28 years, v.; Vindusena or
Vindhyasena 28 year’s, m. ; Vidhisara Bh..); his son will be Ajatasatru,
his son will be Dharbaka, (Ilarshaka 25 years, v. ; Vansaka, 24 years, m.) ;
1
58
APPENDIX TO
is called Kahavarna ; but this difference is not a sufficient
objection against the correctness of the Ceylonese accounts;
since both the names, as is often the case, may stand for the
same person: and their identity is, moreover, established by
the fact, that both historians agree as to Kahavarna or
Kalusoha having been the son of Susinuga *
It appears, therefore, that the authors of the Tibetan ver-
sion of the scriptures, which were recorded after the Cey-
lonese, and long after the events to which they relate,
mistook Asoka the Great for Asoka, surnamed Kulasoka,
of whom, perhaps, they had never heard ; and, having once
thrown the second Council into the reign of the first men-
tioned Monarch, they had no alternative but to fix the third
and posterior Convocation as having taken place during
the reign of a subsequent celebrated sovereign. There
was indeed much reason to name Kanishka. F or, next to
Asoka Hushka, Jushka and Kanishka f may be regarded
his son will be Udayasva, (33 years v. ; Udiblii or Udasin, 35 years m.,)
his son also will be' Xandivardhana, and his son will be Alahananda,
42 and 43 years, v. ; 40 and 43 years, m.) These ten Saisunagas will
be kings of the eatth for 362 years.
‘The son of Mahananda will be born of a woman of the Sudra class; his
name will be Nanda, called Mahupadma; for he will be exceedingly
avaricious. Like another Parasuruma, he will betheannihilatorof theKsha-
triya race, for after him the kings of the earth will be sudras. He will
bring the whole earth under one umbrella, he will have eight sons
Sumulya, and others, who will reign after Mahapadma; and he and his
sons will govern for a hundred years. The Brahman Kau/ilyn will
root out the nine Nandas.
‘Upon the cessation of the race of Nanda, the Mauryas will possess
the earth. Kautilya will place Chandragnpta on the throne; his son will
be VindusJra; his son will be Asokavardhana ; his son will be Suyasas;
his son will be Dasarathn; his son will be Sangata; his son will be Sili-
suka, his son will be Somasarman; his son will be Sasadbarinan, and
his successor will be Vrihadratha. These are the ten Mauryas, who will
reign over the earth for 137 years.’
* Susuntkgassa putto, Asoko isi mahipati, Pataliputta nagaramhi,
rajjankaresi Khattiyo. — Dijximnsu.
t See Baja Turangani in the Asiatic Researches, xv.
KACllCIIAYAXAS’ TALI GRAMMAR.
50
as the only ‘ Asiatic princes who were imbued with the virtue
of merit, who founded Colleges and Chetiyas, and during
whose reign the regions in the North of India were greatly
under the spiritual control of Buddhist ascetics preeminent for
their rigid piety.’* Perhaps too, the Tibetan account is in
this respect correct; and there was, in point of fact, a fourth
Council held in the territories of Kanishka, of which the
Ceylonese knew nothing, and the Tibetans had but a confused
notion of the second and third Sangitis , which they jumbled
together, taking the date of the one, and the name of the
Sovereign who reigned at the other.
The above supposition derives great support from the fact
noticed by Pr. Muller himself, — that ‘the Buddhists of Ceylon
did not borrow the outlines of their history either from the
Brahmans or from the Buddhists of Magadha;’ and also from
the pecularities of language and style which distinguish the
Tibetan from the Pali digests of the Sinhalese.
From a paper entitled ‘ the Peculiarities of the Gatha style,’
in the Bengal A. S. Journal, f we gather that the Buddhist
literature of Nepal, from which the sacred scriptures of Tibet,
Tartary, and China have been compiled, % is in an ugly
Sanskrit dialect, destitute of the niceties of the Sanskrit Gram-
matical forms of declension and conjugation, &c. ; that the
authors have sacrificed Grammar to the exigencies of metre ;
that it is in a mixed style of prose and Gathas ; that it bears
a strong resemblance to the Tantras of the 4-7 th centuries
of the Christian era, and that it appears to be the production
of men to whom the task of compilation was assigned without
* Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Asiatic Society for 1856-8,
p. 199.
t By Babu Regendralal Mittra; volume for 1854, p. 604.
J Mons. Burnouf regards this as a fact conclusively demonstrated.
See his Introduction to the History of Buddhism.
60
APPENDIX TO
sufficient materials at their disposal. In view of these pecu-
liarities Mons. Burnouf has pronounced the Nepal sacred
scriptures to be a barbarous Sanskrit, in which the forms of all
ages, Sanskrita, Pali, and Prakrita, appear to be confounded.*
lieferring to the difference of language of the different parts
of the Mahavaipulya or ‘ the highly developed sutras,’ the same
distinguished Orientalist remarks,that it indicates in the clearest
manner, that there was another digest besides the compilations
of the three great ecumenical convocations of the Buddhists,
and that in his opinion the Nepal scriptures comprise a fourth
diyest, which he regards as the crude composition of writers
to whom the Sanskrit was no longer familiar, and who endea-
voured to write in the learned language they ill understood
with the freedom which is imparted by the habitual use of a
popular but imperfectly determined dialect. This appears to
be exceedingly probable; and, assuming the compilation in
the reign of Ivanishka to be a fact, there seems to be no rea-
son to doubt, but many circumstances to conlirm, the conjecture
of Mons. Burnouf — that these sutras were committed to
writing out of India in countries on the west of the Indus, or,
for example, Cns/imir , — countries where the learned language
of Brahmanism and Buddhism would be cultivated with
less success than m Central India, (p. 105.)
Mons. BurnouPs critical observations, and the doubts
expressed by Babu Rajendralal, demand a few remarks. In
the first place it is necessary to know how the discourses of
Buddha were originally written — whether altogether in prose
or in verse. They are thus described by Buddhagosa: —
‘ The whole of the foregoing, comprising in it the nine
divisions, are, the Suttan, Geyyan, JVcyyaharana, Gatlui,
Uddnan, Itivuttukan, Jdtakan, Ahbhutadhamma and the IVc-
dattnn.
L’Histoire du Buddhisuie, p. 104.
K A C IIC II A V A X A ’.S PALI GRAMMAR. Cl
‘The Suttan, be it understood, contains, the two
Vibhangd and (two) Nuldesd, the Khandaka and Parivdra,
and in the Suttanipata, the Mangala suttan; Iiatana suttan,
Nulaha suttan as well as the Tuwataka suttan, and all the
other discourses of Tathagata bearing the signification of
Suttan.
‘ Be it understood further, that the Geyyan contains every
suttan composed in Gatha (metre) together with (its prose por-
tions.) The whole of the Sanguttaka consists throughout of
that description (of composition being Gdthd together icith prose.)
‘ The Weyyakarana, be it understood, consists of the Avhole
of Abhidhamma Pitaka, the Suttanta not composed in Gdthd,
and the words of Buddha which are not classified under any
of the other eight Angani.
‘Be it known the Gdthd consists of the Dhammapadani
Theragatha, Therigdtlia, and those unmixed (detached) Gdthd
not comprehended in any of the above named Suttanta.
‘ The Uddnan, be it known, consists of the eighty two Sut-
tantd, delivered (by Buddha) in the form of hymns of joyous
inspiration.
‘ The Itiwuttakan, be it understood, comprises the one
hundred and ten suttanta which commence with the words,
‘It was thus said by Bhagava.’
‘ The Jatakan, be it understood, comprises the five hundred
and fifty Jatakas (incarnations of Buddha) commencing with
the Appanakajatakan.
‘ The Abbhutadhamma , be it understood, comprises all the
Suttanta, containing the miracles and wonders, commencing
with such expressions as bhikklius. These miraculous and
wondrous dhamma (powers) are vouchsafed to Ananda.’
‘ The Vedattan, be it understood, consists of the Cliulave-
dattan, the Mahawedattan, the Sammadhitthi, the Sakkapanhd
the Sankharabhajaniyd the Mdhdpunndman, as well as the
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APPENDIX TO
whole of those Suttanta which have conferred wisdom and joy
on those who heard them.’*
The foregoing extract shews that the sacred compilation of
the Buddhists, like the compositions of the Brahmanical Sutra
period, which is indeed identical with the date of the Buddhist
writings, was partly in prose and partly in Gathd or verse; and
that some of the suttans are in Gdtha (metre) together with
prose. This is a peculiarity in eastern compositions, espe-
cially the Pali, to which I wish to invite attention
here. Of this the fifth chapter of the Attanagaluwansa pre-
sents a complete illustration. Where, indeed, poetry is
immediately followed by prose, the latter is intended to express
something more than the writer has been enabled to do in
verse, owing to the restraints of versification. Again, from
the nature of the subjects which are treated of in Gathas,
it would also seem that poetry was selected for ‘joyous hymns,’
and also with a view to create a better impression of certain
matters than of others, or to render their study easier. This
alone, therefore, furnishes no argument against the genuine-
ness of the Nepal works. But the various other traits to
which Mons. Burnouf refers, taken in connection with the
following extracts from the Dipavansa, satisfactorily explain
away the difficulties raised by Babu Rajendralal, whilst at
the same time they conclusively prove the correctness of the
conjecture that the Nepal collection owes its origin to another
digest of the Buddhist literature besides those of the three
D
Convocations, or in the words Pr. Benfey, ‘it consists of merely
translations from Buddhist sources, which were originally
composed in Pali.’f The Dipavansa says: —
* Translated from Buddhngosa's Atthakatlul entitled the Sumangala
Vilasini, by the Hon’ble Geo. Tumour, and published in the Bl. A. S. J.,
vol. vi. p. 526.
f See his Intlien, p. 194.
K ACIICH AYAXAS* 1‘AJVI GRAMMAR.
1. — Nikkaddhita papa bliikkhCl
Therein Vajji puttaka;
Annan pakkhan labhitvana
Adhammavadi babu jand ;
2. — I)asa sahassa saumgantva
Akansu dhainma sangahan.
Tasintiyan dhamina sangiti
Malia sangiti vuehchati.
3. — Maha sangitika bhikkhit
Viloman akansu sasanan;
Bhinditvn mula sangahan
Afinan akansu sangahan.
4 — Annattha sangahitan suttan
Afiiiattha akarinsute —
Atthan dhannnancha bhindinsu
Nikayesu cha pancbasu.
5. — Pariyayadesi tan vdpi
Attho nippariyaya desitan ;
2^ itatthancheva neyyatthan
Ajanitvana bliikkhavo.
6. — Annan sandhaya bhanitan
Annattha diapayinsute ; *
Yyanjana chhayaya te bhikkhu
Bahun atthan vinasayun.
7. — CbhacWetva eka desancha
Suttan vinaya gambiran ;
Patirupan sutta vinayan
Tantin cha akarinsute.
8. — Parivaran atthuddharan
Abhidhamman chhappakaranan ;
Parisambhidaneha niddesan
Eka desancha Jdtakan
Etta kan vissajitvana
Annan na akarinsute.
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APPENDIX TO
9. — Naina linga parikkharan
’A kappakarananicha ;
P akatibhavan vijahitva
Taiicha amian akansute.
1U. — Pubbangama bhinnavadit
Alaha sangiti karaka ;
Tesancha anukarena
Bhinna vada baliu abu.
11. — Tato apara kalamhi
Tasmin bhedo ajayatha ;
Gokuliko Ekabbohiiri /
Dvidha bhijjittha bhikkhavo
12. — Gokulikanan dveva bheda
Apara kalamhi jayatha ;
Bahussutika cha Paaiiatti
Dvidha bhijjittha bhikkhavo.
13. — Chctiyacha puna vadi
Alalia sangiti bhedaka ;
Pancha vada ime sabbe
Alalia sangiti mulaka.
14. — Attlian dhammancha bhindinsu
Eka desancha sangahan;
Ganthancha eka desanhi
Chharfrfetvaniian akansute.
1 5 . — N amalingan parikkharan
’ Akappakarananicha ;
Pakatibhavan vijahitva
Tancha aniian akansute.
1G. — Visuddha thcra vadamhi
Puna bhedo ajayatha;
A I a h i n sa sa kii A r ajj i pu 1 1 a
Dvidha bhijjittha bhikkhavo.
KACHCII AT ANA’S PALI GRAMM All.
G5
1 7. — Vajjiputtaka vadamhi
Cliatudha bhedo ajilyatha;
Dhammuttavikn Bhadravani
Channagarikueha Sanuniti.
18. — Mahinsaktinan dve blieda
A para kalambi jayatba;
Sabbatthi radii Dhainmagutta
Dvidba bhijjittba bbikkhavo.
1 9. — Sabbatthiviida Kassapika
Kassapi kenapi Sankantikii ;
Sankantito Suttavadi
Anupnbbena bbijjatha.
20. — Ime eka dasa vada
Pabhinna thera vadato,
Atthandhammancha bhindinsu
Eka dcsancha sangahan;
Ganthan cba eka desamhi
CbhafWetvana akansute.
21. — Nainalingan parikkharan
’Akappakarana nicha;
Pakatibhiivan vijahetva
Taficha aniian akansute.*
22. — Sattarasa bhinnavada
Eko vado abhinnako;
Sabbe vaftfhil dasa honti
Bhinnavadena tesaha.
23. — Nigrodbova maha rukkbo
Therovadiina muttamo,
Aniina’n adhikancheva
* It is remarkable that the repetition of an act is conveyed by a repeti-
tion of the same stanza — a circumstance which proves the truth ot the
tradition, that the Dipavansa was compiled by royal chroniclers, to whom it
was assigned as a task.
K
6G APPENDIX TO
Ivevalan Jina sasanan;
Kanfaka viya rukkhamhi
FN ibbuttii vada sesaka.
24. — Pafhame vassa sate natthi
Dutiye vassa satantare;
Bhinutl sattarasa vada
Uppanna Jina Sasane.
‘Many individuals (viz.) ten thousand sinful Vajjian*
bhiftkhus who had been expelled by the theras, assembled to-
gether; and, having formed another party, held a council of
Dhamma. This is thence called Mafia Sangiti.
‘ The bhikkhus who held the Maha Sangiti reduced the reli-
gion into confusion,! set aside! the first compilation^ and
made another. IF They placed in different places the Suttans
Avhich occurred in different other places, and distorted the
sense and the words|| of the five nikaya. They did so, igno-
rant of (the difference between) the general discourses, and
those (delivered) on particular occasions, and also (between)
their natural and implied significations. They expressed** in
a different sen^e that which was otherwise declared, and set
aside various significations under the unwarranted authority
(shadow of) words, ff They omitted one portion of the Suttan ,
* Vajji — a portion of Behar in which the Lichchavi Princes were settled.
It is however not stated where the Council was held. Doubtless it was at
a distance from the principal seat of Government and Buddhism, which
at this period was at Vesdli or modern Allahabad.
f Viloman akansu ‘made to bristle,’ ' ruffled, ’ ‘crossed,’ ‘reversed,’
• confused.’
J bhinditvd — ‘having broken,’ ‘split,’ ‘set aside.’
§ Sangahan — from the context I would render this word ‘compilation’
and not ‘rehearsal.’ The acts here related, taken in connection with the
original import of the word, can only refer to a written and not a mevt'il
collection.
Akarinsu ‘made,’ ‘done,’ ‘effected.’ The same word is used in the
following sentence, wherein 1 have rendered it ‘placed.’
|| Dhamma here means phraseology of the Scriptures, as opposed to
their nttha ‘ the sense’ or ‘ import.’
** T hpayinsu — ‘They made to stand.’
ft Vynnjana ‘ letters,’ and in some of the Buddhist writings, ' words ’ or
‘ sentences.’
KACIIC IIAY AKA’S TALI GRAMMAR.
67
find Vinaya of deep import, and substituted* * * § (their own) ver-
sionf of them and the text.f They left out the Parivaran
annotations^ six books|| of the Abhidhamma, the Pati-
sambhida, the Niddcsa, and a portion of the Jatahas ^ I without
replacing any thing in their stead. They, moreover, disre-
garded** the nature of nouns, their gender, and (other) acci-
dents, ft as well as the (various) requirements of style,JJ and
corrupted the same by different forms.
‘The originators of the Maha Sangiti were the first sece-
ders. Many followed their example. Since then, there was
a breach in that association and the Priests were divided into
two sections — the Gohiilika and Ekabbohdri. Subsequently
the Gokulikas branched off into two others, viz., Bahusutika
and PaKHati. Subsequently still, there arose a schism
(called) the Chetiya. Then there were altogether five schisms
which had sprung up from the Maha Sangiti — the same
which was the first (being a sixth ).
* Patirupa — placed another figure or ‘ counterpart.’
f From a comparison of the Ceylon and Nepal Versions of the sacred
writings Ifindthe latter has three sections, the Vaipulya^ihc Sidan, and the
Upadesa ; all which are additions to the original discourses. Compare the
following list taken from Hodgson’s Illustrations, with the list from
Buddhagosa’s atthakathd, antep. 61. Hodgson says; The Bauddha scrip-
tures are of twelve kinds known by the following twelve names, 1 Sutra ;
2 Gey a; 3 Vyakarana; 4 Githa ; 5 Udan ; 6 Nidan ; 7 Ityyukta;8 Jataka ;
9 Vaipulaya; 10 Adbhuta dharma; 11 Avadan; and 12 Upadesa.’
| Tantin. The text ; see my remarks hereon in the Introduction.
§ Althuddharan ‘explanatory discourses.’
|( Pakarana ‘ compilation,’ * something made methodically,’ ‘ an ori-
ginal composition.’
The version of the Jatakas in Ceylon is, I believe, deficient.
** ’ Akappakarani — also ‘decorations, embellishments, niceties of style or
composition, or figures of speech.’
ft The peculiarities here noticed, when compared with those of the
Gatha dialect of the Nepal Scriptures (See Essay thereon by Babu Ra-
jendralal Mitra in the Bl, A. S. J. for 1854, p. 604, et seq.) there can be
no doubt of the identity between this fourth code of the Buddhists and the
Nepal version. The differences of style therein illustrated by Mr. Mittra
exactly correspond with the defects of composition here described.
tl Parikkaran — ‘attributes,’ ‘decorations,’ ‘ accidents.’
68
AI’rEXDIX TO
‘ These heretics (also) distorted the sense and the phraseo-
logy (of the scriptures); omitted a portion of the (original)
compilation, and of the gclthas, and substituted others (in lieu of
them). They (further) disregarded the nature of nouns, their
gender, and other accidents, as well as the various requisites
of style, and corrupted the same by different substitutions.*
‘ In the doctrines of the orthodox priests there was again a
breach (which resulted in the establishment) of two sects
called the Mahinsaha and Vajyiputta. From the latter arose
four sects, called Dhammvttarihii, Bhadrayani , Channugdrika,
and Sammiti. Afterwards, two (more) schisms, the is'abbat-
thivada and Dhammaguttci arose out of the Mahinsaka; and
from the Sabbattikd gradually sprung up the Kassapika, and
from the latter the Sankantika, and from it the Saltavadi
schism. These eleven emanated from the orthodox party.
‘ They (likewise) made a compilation by distorting the
sense, and the phraseology of the sacred discourses; and
by omitting a portion of the text and of the gathas. They
too disregarded the forms of nouns, their gender, and other
accidents, as well as the various requirements of style, and
corrupted the §amc by different substitutions.
‘ The schisms of the seceders were (thus) seventeen, the
of those w T ho had not seceded, was one ; and w T ith it
there w r ere altogether eighteen sects.
‘Like the great Xigrodha (among) trees, the orthodox
discourses alone are supreme among doctrines ; and they are
moreover the pure (very) w'ord of Buddha, without retrench-
ment or addition. The doctrines which have arisen from it
are like the thorns of a tree.
* “In the Gatha, Kays Mr. IMittra, we find the old forms of the Sanskrit
Grammar gradually losing their impressive power, and prepositions and
periphrastic: expressions supplying their places, and time-hallowed verbs
and conjugations juxtaposed to vulgar slangs nnd uncouth provincialisms."
t The word vi'ulu which we have differently translated at, different
places to convey heresy, schism, &e., means simply as in this place,
• discourse/ ‘ discussion ,’ 1 demonstrated conclusion,’ ‘ doctrine,’ ‘ principle.’
KACIICIIAYAXAS PALI GRAMMAR.
60
‘ Tlicre were no (heresies) in the first century (anno Buddhas)
hut in the second, seventeen sprung up in the religion of
Buddha.’
Whilst the above passage clearly indicates that tlicre
were several codes, different from the orthodox version
of the sacred writings, which were authenticated at three
different convocations; and that the Nepal version is one
of those codes ; it would also seem that the compilation
in question was made, — not in the Tantra period above
referred to — not in the age of Kanishka, but — in the early part
of the second century of the Buddhist era.*
Pali Grammar by Kaccayana
Anónimo