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ALBERUNITS INDIA.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY, LITERATURE,
CHOGRAPHY, CHRONOLOGY, ASTRONOMY, CUSTOMS,
LAWS AND ASTROLOGY OF INDIA
ABOUT A.D, 1030,
An English Edition, with Motes and Fndices.
BY
Dr. EDWARD C, SACHAU,
Professor in the Royal University of Berlin, and Principal of the Seminary for
Oriental Languages; Member of the Royal Academy of Berlin, and
Corresponding Member of the Imperial Academy of Vienna
Honorary Member of the Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London,
and of the American Oriental Soctety, Cambridge, U.S.A.
IN THO FOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO, τῶν
DRYDEN HOUSE, GERRARD STREET, W.
1910
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Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & Co.
At the Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh
“ν᾿
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aids GS &
Dedicated
CHARLES SCHEFER,
MEMBRE DE L'IMSTITUT, PARIS
AS
A HOMAGE BOTH TO
THE ΤΑΝ AND THE SCHOLAR.
Γὰ Αἱ
ai!
PREFACE.
I.
ΤῊΝ literary history of the East represents the court of Mahmiid
King Malimiid at Ghazna, the leading monarch of Asiatic dansi.
history between A.D. 997-1030, as having been a centre
of literature, and of poetry in particular. There were
four hundred poets chanting in his halls and gardens,
at their head famous Unsuri, invested with the recently
created dignity of a poet-laureate, who by his verdict
opened the way to royal favour for rising talents; there
was grand Wirdausi, composing his heroic epos by the
special orders of the king, with many more kindred
spirits. Unfortunately history knows very little of all
this, save the fact that Persian poets flocked together
in Ghazna, trying their kasidas on the king, his minis-
ters and generals. History paints Malmiid as a suc-
cesaful warrior, but ignores him asa Meecenas. With
the sole exception of the lncubrations of bombastic
Utbi, all contemporary records, the αὐ of Abti-
Nasr Mishkini, the Tabatdt of his secretary Baihaki,
the chronicles of Mulli Muhammad Ghaznavi, Mahimiid
Warrik, and others, have perished, or not yet come to
light, and the attempts at a literary history dating from
a time 300-400 years later, the so-called Tadhiivas,
weigh very light in the scale of matter-of-fact examina-
tion, failing almost invariably whenever they are applied
to for information on some detail of ancient Persian
literature. However this may be, Unsuri, the pane-
vil
vill PREFACE,
gyrist, does not seem to haye missed the sun of royal
favour, whilst Firdausi, immortal Firdansi, had to fly
in disguise to evade the doom of being trampled to
death by elephants. Attracted by the msing fortune
of the young emperor, he seems to have repaired to his
court only a year after his enthronisation, i.c. A.D. 998.
But when he had finished his Sidindma, and found
himself disappointed in his hopes for reward, he flung
at him his famons satire, and fled into peaceless exile
(A.D. 1010). In the case of the king versus the poet
the king has lost. As long as Firdausi retains the
place of honour accorded to him in the history of the
world’s mental achievements, the stigma will cling to
the name of Mahmiid, that he who hoarded up perhaps
more worldly treasures than were ever hoarded up, did
not know how to honour a poet destined for immor-
tality.
And how did the anthor of this work, as remark-
able among the prose compositions of the Mast as the
Sidkndma in poetry, fare with the royal Mmcenas of
Ghagna ?
Mahmad Alberuni, or, as his compatriots called him, Abi
and Ate. ἡ sy . 4
rumi. Raihin, was born A.D. 973, in the territory of modern
Khiva, then called Khwirizm, or Chorasmia in anti-
quity.? Harly distinguishing himself in science and
literature, he played a political part as councillor of
the ruling prince of his native country of the Ma’mini
family. The counsels he gaye do not seem always to
have suited the plana of King Mahmiid at Ghasna, who
was looking ont for a pretext for interfering in the
affairs of independent Khiva, although its rulers were
his own near relatives. This pretext was furnished by
a military émeute,
1 Cf. J. Mohl, Le favre dea Hota, traduit, &c. Publié par Mme,
Mohl, 1876, préface, pp, xl. seq.
* There is a reminiscence of his native country, i. 166, where he
speaks of a kind of measure used in Khwairizm.
PREFACE. 1X
Mahmtid marched into the country, not without some
fighting, established there one of his generals as provin-
eial governor, and soon returned to Ghaszna with much
booty and a great part of the Khiva troops, together
with the princes of the deposed family of Ma'miin and
the leading men of the country as prisoners of war or
as hostages. Among the last was Abti-Raihiin Muham-
mad Ibn Ahmad Alberuni.
This happened in the spring and summer of A.D.
1o17. The Chorasmian princes were sent to distant
fortresses as prisoners of state, the Chorasmian soldiers
were incorporated in Malmiid’s Indian army; and Al-
beruni—what treatment did he experience at Ghazna ?
From the very outset it is not likely that both the king
and his chancellor, Ahmad Ibn Hasan Maimandi, should
have accorded special fayours to a man whom they knew
to have been their political antagonist for years. ‘The
latter, the same man who had been the cause of the
tragic catastrophe in the life of Firdansi, was in office
nnder Mahmid from A.D. 1007-1025, and a second
fime under his son and successor, Mastid, from 1030-
1033. There is nothing to tell us that Alberuni was
ever in the service of the state or court in Ghazna, A
friend of his and companion of his exile, the Christian
philosopher and physician from Bagdad, Abulkhair
Alkhammiir, seems to have practised in Ghazna his
medical profession, Alberuni probably enjoyed the
reputation of a great munajpm, 1.2. astrologer-astrono-
mer, and perhaps it was in this quality that he had
relations to the court and its head, as Tycho de Brahe
to the Emperor Rudolf. When writing the ‘Ivdecd,
thirteen years after his involuntary immigration to
Afghanistan, he was a master of astrology, both ac-
cording to the Greek and the Hindu system, and indeed
Eastern writers of later centuries seem to consider him
as haying been the court astrologer of King Mahmiid,
In a book written five hundred years later (v. Chiaesto-
Χ PREFACE,
mathie Persane, de, par Ch. Schefer, Paris, 1883, 1. p.
107 of the Persian text), there is a story of a practical
joke which Mahmifid played on Alberuni as an astrolo-
ger, Whether this be historic truth or a late invention,
anyhow the story does not throw much light on the
author’s situation in a period of his life which is the
most interesting to us, that one, namely, when he
commenced to study India, Sanskrit and Sanskrit
literature.
Historic tradition failing us, we are reduced to ἃ
single source of information—the author's work—and
must examine to what decree his personal relations are
indicated by his own words. When he wrote, King
Muhmiid had been dead only a few weeks. Le voi est
mort—but to whom was Fire le yor to be addressed ὃ
‘Two heirs claimed the throne, Muhammad and
Mas tid, and were marching against each other to settle
their claims by the sword, Under these circumstances
it comes out as a characteristic fact that the book has
no dedication whatever, either to the memory of Mah-
mild, or to one of the rival princes, or to any of the
indifferent or non-political princes of the royal house,
As a cautious politician, he awaited the issue of the
contest; but when the dice had been thrown, and
Mas‘tid was firmly established on the throne of his
father, he at once hastened to dedicate to him the
greatest work of hia life, the Canon Masudieus. If he
had been affected by any feeling of sincere gratitude,
he might have erected in the ᾿νδικά a monument to
the memory of the dead king, under whose rule he had
made the necessary preparatory studies, and might have
praised him as the great propagator of Islam, withont
probably incurring any risk. He has not done so, and
the terms in which he speaks of Mahmtd throughout
his book are not such as a man would use when speak-
ing of a deceased person who had been his benefactor.
He iscalled simply The Amir αν εἰ, i, 13 (Arabic
PREFACE, x1
text, p. 208, 9), The Amir Mahmud, may God's mercy
be with hom, 1. 116 (text, p. 56, 8), The Amir Makmdd,
may ie ovate of God be with him, τι. 103 (text, p. 252, 11).
The title Amir was nothing very complimentary. It
had been borne by his ancestors when they were simply
generals and provincial governors in the service of the
Simini king of Transoxiana and Khurasan. Speaking
of Mahmiid and his father Sabuktagin, the author says,
Fomin-aldaula Mahmad, may God's mercy be with them,
i, 22 (text, p. 11,9). He had received the title Yamin-
aldaula, ie The right hand of the dynasty (of the
Khalil), from the Khalif, as a recognition of the legiti-
macy of his rule, resembling the investiture of the
German [Emperor by the Pope in the Middle Ages.
Lastly, we find at ii, 2 (text, p. 203, 20) the iene
terms: “The strongest of i pillars (of Islam), the
pattern of « Sultan, Mahiiid, the ion of the world und
ihe rarity of the age, may God's merey be with ham.”
Whoever knows the style of Oriental authors when
speaking of crowned heads, the style of their prefaces,
which attains the height of absurdity at the court of
the Moghul emperors at Delhi, will agree with me that
the manner in which the author mentions the dead
king is cold, cold in the extreme; that the words of
praise bestowed upon him are meagre and stiff, 1 poor
sort of praise for a man who had been the first man in
Islam, and the founder of Islam in India; lastly, that
the phrases of benediction which are appended to his
name, according to a general custom of Islam, are the
same as the author would have employed when speak-
ing of any acquaintance of his in common life who had
died. He says of Mahmiid (i. 22): ‘ He utterly ruined
the prosperity of the country (of India), and performed
those wonderful exploits by which the Hindus became
like atoms of dust scattered in all directions, and like a
tale of old in the mouth of the people.” ΤῸ criticise
these words from a Muslim point of view, the passage of
x11 PREFACE,
the ruining of the prosperity of the country was per-
fectly out of place in the glorification of a Ghazi hke
Mahmiid.
That it was not at all against the moral principles of
Alberuni to write such dedications to princes 1s shown
by two other publications of his, with dedications which
exhibit the customary Byzantinism of the time. In the
preface of the ‘* Chronology of Ancient Nations” (trans-
lated, &c., by Edward Sachau, London, 1879), he extols
with abundant praise the prince of Hyrcania or Jurjiin,
Shams-alma fli, who was a dwarf by the side of giant
Mahmid. The studied character of the neglect of
Mahmiid in the ‘Ivés«d comes ont more strongly if we
compare the unmerited praise which Alberuni layishes
upon his son and suecessor. ‘The preface of his Canon
Masudicus is a farrago of high-sounding words in
honour of King Mas fid, who was a drunkard, and lost
in less than a decennium most of what his father's
sword and policy had gained in thirty-three years.
The tenor of this preface, taken from the manuscript
of the Royal Library in Berlin, is as follows :—
ΤῸ those wholead the community of the believers in the
place of the Prophet and by the help of the Word of Ged
belongs “the king, the lord majestic and venerated, the
helper of the representative of God, the furtherer of the
law of God, the protector of the slaves of God, who
punishes the enemies of God, Abi-Said Masiid Ibn
Yamin-aldaula and ’Amin-almilla Mahmid—may God
give him a long life, and let him perpetually rise to
glorious and memorable deeds. ΕῸΣ a confirmation of
what we here say of him lies in the fact that God, on
considering the matter, restored the mght (7. the nght
of being ruled by Mas iid) to his people, after it had been
concealed. God brought itto light. After he had been
in distress, God helped him, After he had been rejected,
God raised him, and brought him the empire and the
rule, after people from all sides had tried to get posses-
PREFACE. ΧΙ
sion of it, speaking: * How should he come to rule over
us, as we have a better right to the rule than he?’
But then they received (from God) an answer in the
event (lit. sign) which followed. God carried out His
promise relating to him (Masiid), giving him the inheri-
tance without his asking for it, as He gave the inheri-
tance of David to Solomon without reserve. (That is, the
dead King Mahmud had proclaimed as his successor his
son Muhammad, not Mas iid, but the latter contested the
will of his father, and in the following contest with his
brother he was the winner.) If God had not chosen
him, the hearts of men would not have been gained (7)
for him, and the intrigues of his enemies would ποῦ
haye missed their aim. In short, the souls of men
hastened to meet him in order to live under his shadow,
The order of God was an act of predestination, and his
becoming king was written in the Bock of Books in
heaven (from all eternity).
‘He—may God make his rule everlasting !—has
conferred upon me a favour which was a high distinc-
tion to me, and has placed me under the obligation of
everlasting gratitude. or although a benefactor may
dispense with the thank-offerings for his deeds, ὧσ., a
sound heart inspires those who receive them with the
fear that they might be lost (to general notice), and
lays upon them the obligation of spreading them and
making them known in the world. But already, before
I received this favour, I shared with the inhabitanta οἵ
all his countries the blessings of his rule, of peace and
justice. However, then the special service (towards
his Majesty) became incumbent upon me, after (until
that time) obeying in general (his Majesty) had been
incumbent on me, (‘This means, probably, that Mas tid
conferred a special benefit (a pension 7] on the author,
not immediately after he had come to the throne, but
some time later.) Is it not he who has enabled me for
the rest of my life (Alberuni was then sixty-one years
XIV PREFACE,
ald) to devote myself entirely to the service of science,
as he let me dwell under the shadow of his power and
let the clond of his favour rain on me, always personally
distinguishing and befriending me, ἄπο, ἢ And with
regard to this (the favour conferred upon me), he has
deigned to send his orders to the treasury and the
ministry, which certainly is the utmost that kings
ean do for their subjects. May God Almighty reward
him both in this and in yonder world,” ὑπο.
Thereupon, finding that his Majesty did not require
his actual service, and besides, finding that science stood
in the highest favour with him, he composes a book on
astrononry, to which he had been addicted all his life,
and adorns it with the name of his Majesty, calling 11
Conon Maswlicus (Alhdniin Almas tdi), &e.
ΤῸ put the phrases of this preface into plain language,
the author was in favour with King Masiid; he had
access to the court—living, probably, near it—and
received an income which enabled him to devote him-
self entirely to his scientific work. Besides, all this
appears as a new state of things, the reverse of which
had been the case under the king's predecessor, his
father, Mahmid. We do not know the year in which
this change in the life of Alberuni was brought about.
Perhaps it was in some way connected with the fact
that the chancellor, Maimandi, died A.D. 1033, and that
after him one Abi-Nasr Alimad Ibn Muhammad Ibn
“Abdussamad became chancellor, who before, ae. from
rary to 1033, had administered Khwariam, the native
country of Alberuni. He and Maimandi had been
political antagonists—not so he and “Abdussamad.
The difference of the author’s condition, as it appears
to have been under Masiid, from what it was under
Mahmiid when he prepared the ‘Ivéted, is further illus-
trated by certain passages in the book itself. When
speaking of the difficulties with which he had to grapple
in his efforts to learn everything about India, he con-
PREFACE. xv
tinues: ‘ What scholar, however, has the same favour-
able opportunities of studying this subject as 1 haye ?
That would be only the case with one to whom the
grace of God accords, what it did not accord to me, a
perfectly tree disposal of his own doings and poings;
for it has never fallen to my lot in my own doings and
goings to be perfectly independent, nor to be mvested
with sufficient power to dispose and to order as 1
thought best. However, I thank God for that which
He has bestowed upon me, and which must be con-
sidered as sufticient for the purpose” (i. 24). These
lines seem to say that the author, both at Ghazna and
in India, at Multin, Peshivar, &c., had the opportunity
of conversing with pandits, of procuring their help, and
of buying books; that, however, in other directions he
was not his own master, but had to obey a higher will ;
and lastly, that he was not a man in authority.
In another place (1. 152) he explains that art and
science require the protection of kings. “For they
alone could free the minds of scholars from the daily
anxieties for the necessities of life, and stimulate their
energies to earn more fame and favour, the yearning for
which is the pith and marrow of human nature. The
present times, however, are not of this kind. They are
the very opposite, and therefore it is quite impossible
that a new science or any new kind of research should
arige in our days. What we have of sciences is nothing
but the scanty remains of bygone better times,”” Com-
pare with this a dictum quoted (1.188): ‘The scholars
are well aware of the use of money, but the rich are
ignorant of the nobility of science,”
These are not the words of an author who basks in
the sunshine of royal protection. The time he speaks
of is the time of Mahmiid, and it is Mahmfid whom he
accuses of haying failed in the duties of a protector of
art and science imposed upon him by his royal office.
Firdausi, in his satire (Mohl, 1. pref. p. xlv.), calls
Ἀν] PREFACE,
him “wr rot qui n'a nt foi nt loi ni maniéres” (royales) ;
and he says: “δὲ le ret avait dé un homme digne de
renom, il auratit honoré le savoir,’ &e. It is most
remarkable to what degree Firdansi and Alberuni agree
in their judgment of the king, To neither of them had
he been a Mmcenas.
In the absence of positive information, we have tried
to form a chain of combinations from which we may
infer, with a tolerable degree of certainty, that our
author, during the thirteen years of his life from 1017
to 1030, after he had been carried from his native
country to the centre of Mahmid’s realm, did not enjoy
the favours of the king and his leading men; that he
stayed in different parts of India (as a companion of
the princes of his native country’), probably in the
character of a hostage or political prisoner kept on
honourable terms; that he spent his leisure in the
study of India; and that he had no official inducement
or encouragement for this study, nor any hope of royal
reward,
A radical change in all this takes place with the
accession of Mastid. There is no more complaint of the
time and its ruler. Alberuni is all glee and exultation
about the royal favours and support accorded to him
and to his studies. He now wrote the greatest work of
his life, and with a swelling heart and overflowing
words he proclaims in the preface the praise of his
benefactor. Living in Ghazna, he seems to have for-
gotten India to a great extent. Jor in the Canon
Masudieus he rarely refers to India; its chapter on
Hindu eras does not prove any progress of his studies
beyond that which he exhibits in the ᾿Ινδικά, and at
the end of it he is even capable of confounding the era
1 The Conon Masudicus, extant in four good copies in European
libraries, waits for the patronage of some Academy of Aciences
or some Government, and for the combination of two scholars, an
astronomer and an Arabic philologist, for the purpose of an edition
and translation.
PREFACE, ΧΗ
of the astronomers, as used in the Ahandakhaddyaka of
Brahmagupta, with the Guptakala.
If the author and his countrymen had suffered and
were still suffering from the oppression of King Mah-
miid, the Hindus were in the same position, and per-
haps it wae this community of mishap which inspired
him with sympathy for them. And certainly the
Hindus and their world of thoucht have a paramount,
fascinating interest for him, and he inquires with the
greatest predilection into every Indian subject, how-
soever heathenish it may be, as though he were treating
of the most important questions for the souls of Muham-
madanz,—of free-will and predestination, of future
reward and punishment, of the creation or eternity of
the Word of God, ἅς. To Mahiiid the Hindus were
infidels, to be dispatched to hell as soon as they refused
to be plundered, To go on expeditions and to fill the
treasury with gold, not to make lasting conquests of
territories, was the real object of his famous expeditions;
and it was with this view that he eut his way through
enormous distances to the richest temples of India at
Tanéshar, Mathura, Kanoj, and Somanith.
To Albernni the Hindus were excellent philosophers,
good mathematicians and astronomers, though he naively
believes himself to be superior to them, and disdains to
be put on a level with them (i. 23). He does not
conceal whatever he considers wrong and unpractical
with them, but he duly appreciates their mental
achievements, takes the greatest pains fo appropriate
them to himself, even such as could not be of any use
to him or to his readers, eg, Sanskrit metrics; and
whenever he hits npon something that is noble and
grand both in science and in practical life, he never
fails to lay it before his readers with warm-hearted
words of approbation. Speaking of the construction of
the ponds at holy bathing-places, he says: “In this
1 For a similar trait of self-confidence cf. i, 277, last lines.
ΤΌ, 1,
Theauthors
terest [1
India,
XVII PREFACE,
they have attained a very high degree of art, so that
our people (the Muslims), when they see them, wonder
at them, and are unable to describe them, much less to
construct anything like them” (i. 144).
Apparently Alberuni felt a strong inclination towards
Indian philosophy. He seems to have thought that the
philosophers both in ancient Greece and India, whom
he most carefully and repeatedly distinguishes from the
ignorant, image-loving crowd, held in reality the very
same ideas, the same as seem to have been his own, 1.6,
those of a pure monotheism ; that, in fact, originally all
men were alike pure and virtuous, worshipping one sole
Almichty God, but that the dark passions of the crowd
in the course of time had given rise to the difference of
religion, of philosophical and political persuasions, and
of idolatry. “The first canse of idolatry was the desire
of commemorating the dead and of consoling the living :
but on this basis it has developed, and has finally
become a foul and pernicious abuse” (1. 124).
tHe seems to have revelled in the pure theories of
the Bhagavadgitd, and it deserves to be noticed that he
twice mentions the saying of Vyiisa, * Learn twenty-
five (i.e., the elements of existence) by distinctions, ὅσο.
Afterwards adhere to whatever religion you like ; your
end will be salvation” (i. 44, and also i, 104). In one
case he even goes so far as to speak of Hindu scholars
as ‘enjoying the heln of God,” which to a Muslim means
as much as inspired by God, guided by divine inspiration
(ii, 108). These words are an addition of the author's
in his paraphrase of the Lrihatsamhiled of Varahamihira,
γι 8, There can be searcely any doubt that Muslims
of later times would have found fault with bim for going
to such length in his interest for those heathenish
doctrines, and it is a singular fact that Alberuni wrote
under a prince who burned and impaled the Karmatians
(ef. note to 1. 31).
Still he was a Muslim; whether Sunni or Shi'a
PREFACE. XIX
cannot be gathered from the ‘*lvanked, He sometimes
takes an occasion for pointing out to the reader the
superiority of Islam over Brahmanic India. He con-
trasts the democratic equality of men with the castes
of India, the matrimonial law of Islam with degraded
forms of it in India, the cleanliness and decency of
Muslims with filthy customs of the Hindus. With all
this, his recognition of Islam is not without a tacit
reserve, He dares not attack Islam, but he attacks the
Arabs. In his work on chronology he reproaches the
ancient Muslims with haying destroyed the civilisation
of Eran, and gives us to under stand that the ancient
Arabs were certainly nothing better than the Zoroastrian
Eranians. So too in the 'Ivéied, whenever he speaks of
a dark side in Hindu life, he at once turns round sharply
to compare the manners of the ancient Arabs, and to
declare that they were quite as bad,if not worse. This
could only be meant as a hint to the Muslim reader not
to be too haughty towards the poor bewildered Hindu,
trodden down by the savage hordes of King Mahmiid,
and not to forget that the fonnders of Islam, too, were
certainly no angels.
Independent in his thoughts about religion and
philosophy, he is a friend of clear, determined, and manly
words. He abhors half-truths, veiled words, and waver-
ingaction. Hyerywhere he comes forward asachampion
of his conviction with the courage of a man. As in
relicion and philosophy, so too in politics. There are
some remarkable sentences of political philosophy in
the introductions to chapters ix. and Ixxi. As a poli-
tician of a highly conservative stamp, he stands up
for throne and altar, and declares that “‘their union
represents the highest development of human society,
all that men can possibly desire” (1, 00). Heis capable
of admiring the mildness of the law of the Gospel: “To
offer to him who has beaten your cheek the other cheek
also, to bless your enemy and to pray for him. Upon
The anthor,s
character,
xx PREFACE.
my life, this is a noble philosophy; but the people of
this world are not all philosophers. Most of them are
ignorant and erring, who cannot be kept on the straight
road save by the sword and the whip, And, indeed,
ever since Constantine the Victorious became a Chris-
tian, both sword and whip have ever been employed, for
without them τῷ would be impossible to rule’ (11. 161).
Although a scholar by profession, he is capable of taking
the practical side of a case, and he applauds the Khalif
Muaviya for having sold the golden gods of Sicily to
the princes of Sindh for money’s worth, instead of
destroying them as heathen abominations, as bigoted
Muslims would probably have liked him to do. His
preaching the union of throne and altar does not prevent
him from speaking with undisguised contempt of the
“ nreconcerted tricks of the priests ” having the purpose
of enthralling the ignorant crowd (i. 123).
He is a stern judge both of himself and of others.
Himself perfectly sincere, it is sincerity which he
demands from others. Whenever he does not fully
understand a subject, or only knows part of if, he will
at once tell the reader so, either asking the reader's
pardon for his ignorance, or promising, though a man
of fifty-eight years, to continue his labours and to
publish their results in time, as though he were acting
under a moral responsibility to the public. He always
sharply draws the limits of bis knowledge; and although
he has only a smattering of the metrical system of the
Hindus, he communicates whatever little he knows,
ceuided by the principle that the best must not be the
enemy of the better (1, 200, 6-9), as though he were
afraid that he should not live long enough to finish the
study in question. He is not a friend of those who
hate to avyow their ignorance by a frank J da no
know”? (ἃ. 177), and he is roused to strong indignation
whenever he meets with want of sincerity. 11 Brahma-
gupta teaches two theories of the eclipses, the popular
PREFACE. KX1
one of the dragon Rahn’s devouring the luminous body,
and the scientific one, he certainly committed the sm
against conscience from undue concessions to the priests
of the nation, and from fear of a fate like that which
befell Socrates when he came into collision with the
persuasions of the majority of his countrymen. Cy.
chapter lix. In another place he accuses Brahma-
gupta of injustice and rudeness to his predecessor,
Aryabhata (i. 376). He finds in the works of Varii-
hamihira by the side of honest scientific work sentences
which sound to him “like the ravings of «a madman”
(ii. 117), but he is kind enough to suggest that behind
those passages there is perhaps an esoteric meaning,
unknown to him, but more to the credit of the author.
When, however, Varihamihira seems to exceed all
limits of common sense, Alberuni thinks that “fo sueh
things silence 15 the only proper answer” (i. 114).
His professional zeal, and the principle that learning
is the fruit of repetition (i. 198), sometimes induce him
to indulge in repetitions, and his thorough honesty
sometimes misleads him to use harsh and even rude
words. He cordially hates the verbosity of Indian
authors or versifiers,) who use lots of words where a
single one would be sufficient, He calls it “mere
nonsense—a means of keeping people in the dark and
throwing an air of mystery about the subject, And in
any case this coplousness (of words denoting the same
thing) offers painful difficulties to those who want to
learn the whole language, and only results in a sheer
waste of time” (1. 229, 299, τῷ). He twice explains
the origin of the Dibajat, é.c. Maledives and Laccadives
(1. 2335 1]. 106), twice the configuration of the borders
of the Indian Ocean (i, 197, 270).
Whenever he suspects humbug, he is not backward in
calling it by the right name. ‘Thinking of the horrid
practices of Rasiyana, ie. the art of making gold, of
1 CY. his sarcasms on the versifying bias of Hindu authors, 1. 137,
“XL PREPACE,
making old people young, &c., he bursts out into
sarcastic words which are more coarse in the original
than in my translation (i. 189). In eloquent words he
utters his indignation on the same subject (i. 193):
“'The greediness of the ignorant Hindu princes for gold-
making does not know any limit,” &c. ‘There is a spark
of grim humour in his words on i, 237, where he criti-
cises the cosmographic ravings of a Hindu author:
“We, on our part, found it already troublesome enough
to enumerate all the seven seas, together with the seven
earths, and now this author thinks he can make the
subject more easy and pleasant to us by inventing some
more earths below those already enumerated by our-
selves!” And when jugglers from Kanoj lectured to
him on chronology, the stern scholar seems to haye been
moved to something likeagrin. “I used great care in
examining every single one of them, in repeating the
same questions at different times in a different order
and context, But lo! what different answers did |
get! God is all-wise ” (ii, 129).
por In the opening of his book Alberuni gives an account
hiswork, Of the circumstances which suggested to him the idea
of writing the ‘Ivdicd, Once the conversation with a
friend of his, else unknown, ran on the then existing
literature on the history of religion and philosophy,
its merits and demerits. When, in particular, the
literature on the belief of the Hindus came to be criti-
eised, Alberuni maintained that all of it was second-
hand and thoroughly uneritical. To verify the matter,
his friend once more examines the books in question,
which results in his agreeing with our author, and his
asking him to fill up this gap in the Arabic literature
of the time. ‘The book he has produced 15 not a polemi-
eal one. He will not convert the Hindus, nor lend
a direct help to missionary zealots. He will simply
describe Hinduism, without identifying himself with it.
He takes care to inform the reader that ie is not respon-
PREFACE, ΚΑΊ
sible for whatsoever repugnant detail he has to relate,
but the Hindus themselves. He gives a repertory of
information on Indian subjects, destined for the use of
those who lived in peaceable intercourse with them, and
wished to have an insight into their mode and world of
thonght (i. 7; 11. 246).
the author has nothing in common with the Muham-
madan (τ πῆσὶ who wanted to convert the Hindus or to
kill them, and his book scarcely reminds the reader of
the incessant war between Islam and India, during ©
which it had been prepared, and by which the possi-
bility of writing such a book had first been given. / It
is like a magic island of quiet, impartial research in
the midst of a world of clashing swords, burning towns,
and plundered temples. ‘he object which the author
had in view, and never for a moment lost sight of, was
to afford the necessary information and training to
“any one (in Islam) who wants to converse with the
Hindus, and to discuss with them questions of religion,
science, or liternture, on the very basis of their own evvuli-
section’ (ii, 246).
It is dificult to say what kind of readers Alberuni had,
or expected to have, not only for the ‘Ivdice, but for all
his other publications on Indian subjects, Probably
The author
amd his
readers.
educated, and not bigoted or fanatical Muslims in Sindh, |
in parts of the Panjab, where they were living by the side
of Hindus and in daily intercourse with them ; perhaps.
also, for such in Kabul, the suburb of which had etill a
Hindu population in the second half of the tenth century,
(thasna, and other parts of Afghanistan. When speak-
ing of the Pulisesiddhdnta, a standard work on astro-
nomy, he says: “A translation of his (Pulisa’s) whole
work into Arabic has not hitherto yet been undertaken,
because in his mathematical problems there is an evi-
dent religious and theological tendency “1(1. 375). He
1 Alberuni does not seem io have shared these scruples, for he
translated it into Arabic (ef. i. 154).
The author's
mebhed,
xxIV PREFACE,
does not tell us what this particular tendency was to
which the readers objected, but we learn so much from
this note that in his time, and probably also in his
neighbourhood, there were circles of educated men who
had an interest in getting the scientific works of India
translated into Arabic, who at the same time were suffi-
ciently familiar with the subject-matter to criticise the
various representations of the same subject, and to give
the preference to one, to the exclusion of another. That
our author had a certain public among Hindus seems
to be indicated by the fact that he composed some
publications for people in Kashmir: ¢/. preface to the
edition of the text, p. xx. These relations to Kashmir
are very difficult to understand, as Muslims had not
yet conquered the country, nor entered it fo any extent,
and as the author himself (1, 206) relates that 1t was
closed to intercourse with all strangers save a few Jews.
Whatever the interest of Muslims for the literature of
and on India may have been, we are under the impression
that this kind of literature has never taken deep root ;
for after Alberuni’s death, in A.D. 1048, there is no more
original work in this field; and even Alberuni, when he
wrote, was quite alone in “the field. Mnumerating the
difficulties which beset his study of India, he says: “I
found it very hard to work into the subject, although 1
have a great liking for it, in which respect J stand quite
alone in my time,” &e. (1.24). And certainly we do not
know of any Indianist like him, before his time or
atter.
In general it is the method of our author not to speak
himself, but to let the Hindus speak, giving extensive
quotations from their classical authors, He presents a
picture of Indian civilisation as painted by the Hindus
themselves. Many chapters, not all, open with a short
characteristic introduction of a general nature. The body
of most chapters consists of three parts. ‘The first is
a précis of the question, as the author understands it,
PREFACE. κὰν
The second part brings forward the doctrines of the
Hindus, quotations from Sanskrit books in the chapters
on religion, philosophy, astronomy, and astrology, and
other kinds of information which had been communi-
cated to him by word of mouth, or things which he
had himself observed in the chapters on literature,
historic chronology, geography, law, manners, and cus-
toms. In the third part he does the same as Megas-
thenes had already done ; he tries to bring the sometimes
very exotic subject nearer to the understanding of his
readers by comparing it with the theories of ancient
Greece, and by other comparisons, As an example of
this kind of arrangement, εὐ. Chapter vy. In the dis-
position of every single chapter, as well as in the
sequence of the chapters, 4 perspicuous, well-considered
plan is apparent. There is no patchwork nor anything
supertinons, and the words fit to the subject as close as
possible. We seem to recognise the professional mathe-
matician in the perspicuity and classical order through-
out the whole composition, and there was scarcely an
occasion for-him to excuse himself, as he does at the
end of Chapter 1. (1. 26), for not being able everywhere
strictly to adhere to the geometrical method, as he was
sometimes compelled to introduce an unknown factor,
because the explanation could only be given in a later
part of the book.
He does not blindly accept the traditions of former
ages; he wants to understand and to criticisethem. He
wants to siit the wheat from the chaff, and he will
discard everything that militates against the laws of
nature and of reason. The reader will remember that
_ Alberuni was also a physical scholar, and had published
works on most departments of natural science, optics,
mechanics, mineralogy, and chemistry ; οὐ his geolo-
sical speculation on the indications of India once having
been a sea (1. 198), and a characteristic specimen of his
natural philosophy (1. 400). ‘That he believed in the
The author's
eritical
tine.
ΧΧΥῚ PREFACE.
action of the planets on the sublunary world I take for
certain, though he nowhere says so. It would hardly
be intelligible why he should have spent so much time
and labour on the study of Greek and Indian astrology
if he had not believed in the truth of the thing. He
gives a sketch of Indian astrology in Chapter Ixxx.,
because Muslim readers ‘are not acquainted with the
Hindu methods of astrology, and have never had an
opportunity of studying an Indian book” (i. 211).
Bardesanes, a Syrian philosopher and poet in the
second half of the second Christian century, condemned
astrology in plain and weighty words. Alberuni did
not rise to this height, remaining entangled in the
notions of Greek astrology.
He did not believe in alchemy, for he distinguishes
between such of its practices as are of a chemical or
mineralogical character, and such as are intentional
deceit, which he condemns in the strongest possible
terms (1. 187).
He criticises manuscript tradition like a modern
philolowist, He sometimes supposes the text to be
corrupt, and inquires into the cause of the corruption ;
he discusses various readings, and proposes emenda-
tions. He guesses at /ecunce, criticises different transla-
tions, and complains of the carelessness and ignorance
of the copyists (1. 76; 1. 162-163). He 1s aware that
Indian works, badly translated and carelessly copied by
the successive copylsts, very soon degenerate to such a
degree that an Indian author would hardly recognise
his own work, if it were presented to him in such a
garb, All these complaints are perfectly true, particu-
larly as regards the proper names. ‘That in his essays
at emendation he sometimes went astray, that, e.g, he
was not prepared fully to do justice to Brahmagupta,
will readily be excused by the fact that at his time it
was next to impossible to learn Sanskrit with a suff-
cient degree of accuracy and completeness.
PREFACE, XKVII
When I drew the first sketch of the life of Alberuni
ten years ago, 1 cherished the hope that more materials
for his biography would come to light in the libraries
of both the Hast and West. This has not been the
case, eco far as lam aware. ‘To gain an estimate of his
character we must try to read between the lines of his
books, and to glean whatever minute indications may
there be found. <A picture of his character cannot
therefore at the present be anything but very imperfect,
and a detailed appreciation of his services in the ad-
vancement of science cannot be nndertaken until all
the numerous works of his pen have been studied and
rendered accessible to the learned world, The principal
domain of his work included astronomy, mathematics,
chronology, mathematical geography, physics, chemistry,
and mineralory. by the side of this professional work
he composed about twenty books on India, both transla-
tions and original compositions, and a number of tales
and legends, mostly derived from the ancient lore of
Kran and India, As probably most valuable contribu-
tions to the historic literature of the time, we must
mention his history of his native country Khwarizm,
and the history of the famous sect of the Karmatians,
the loss of both of which is much to be deplored.
I.
The court of the Khalifs of the house of Omayya at
Damascus does not seem to haye been a home for
literature, Except for the practical necessities of ad-
ministration, they had no desire for the civilisation of
Greece, Egypt, or Persia, their thoughts being engrossed
by war and politics and the amassing of wealth. Pro-
bably they had a certain predilection for poetry common
to all Arabs, bat they did not think of encouraging
historiography, much to their own disadvantage, In
many ways these Arab princes, only recently emerged
On the ei-
gines of
Arabia
literature,
Porsian ele.
ΤΠ ΒΕ in.
Arabia
litarature.
XXVIII PREFACE,
from the rocky wilderness of the Hijiz, and suddenly
raised to imperial power, retained much of the great
Bedouin Shaikh of the desert. Several of them, shun-
ning Damascus, preferred to stay in the desert or on
its border, and we may surmise that in their honse-
holds at Rusifa and Khuniisara there was scarcely
more thought of literature than at present in the halls
of Ibn Arrashid, the wily head of the Shammar at Haul.
The eradle of Arabic literature is not Damascus, but
Bagdad, and the protection necessary for its rise and
growth was afforded by the Khalits of the honse of
Abbas, whose Arab nature has been modified by the
inffuence of Kranian civilisation during a long stay in
Khurasiin.
The foundation of Arabic literature was laid between
A.D. 750 and 850. It is only the tradition relating to
their religion and prophet and poetry that is peculiar
to the Arabs; everything else is of foreign descent.
The develowmens of a large literature, with numerous
ramifications, is chiefly the work of foreigners, carried
out with foreign materials, as in Home the origines of
the national literature mostly point to Greek sources.
Greece, Persia, and India were taxed to help the sterility
of the Arab mind,
What Greece has contributed by lending its Aristotle,
Ptolemy, and Harpocratesis known in general, A de-
tailed description of the influx and spread of Greek
literature would mark a memorable progress in Oriental
philology, Such a work may be undertaken with some
chance of success by one who is familiar with the state
of Greek literature at the centres of learning during the
last centuries of Greek heathendom, although he would
have to struggle against the lamentable fact that most
Arabic books of this most ancient period are lost, and
probably lost for ever.
What did Persia, or rather the Sasanian empire, over-
run by the Arab hordes, olfer to its vietors in literature ¢
PREFACE. XX1X
lt left to the east of the Khalifate the language of
administration, the use of which during the followmg
centuries, till recent times, was probably never much
discontinued. It waa this Perso-Sasanian language of
administration which passed into the use of the smaller
astern dynasties, reared under the Abbaside Khalifs,
and became the language of literature at the court of
one of those dynasties, that of the Simini kines of
Transoxiana and Khuriisin. Thus it has come to pass
that the dialect of one of the most western parts of
Eran first emerged as the language of literature in its
farthest east. Ina similar way modern German 15 an
offspring of the language used in the chanceries of the
Luxembourg emperors of Germany.
The bulk of the narrative literature, tales, lerends,
novels, came to the Arabs in translations from the Per-
sian, ¢.7. the “Thonsand and One Nights,” the stories told
by the mouth of animals, like Kalile and Dimna, pro-
bably all of Buddhistie origin, portions of the national
lore of Eran, taken from the Khuddindma,or Lord’s Book,
and afterwards immortalised by Firdansi; but more
than anything else love-stories. All this was the fashion
under the Abbaside Khalifs, and is said to have attained
the height of popularity during the rule of Almuktadir,
A.D. 908-932. Besides, much favour was apparently
bestowed npon didactic, parzenetic compositions, mostly
clothed in the garb of a testament of this or that Sasanian
king or sage, ¢.g. Anushirvin and his minister Buzurju-
mihr, likewise upon collections of moralistic apothegms.
All this was translated from Persian, or pretended to
be so. Books on the science of war, the knowledge of
weapons, the veterinary art, falconry, and the various
methods of divination, and some books on medicine
and de relbus venerets, were likewise borrowed from the
Persians, It is noteworthy that, on the other hand,
there are very few traces of the exact sciences, such as
mathematics and astronomy, among the Sasanian Per-
Indian ele-
Tents in
Arable
literature,
XXX PREFACE,
sians. Either they had only little of this kind, or the
Arabs did not choose to get it translated.
An author by the name of “Ali [bn Ziyad Altamimi
is said to have translated from Persian a book, Zij-
alshahriydr, which, to judge by the title, must have
been a system of astronomy. It seems to have been
extant when Alberuni wrote his work on chronology ;
vite ‘“ Chronolory of Ancient Nations,” translated, &c.,
by Edward Sachau, London, 1876, p. 6, and note p. 368.
Perhaps it was from this source that the famous Alkh-
wirizmi drew his knowledge of Persian astronomy,
which he is said to have exhibited in his extract from
the Grahmasiddhdinta, composed by order of the Khalif
Mamitin. lor we are expressly told (vide Gildemeister,
seripiormm Arabwm de rebus Indieis loet, &e., p. 101)
that he used the media, ie. the mean places of the
planets as fixed by Brahmagupta, whilst in other
things he deviated from him, giving the equations of
the planetary revolutions according to the theory of
the Persians, and the declination of the sun according
to Ptolemy, Of what kind this Persian astronomy was
we do not know, but we must assume that it was of a
scientific character, based on observation and compu-
tation, else Alkhwiriami would not haye imtroduced
its results into his own work. Of the terminology
of Arabian astronomy, the word jouzehar=Caput
draconis, is probably of Sasanian origin (geoctthrr), as
well as the word ζῇ" (=canon), 1.6. a collection of astro-
nomical tables with the necessary explanations, perhaps
also hard), κονία, & measure in geometry equal to
τς of the circumference of a circle, if it be identical
with the Persian herd, ic. cut.
What India has contributed reached Bagdad by two
different roads. Part has come directly in translations
from the Sanskrit, part has travelled through Eran,
haying originally been translated from Sanskrit (Pali Ὁ
Prikrit ?) into Persian, and farther from Persian into
PREFACE, XxX1
Arabic, In this way, τῷ. the fables of Kalila and
Dimnne have been communicated to the Arabs, and a
book on medicine, probably the famous Curaka, Cf.
Fihrist, p. 303.
In this communication between India and Bagdad
we must not only distinguish between two different
roads, but also between two different periods.
As Sindh was under the actual rule of the Khalf
Mansiir (A.D 753-774), there came embassies from that
part of India to Bagdad, and among them scholars, who
brought along with them two books, the Srahmuasiul-
dhania to Grahmagupta (Sindhind), and his Ahende-
Khddyake (Arkand). With the help of these pandits,
Alfaziri, perhaps also Yakiib Ibn Tirik, translated them.
Both works have been largely used, and have exercised
a great influence. It was on this oceasion that the
Arabs first became acquainted with a scientific system
of astronomy, They learned from Brahmagupta earlier
than from Ptolemy.
Another influx of Hindu learning took place under
Harun, A.D, 766-808. The ministerial family Barmak,
then at the zenith of their power, had come with the
ruling dynasty from Balkh, where an ancestor of theirs
had been an official in the Buddhistie temple Nabehitr,
Le. neve vildra =the new temple (or monastery). The
name Barmak is said to be of Indian descent, meaning
perameke, νας the superior (abbot of the vihdra ἢ, CF.
Kern, Creschichte des Duddhismus tn Indien, 1. 445, 543-
Of course, the Barmak family had been converted, but
their contemporaries never thought much of their pro-
fession of Islam, nor regarded it as genuine. Indueed
probably by family traditions, they sent scholars to
India, there to study medicine and pharmacology. Be-
sides, they engaged Hindu scholars to come to Bagdad,
made them the chief physicians of their hospitals, and
ordered them to translate from Sanskrit into Arabic
books on medicine, pharmacology, toxicology, philo-
XXXII PREFACE,
sophy, astrology, and other subjects. Still im later
centuries Muslim echolars sometimes travelled for
the same purposes as the emissaries of the Barmak,
eg. Almuwafiak not long before Alberuni’s time (Codex
Findobonensis, sive medics Abu. Mansur liber fundamen-
torum pharmacologiue, ed. Seligmann, Vienna, 1859, pp.
6, 10, and 15, 9).
Soon afterwards, when Sindh was no longer politically
dependent upon Bagdad, all this intercourse ceased en-
tirely. Arabic literature turned off into other channels.
There is no more mention of the presence of Hindu
scholars at Βασι Δ] nor of translations of the Sanskrit.
Greek learning had already won an omnipotent sway
over the mind of the Arabs, being communicated to
them by the labours of Nestorian physicians, the philo-
sophers of Harran, and Christian scholars in Syria and
other parts of the Khalifate. Of the more ancient or
Indo-Arabian stratum of scientific literature nothing has
reached our time save a number of titles of books, many
of them in such a corrupt form as to baffle all attempts
αὖ decipherment.
Among the Hindu physicians of this time one .- πὶ
is mentioned, 1.6, the son of DEN, director of the hos-
pital of the Barmaks in Bagdad. This name may be
Dhanye. or Dhenin, chosen probably on account of its
etymological relationship with the name Dhaenvrantara,
the name of the mythical physician of the gods in
Mann's law-book and the epos (ef. A. Weber, Jndische
fatleraturgeschichte, pp. 284, 287). A similar relation
seems to exist between the names Awe, that of a
physician of the same period, and Aditkiyena, an
authority In Indian medicine {εἴ Weber, ἐν c., pp. 287
note, and 254 note, 302).
The name b!, that of an author of a book on
drinkables, may be identical with Atri, mentioned as a
medical author by Weber, /. ¢., p. 288.
There was a book by one baw (also written sla.) on
PREFACE. ΧΧΧΊΙ
wisdom or philosophy (cf. Fihrist, p. 305). According
to Middle-Indian phonetics this name is = redarytisa.
A man of this name, also called μάθει or Ladardyand,
is, according to the literary tradition of India, the
originator of the Vedinta school of philosophy (εἶ,
Colebroke, Essays, 1. 352), and this will remind the
reader that in the Arabian Sufism the Indian Vedinta
philosophy reappears.
Further, an author fy hecy Sadbrm,* ia mentioned,
unfortunately without an indication of the contents of
his book, Alberuni (i. 157) mentions one Satya as the
author of a jitake (ef. Weber, 1. δι, p. 278), and this
name is perhaps an abbreviation of that one here
mentioned, ie. Satyavermen.
A work on astrology is attributed to one Cea <y
SNGHE (vide Vihnat, ἢ. 271), likewise enumerated
by Alberuni in a list of names (1. 158), The Indian
equivalent of this name is not certain (¢/, note to 1. 158).
There is also mentioned a book on the signs of swords
by one ἐπε. probably identical with Vydyhra, which
occurs as a name of Indian authors (¢f. 1. Fibrist, p.
315). ,
The famous Buddha legend in Christian garb, most
commonly called Joasaph and Barlaam, bears in Fibrist,
p. 300, the title») , Ciba. The former word is gene-
rally explained as Bodhisattva, although there is no
law in Indian phoneties which admits the change of
settve to sof. The second name is that of Buddha's
spiritual teacher and guide, in fact, his puroftta, and
with this word I am inclined to identify the signs in
question, 4.¢. Ady),
What [bn Wadih in his chronicle (ed. by Houtsma)
relates of India, on pp. 92-106, is not of much value.
His words on p, 105, “the king κα =Ghosha, who
' Benfey in Aalilag und Damnay, Kinlertung, Ἐν. xlili. note 3. The
word has received currency in the form #idprt.
7 Cf Benfey, (. αν, Finletiung, p. x1.
VOL. 1, iE
SIV PREPACE.
lived in the time of Sindbéd the sage, and this Ghoshe
composed the book on the cunning of the women,” are
perhaps an indication of some fables of Buddhachosha
having been translated into Arabic.
Besides books on astronomy, mathematics Fame, Vere
case), astrology, chiefly jdtakas, on medicine and
pharmacology, the Arabs translated Indian works on
snakes (sarparidyd), on poison (vishavidyd), on all
kinds of auguring, on talismans, on the veterinary art,
de arte amand:, nomerons tales, a life of Buddha, books
on logic and philosophy in general, on ethics, politics,
and on the science of war. Many Arab authors took
up the subjects communicated to them by the Hindus
and worked them out in original compositions, commen-
taries, and extracts. A favourite subject of theirs was
Indian mathematics, the knowledge of which became
far spread by the publications of Alkindi and many
others.
The smaller dynasties which in later times tore the
sovereignty over certain eastern countries of the Khali-
fate out of the hands of the successors of Manstir and
Harun, did not continue their literary commerce with
India. ‘he Banii-Laith (A.p. 872-903), owning great
part of Afghanistan together with Ghazna, were the
neighbours of Hindus, but their name is in no way
connected with the history of literature. For the
Buyide princes who ruled over Western Persia and
Babylonia between A.D. 932 and 1055, the fables of
Kalila and Dimna were translated. Of all these princely
houses, no doubt, the Samanides, who held almost the
whole east of the Khalifate under their sway during
92-999, had most relations with the Hindus, those in
Kabul, the Panjab, and Sindh; and their minister,
Aljaihani, probably had collected much information
about India. Originally the slave of the Samanides,
then their general and provincial governor, Alptagin,
made himaelf practically independent in Ghazna a few
ΡΒΕΡΆΑΟΕ, ΝΥ
years before Alberuni was born, and his successor,
Sabnktagin, Mahmiid’s father, paved the road for the
war with India (i. 22), and for the lasting establish-
ment of Islam in India.
Some of the books that had been translated under
the first Abbaside Khalifs were extant in the library
of Alberuni when he wrote the Ἰνθικά, the Srahime-
siddhinta or Sindhind, and the Ahandekhidyaha or
Arkaad in the editions of Alfazdri and of Yakub Ibn
Tarik, the Caraka in the edition of “Ali Ibn Zain, and
the Paicatantra or Kalua and Dimnaa. THe also used an
Arabic translation of the Aaraneasira by Vittesvara
(ii. 55), but we do not learn from him whether this was
an old translation or a modern one made in Albertni’s
time. These books offered to Alberuni—he complains
of it repeatedly—the same difficulties as to us, viz.,
besides the faults of the translators, a considerable
corruption of the text by the negligence of the copyists,
more particularly as regards the proper names,
When Alberuni entered India, he probably had a
good general knowledge of Indian mathematics, astro-
nomy, and chronology, acquired by the study of Brahma-
gupta and his Arabian editors. What Hindu author
was his teacher and that of the Arabs in pure mathe-
matics ( case ‘ar str i 3)! is not known. Besides Alfaziri
and Yaktib Ibn Tarik, he learned from Alkhwarizmi,
something from Abulhasan of Ahwiiz, things of little
value from Alkindi and Abd-Mashar of Balkh, and
single details from the famous book of Aljaihini. Of
other sources which he has used in the Ἰνδικά, he
quotes: (1.) A Muhammadan canon called A/harhan, Le.
ahargane. I cannot trace the history of the book, but
suppose that ib was a practical handbook of chronology
for the purpose of converting Arabian and Persian dates
into Indian ones and vice versé, which had perhaps been
necessitated by the wants of the administration under
Sabnktagin and Mahmid., The name of the author is
The autior'’
ἀπ πν of
India before
he wrebe
the present
MCR,
XXXVI PREFACE,
not mentioned. (2.) Abii Ahmad Ibn Catlaghtagin,
quoted i. 317 as having computed the latitudes of Karli
and ‘TAneshar.
Two other authorities on astronomical subjects are
quoted, but not in relation to Indian astronomy,
Muhammad Ibn Ishik, from Serakhs, ii. 15, and a book
called Ghurrat-clztjdi, perhaps derived from an Indian
source, as the name is identical with Avermnatilate.
The author is perhaps Abai-Muhammad Alniib from
Amul (ef, note to ii. 90).
In India Alberuni recommenced his study of Indian
astronomy, this time not from translations, but from
Sanskrit originals, and we here meet with the remark-
able fact that the works which about A.p. 770 had been
the standard in India still held the same high position
A.D. 1020, viz., the works of Brahmagupta. Assisted
by learned pandits, he tried to translate them, as also
the Pulisasiddhdnta (vide preface to the edition of the
text, § 5), and when he composed the ᾿Ινδικά, he had
already come forward with several books devoted
to special points of Indian astronomy. As such he
quotes :—
(1.) A treatise on the determination of the lunar
stations or nakshetras, 1, 83.
(2.) The Kheydl-alkusijfaini, which contained, pro-
bably beside other things, a description of the Yoga
theory, i. 208.
(3.) A book called The Arabic Khandakhddyake, on
the same subject as the preceding one, 11, 208,
(4.) A book containing a description of the Aeranes,
the title of which is not mentioned, 11. 194.
(s.) A treatise on the various systems of numeration,
as used by different nations, i. 174, which probably
described also the related Indian subjects.
(6.) A book called * Key of Astronomy,” on the ques-
tion whether the sun rotates round the earth or the
earth round the sun, i. 277. We may suppose that in
PREFACE, MXKVII
this book he had also made use of the notions of Indian
astronomers,
(7.) Lastly, several publications on the different
methods forthe computation of geographical longitude,
1.315. He does not mention their titles, nor whether
they had any relation to Hindu methods of calculation,
Perfectly at home in all departments of Indian astro-
nomy and chronology, he began to write the ᾿Ινδικίί,
Inthe chapters on these subjects he continues a literary
movement which at his time had already gone on for
centuries; but he surpassed his predecessors by going
back upon the original Sanskrit sources, trying to check
his pandits by whatever Sanskrit he had contrived to
learn, by making new and more accurate translations,
and by his conscientious method of testing the data of
the Indian astronomers by calculation, His work repre-
sents a scientific renaissance in comparison with the
aspirations of the scholars working in Bagdad under the
first Abbaside Khalifs,
Alberuni seems to think that Indian astrology had
not been transferred into the more ancient Arabic
literature, as we may conclude from his introduction to
Chapter lxxx. : “ Our fellow-believers in these (Muslim)
countries are not acquainted with the Hindu methods
of astrology, and haye never had an opportunity of
studying an Indian book on the subject,” li. 211. We
cannot prove that the works of Varihamihira, eg. his
rihatserhatd and Laghiujdtekam, which Alberuni was
translating, had already been accessible to the Arabs at
the time of Mansiir, but we are inclined to think that
Alberuni’s judgment on this head is too sweeping, for
books on astrology, and particularly on jréfaka, had
already been translated in the early days of the Abba-
side rule. Cy. Vihrist, pp. 270, 271.
As regards Indian medicine, we can only say that
Alberuni does not seem to have made a special study
of it, for he simply uses the then enrrent translation of
XXXVIL PREFACE.
Caraka, although complaining of its incorrectness, 1.
159, 162, 382. He has translated a Sanskrit treatise
on loathsome diseases into Arabic (ef. preface to the
edition of the original, p, xxi. No. 18), but we do not
know whether before the ‘Ivéud or after 10,
What first induced Albernni to write the Ivduc was
not the wish to enlighten his countrymen on Indian
astronomy in particular, but to present them with an
impartial description of the Indian theological and
philosophical doctrines on a broad basis, with every
detail pertaining to them. So he himself says both at
the beginning and end of the book. Perhaps on this
subject he could give his readers more perfectly new
information than on any other, for, according to his
own statement, he had in this only one predecessor,
Aleranshahri. Not knowing him or that authority
which fe follows, ic. Aurkin, we cannot form an
estimate as to how far Alberuni’s strictures on |them
(1, 7) are founded. ‘Though there can hardly be any
doubt that Indian philosophy in one or other of its
principal forms had been communicated to the Arabs
already in the first period, it seems to have been some-
thing entirely new when Alberuni produced before his
compatriots or fellow-believers the Sdiikhya by Kapila,
and the Look of Pataijal: in good Arabic translations.
It was this particular work which admirably qualified
him to write the corresponding chapters of the ᾿Ινδικά,
The philosophy of India seems to have fascinated his
mind, and the noble ideas of the Bbhegevadyitd pro-
bably came near to the standard of his own persua-
sions. Perhaps it was he who first introduced this
gem of Sanskrit literature into the world of Muslim
readers,
As regards the Purinas, Alberuni was perhaps the
first Muslim who took up the study of them. At all
events, we cannot trace any acquaintance with them on
the part of the Arabs before his time. Of the litera-
ΡΚΕΡΑΓΕ. KXXIX
ture of fables, he knew the Paficatantra in the Arabic
edition of Ibn Almukaffa.
Judging Alberuni in relation to his predecessors, we
come to the conclusion that his work formed a most
marked progress, His description of Hindu philosophy
was probably unparalleled. His system of chronology
and astronomy was more complete and accurate than
had ever before been given. His communications from
the Purinas were probably entirely new to his readers,
as also the important chapters on literature, manners,
feativals, actual geography, and the much-quoted chap-
ter on historic chronology. He once quotes Riazi, with
whose works he was intimately acquainted, and some
Sif? philosophers, but from neither of them could he
learn much about India.
In the following pages we give a list of the Sanskrit His Sanskrit
books quoted in the Ἰνδικά :— satel
Sources of the chapters on theology and philosophy :
Sdiakhya, by Kapila; Bool: of Patenjali ; Gitd, i.e. some
edition of the Bhagavradqitd.
He seems to have used more sources of a similar
nature, but he does not quote from them.
Sources of a Pauriinic kind: Vishnu-Dherma, Vishnu-
Purdéna, Malsya-Purdna, F dau-P urdnea,Ad itya-Purdé nea,
Sources of the chapters on astronomy, chronology,
ceography, and astrology: Pulisesiddidnty ; Prakma-
siddhdnia, Khandabhidyake, Utterakhoandakhddyaka,
by Brahmagupta; Commentary of the Ahandakhdd-
yoke, by Balabhadra, perhaps also some other work of
his; Brihatsanihitd, Pateasiddidntika, Brihat-jdtakam,
Laghu-jdiakom, by Varaihamihira 3 Commentary of the
Brihatsarivhitd, a book called Sritdiaca (perhaps Sarva-
dhara), by Utpala, from Kashmir ; a book by Aryabhata,
junior; Awrenesdra, by Vittesyara; Aaranatilaka, by
Vijayanandin ; Sripdla ; Book of the Risha (sic) Bhuvana-
hoda ; Book of the Brihman Bhattila; Book of Durlabha,
xl PREFACE.
from Multan; Book of Mvasarmean ; Book of Semeye ;
Book of Auliatts (?), the son of Sahiwi(?); Zhe Minor
Ménase, by Puiicala; Sridkava (Sarvadhara?), by
Mahadeva Candrabija; Calendar from Kashmir.
As regards some of these authors, Sripila, Jivagar-
man, Samaya (7), and Auhatta (7), the nature of the
quotations leaves it uncertain whether Alberuni quoted
from books of theirs or from oral communications which
he had received from them.
Source on medicine: Curae, in the Arabic edition of
‘Ali Ibn Zain, from ‘labaristan.
In the chapter on metrics, a lexicographic work by
one Haribhata (3), and regarding elephants a ‘‘ Book
on the Medicine of Elephants,” are quoted.
His communications from the Mohdbhdrata and
Ramdyane, and the way in which he speaks of them,
do not give us the impression that he had these books
before him. He had some information of Jaina origin,
bat does not mention his source (Aryabhata, jan. ?)
Once he quotes Mann's Diarmesdstra, but in a manner
which makes me doubt whether he took the words
directly from the book itself.!
The quotations which he has made from these sources
are, some of them, very extensive, δ... those from the
Phagqavedgitt. Inthe chapter on literature he men-
tions many more books than those here enumerated,
but does not tell us whether he made use of them for
the ᾿Ινδικά, Sometimes he mentions Hindu individuals
as his informants, ¢.7. those from Somaniith, i. 161, 165,
and from Kanoj, i, 165; i. 129.
In Chapter 1. the author speaks at large of the radical
difference between Muslims and Hindus in everything,
and tries to account for it both by the history of India
and by the peculiarities of the national character of its
inhabitants (1. 17 seq.). Everything in India is jnst
1 The places where mention of these books occurs are given In
Index I. (ἢ, also the annotations on single cases.
PREFACE. ΧΙ
the reverse of whatitis in Islam, “and if ever a custom
of theirs resembles one of ours, it has certainly just the
opposite meaning” (1.179). Much more certainly than
to Alberuni, India would seem a land of wonders and
monstrosities to most of his readers. Therefore, in
order to show that there were other nations who held
and hold similar notions, he compares Greek philosophy,
chiefly that of Plato, and tries to illustrate Hindu
notions by those of the Greeks, and thereby to bring
them nearer to the understanding of his readers.
The role which Greek literature plays in Alberuni’s
work in the distant country of the Paktyes and Gandhan
is a singular fact in the history of civilisation. Plato
before the doors of India, perhaps in India itself! A
considerable portion of the then extant Greek literature
had found its way into the library of Alberuni, who
uses 16 in the most conscientious and appreciative way,
and takes from if choice passages to confront Greek
thought with Indian. And more than this: on the
part of his readers he seems to presuppose not only that
they were acquainted with them, but also gave them
the credit of first-rate authorities. Not knowing Greek
or Syriac, he read them in Arabic translations, some of
which reflect much credit upon their authors. The
books he quotes are these :—
Plato, PAcda.
Timeua, an edition with a commentary.
Leges. In the copy of it there was an appendix relating
to the pedigree of Hippokrates.
Proclus, Commentary on πε (different from the extant
one}.
Aristotle, only short references to his Physies and Metaphysica,
Letter to Alexander.
Johannes Grammaticus, Contra Prochuy.
Alexander of Aphrodisias, Commentary on <Aristotle’s φυσικὴ
ἀκρύασιξι,
Apollonius of Tyana.
Porphyry, Liber Aistoriarwm philosophorum (1).
Ammonius.
Greek pu
other paral-
Lele,
ΧΙ] PREFACE.
Aratus, Phenomena, with a commentary,
Galenus, Protrepticua.
περὶ συνθέσει: ὠαρμάκων τῶν κατὰ τύπους,
περὶ συνθέσειος φιιρμάκων κατὰ γένη.
Commentary on the Apophtherms of Hippokrates.
De indole conimer.
Book of the Proof,
Ptolemy, αἱ πασχα.
Geography.
κάμει μαννα,
Pseudo-Kallisthenes, Alexander romance.
Scholia to the Are grammatica of Dionysius Thrax.
A synchronistic history, resembling in part that of Johannes
Malalas, in part the Chrontcon of Eusebius. Cf. notes to i,
112. 105.
The other analogies which he draws, not taken from
Greek, but from Zoroastrian, Christian, Jewish, Mani-
chmwan, and Siifi sourees, are not very numerous. He
refers only rarely to Eranian traditions; οὐ Index II.
(Persian traditions and Aoroastrian), Most of the
notes on Christian, Jewish, and Manichmwan subjects
may have been taken from the book of Hrinshahri (c/,
his own words, 1.6, 7), although he knew Christianity
from personal experience, and probably also from the
communications of his learned friends Abulkhair Al-
khammiir and Abii-Sahl Almasihi, both Christians from
the farther west (οἷς Chronologie Orientalischer Valker,
Hinlettung, p. xxxu.). The interest he has in Mini's
doctrines and books seems rather strange. We are not
acquainted with the history of the remnants of Mani-
chaism in those days and countries, but cannot help
thinking that the quotations from Miini’s “Book of
Mysteries” and Thesaurus Vivijicetionts do not justify
Alberuni’s judgment in this direction. He seems to
have seen in them venerable documents of a high
antiquity, instead of the syncretistic ravings of a would-
be prophet.
That he was perfectly right in comparing the Sifi
philosophy—he derives the word from coda, i. 33—
PREFACE. ΧΙῊῚ
with certain doctrines of the Hindus is apparent to
any one who is aware of the essential identity of the
systems of the Greek Neo-Pythagoreans, the Hindu
Vedinta philosophers, and the Stutis of the Muslim
world, ‘The authors whom he quotes, Abii Yazid
Albietimi and Abi Bakr Alshibli, are well-known
representatives of Sufism. C7. note to 1. 87, 88.
As far as the present state of research allows one to
judge, the work of Alberuni has not been continued.
In astronomy he seems by his Canon Masudtenws to
reprezent the height, and at the same time the end, of
the independent development of this science among the
Arabs. But numerous scholars toiled on in his wake,
whilst in the study of India, and for the translation of
the standard works of Sanskrit literature, he never had
a snecessor before the days of the Emperor Akbar.
There followed some authors who copied from his
Ἴνδικά, but there was none who could carry on the
work in Ais spirit and method after he had died,
eighteen years after the composition of the ᾿Ινδικά,
We must here mention two authors who lived not long
after him, under the same dynasty, and probably in the
same place, Ghazna, viz., Gardési ( note to 11,6), who
wrote between A.D. 1049 and 1052, and Muhammad
Ibn “Ukail, who wrote between αν. 1089 and 1agg
(ef. note to i. 5). Of the later anthors who studied
Alberuni’s ‘Trdced'and copied from it, the most notorious
is Rashid-aldin, who transferred, ¢.g. the whole geogra-
phical Chapter xvii. into his huge chronicle.
When Alberuni entered India, times were not fayour-
able for opening friendly relations with native scholars.
India recoiled from the touch of the impure barbarians.
The Pala dynasty, once ruling over Kabulistan and the
Panjab, had disappeared from the theatre of history, and
their former dominions were in the firm grasp of King
Mahmiid and under the administration of his slaves,
of ‘Turkish descent. ‘he princes of North-Western
India at the
alithor's
time.
xliv PREFACE.
India had been too narrow-minded, too blind in their
self-conceit, duly to appreciate the danger threatening
from Ghazna, and too little politic in due time to unite
for ἃ common defence and repulse of the enemy.
Single-handed Anandapila had had to fight it out, and
had succumbed; but the others were to follow, each one
in his turn. All those who would not bear the yoke
of the mlecchas tled and took up their abode in the
neighbouring Hindu empires.
Kashmir was still independent, and was hermetically
sealed to all strangers (i, 206). Amandapila had fled
there. Mahmtd had tried the conquest of the coun-
try, but failed. Abont the time when Alberuni wrote,
the rule passed from the hands of Sangrimadeva,
A.D. 1007-1030, into those of Anantadeva, A.D. 1030-
1082.
Central and Lower Sindh were rarely meddled with
by Mahmid, The country seems to have been split
into minor principalities, ruled by petty Muslim
dynasties, like the Karmatian dynasty of Multan,
deposed by Mahmiid.
In the conditions of the Gurjara empire, the capital of
which was Anhilviira or Pattan, the famous expedition
of Mahmid to Somanith, A.D. 1025, in some ways re-
sembling that of Napoleon to Moscow, does not seem
to have produced any lasting changes. The country
was under the sway of the Solanki dynasty, who in
A.D. 980 had taken the place of the Calukyas. King
CAmunda fled before Mahmiid, who raised another
prince of the same house, Devasarman, to the throne ;
but soon after we find a son of Camunda, Durlabha, as
king of Gurjara till A.D. 1037.
Miilava was ruled by the Primara dynasty, who,
like the kings of Kashmir, had afforded a refuge to a
fugitive prince of the Pala dynasty of Kabulistan.
Bhojadeva of Malaya, ruling between a.p. 997 and
1053, 1s mentioned by Alberuni. His court at Dhar,
PREPACE. xlv
where he had gone from Ujjain, was a rendezvous of
the scholars of the time.
Kanoj formed at that time part of the realm of the
Pala princes of Ganda or Bengal, who resided in
Mongir. During the reign of Réjyapila, Kanoj had
been plundered and destroyed by Mahmiid, a.p. ror,
in consequence of which a new city farther away from
the mdlecehas, Bari. had been founded, but does not
seem to have grown to any importance. Residing in
this place, the King Mahipila tried about A.p. 1026 to
consolidate and to extend his empire. Both these rulers
are said to have been Buddhists, CA Kern, Geschichte
des Luddhismus in Indien, ii. 544.
The centres of Indian learning were Benares and
Kashmir, both inaccessible to a barbarian like Alberuni
(i, 22), but in the parts of India under Muslim adminis-
tration he seems to have found the pandits he wanted,
perhaps also at Ghazna among the prisoners of war.
India, as far as known to Albernni, was Brahmanic,
not Buddhistic. In the first half of the eleventh cen-
tury all traces of Buddhism in Central Asia, Khurasiin,
Afghanistan, and North-Western India seem to have
disappeared ; and it is a remarkable fact that a man of
the inquisitive mind of Alberuni knew scarcely any-
thing at all about Buddhism, nor had any means for
procuring information on the eubject. His notes on
Buddhism are very scanty, all derived from thay book
of Kranshahri, who, in his turn, had copied the book of
one Aurkin, and this book he seems to indicate to have
been abadone. Of. 1. 7, 249, 326.
Buddha is said to be the author of a book called
Cidamant (not Gidhamana, as I have written, 1. 158),
ie. Jewel, on the knowledge of the supranaturalistic
world.
The Buddhists or Shamaniang, 1.¢. sramanea, are called
Muhammira, which I translate the red-robe wearers,
taking it for identical with ratiapafa. C7. note to1. 21.
The author
and Bud=
dhism.
xlvi PREFACE,
Mentioning the trinity of the Buddhistic system,
budidhe, dharma, satghe, he calls Buddha Buddhedanea,
which is a mistake for something like the son of Suddho-
dann. CY. note 0 1. 40 and 1. 380, which latter passage
is probably derived from the Vishiu-Diarmea (on which
vide note to 1. 54).
Of Buddhistic authors there are mentioned Candra,
the grammarian, i. 135 (ef. Kern, (reschichte des Bud-
dhismus ὧν Indien, i. 520), Sugriva, the author of an
astronomical work, and a pupil of his, i. 156.
Of the manners and customs of the Buddhists, only
their practice of disposing of their dead by throwing
them into flowing water is mentioned, ii. 169.
Alberuni speaks (ἢ, 11) of a building erected by King
Kanishka in Peshavar, and called Aanishkecoitya, as
existing in his time, most likely identical with that
stipe which he is reported to have built in consequence
of a prophecy of no less a person than Buddha himeelf.
Cf. Kern, /.c., 0.187. The word ihr, i.e. cihdre, which
Alberuni sometimes uses in the meaning of temple and
the like, is of Buddhistie origin. Cf. Kern, f. ¢., 11. 57.
Among the various kinds of writing used in India, he
enumerates as the last one the “ Bhotkehubt, used in
Udunpir in Pirvadesa, Lhis last is the writing af
Buddha,’ 1.073. Was this Udunpitir (we may also read
Udennapir) the Buddhistic monastery in Magadha,
Udendapurt, that was destroyed by the Muslims, A.D,
ΓΟ Cf, Kern, ft. δι. ἢ. 545.
The kosmographic views of the Buddhists, as given
by Alberuni, i. 249, 326, ought to be examined as to
their origin, Perhaps it will be possible to point out
the particular Buddhistie book whence they were taken.
He speaks twice of an antagonism between Buddha
and Aoroaster.
If Alberuni had had the same opportunity for travel-
ling in India ag Hiouen-Tsang had, he would easily
have collected plenty of information on Buddhism.
PREFACE. ΧΙ
Considering the meagreness of his notes on this subject,
we readily believe that he never found a Buddhistic
book, and never knew a Buddhist ‘from whom I might
have learned their theories,” 1.249. His Brahman pan-
dits probably knew enough of Buddhism, but did not
choose to tell him,
Lastly, India, as known to Alberuni, was in matters
of region Vishnuitic (raishnara), not Sivaitic (saive).
Vishnu, or Niriiyana, is the first god in the pantheon of
his Hindu informants and literary authorities, whilst
Siva is only incidentally mentioned, and that not always
in a favourable manner. This indicates a remarkable
change in the religions history of those countries. or
the predecessors of Mahmud in the rule over Kabulistan
and the Panjab, the Pala dynasty, were worshippers of
Siva (ef. Lassen, Indische Alferthumskunde, 3, 895), as
we may Judge from their coins, adorned with the image
of Nanda, the ox of Siva, and from the etymology of
their names. C/. note to 1. 13,and Lassen, / ¢., 3, 915.
The image of Nanda reappears a second time on the
coins of the last of the descendants of King Mahmud on
the throne of Ghana.
CONCLUSION,
i wre in the summer of 1883 that 1 began to work at
the edition and translation of the ἸἸνδικά, after having
fulfilled the literary duties resulting from my journey
in Syria and Mesopotamia in 1879 and 1880. A copy
of the Arabic manuscript had been prepared in 1872,
and collated in Stambul in the hot summer months of
1873.
In order to test my comprehension of the book, I
translated if into German from beginning to end between
February 1883 and February 1884. In the summer of
the latter year the last hand was laid to the constitu-
tion of the Arabic text as it was to be printed.
ΧΙΝΗΙ PREFACE,
In 1885-86 the edition of the Arabic original was
printed. At the same time 1 translated the whole book
a second time, into English, finishing the translation of
every single sheet as the original was carried through
the press,
In 1887 and the first: half of 1888 the English trans-
lation, with annotations and indices, was printed.
My work during all these years was not uninter-
rupted.
Translating an Arabic book, written in the style of
Albernni, into English, is, for a person te whom English
is not his mother-tongne, an act of temerity, which,
when 1 was called upon to commit it, gravely affected
my conscience to such a degree that I began to falter,
and seriously thought of giving up the whole thing alto-
gether. But then there rose up before “my mind’s
eye” the venerable figure of old MacGuckin de Slane,
and as he had been gathered to his fathers, I could not
eet back the word 1 hadgiven him. (C% preface to the
edition of the Arabic text, p. vil. Assuredly, to do
justice to the words of Albernni would require a com-
mand over English like that of Sir Theodore Martin,
the translator of “ Fanst,” or Chenery, the translator of
Hariri.
As regards my own translation, I can only say Ihave
tried to find common sense in the anthor’s language,
and to render it as clearly as 1 could. In this I was
greatly assisted by my friend the Rev. Robert Gwynne,
Viear of 80. Mary’s, Soho, London, whose training in
Eastern languages and literature qualified him to co-
operate in revising the entire manuscript and correcting
the proof sheets.
Perhaps it will not be superfluous to point out to the
reader who does not know Arabic that this language
sometimes exhibits sentences perfectly clear as to the
meaning of every single word and the syntactic construc-
tion, and nevertheless admitting of entirely different
PREFACE, xlix
interpretations. Besides, a first translator who steers
out on such a sea, like him who first tries to explain a
difficult, hardly legible inecription, exposes himself to
many dangers which he would easily have avoided had
kind fortune permitted him to follow in the wake of
other explorers. Under these circumstances, | do not
flatter myself that I have caught the sense of the author
everywhere, and 1 warn the reader not to take a trans-
lation, in particular a first translation, from Arabic
for more than it is. It is nothing absolute, but only
relative in many respects; and if an Indianist does not
find good Indian thought in my translation, I would
advise him to consult the next Arabic philologist he
meets. If the two can obtain a better insight into the
subject-matter, they are very likely to produce a better
rendering of the words.
My annotations do not pretend to be a running com-
mentary on the book, for that cannot be written except
by a professed Indianist. They contain some informa-
tion as to the sources used by Alberuni, and as to those
materials which guided me in translating. On the
phonetic peculiarities of the Indian words as transcribed
by Alberuni, the reader may compare a treatise of mine
called Judo-Aralische Studien, and presented to the
Royal Academy of Berlin on 21st June of this year.
My friend Dr. Robert Schram, of the University of
Vienna, has examined all the mathematical details of
chronology and astronomy. ‘The results of his studies
are presented to the reader in the annotations signed
with hisname. All this is Dr. Schram’s special domain,
in which he has no equal. My thanks are due to him
for lending me his help in parts of the work where my
own attempts at verification, after prolonged exertions
in the same direction, proved to be insufficient.
Of the two indices, the former contains all words of
Indian origin oceurring in the book, some pure Sanskrit,
some vernacular, others in the form exhibited by the
VOL, I. |
Ι PREPACE,
Arabic manuscript, howsoever faulty it may be. The
reader will perhaps here and there derive some advan-
tage from comparing the index of the edition of the
Arabic original. The second index contains names of
persons and places, &c,, mostly of non-Indian origin.
It was the Committee of the Oriental ‘Translation
Fund, consisting at the time of Osmond de Beauvoir
Priaulx, Edward Thomas, James Fergusson, Reinhold
Rost, and Theodore Goldstiicker, who first proposed to
me to translate the ᾿Ινδικά, ‘Thomas, Goldstiicker, and
Fergusson are beyond the reach of human words, but
to O. de Beanvoir Priaulx, Esq., and to Dr, Rost, I desire
to express my sincerest gratitude for the generous help
and the untiring interest which they have always ac-
corded to me, though so many years have rolled on since
I first pledged to them my word. Lastly, Her Majesty's
India Office has extended its patronage from the edition
of the Arabie original also to this edition of the work In
an English garb.
Of the works of my predecessors, the famous publica-
tion of Reinanud, the Mémowre géographique, historique et
scientifique sur U inde, Paris, 1849, has been most useful
to me, Cf. on this and the labours of my other pre-
decessors § 2 of the preface to the edition of the Arabic
original,
The Sanskrit alphabet has been transliterated in the
following way :—«, εἶ, i, ἢ, πὶ, d—ri, a2, au—h, kh, g, gh,
a—e, ch, ἡ, jh, i—t, th, d, dk, n—t, th, αἱ, dh, n—p, ph,
b, bh, m—y, 7, 1, e—S, sh, 3, h.
EDWARD SACHAU,
BERLIN, August 4, 1885,
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(For Alberunt’s Synopsis of the Single Chapters of the Book,
vide pp, 9-16.)
TOL. PAGE
ii 3, AUTHOR'S PREFACE,
9g. SYNOPSIS OF THR EIGHTY CHAPTERS,
17, OHAPTER I., AUTHOR'S BrECIAL INTRODUCTION,
27, CHAPTHRS IL.-KL, ON RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY, AND
RELATED SUBJECTS.
125, CHaPrens AIL-XAVIIL., on LITERATURE, METROLOGY,
USAGES, AND RELATED SUBJECTS,
196. CHAPTERS AVIIT-AXAL, ON GEOGRAPHY, CoOsMO-
GRAPHY, AND ASTRONOMY,
319 TO Vou, I]. rp. 129. CHAPTERS AXXII.-LAIL,, on Coro-
HOLOGY, ASTEGNOMY, AND RELATED SUBJECTS.
π, 130, CHAPTERA ΠΟΤῚ ΤΙ ΤΑ, on MANNERS AND CUs-
TOMS, FESTIVALS, AND RELATED SUBJECTS,
211, CHAPTER LXXX,, ON ASTROLOGY.
247, ANNOTATIONS OF THE TRANSLATOR.
403-431. INDICHS.
ALBERUNI’S INDIA
AW
ACCURATE DESCRIPTION OF ALL CATEGORIES
OF HINDU THOUGHT,
43 WELL THOSE WHICH ARE ADMISSIBLE AS
THOSE WHICH MUST BE REFECTED,
COMPOSED BY
“ABU-ALRATHAN MUIAMMAD IBN *ATDLAD
ALBERUNI.
VOL, I. A
PREFACE.
In toe NAME oF Gop, THE COMPASSIONATE, THE
MERCIFUL.
No one will deny that in questions of historic authen-
ticity hearsay does not equal eye-witness ; for in the latter
the eye of the observer apprehends the substance of that
which is observed, both in the time when and in the
place where it exists, whilst hearsay has its peculiar
drawbacks. But for these, 1b would even be preferable
to eye-witness ; for the object of eye-witness can only be
actual momentary existence, whilst hearsay comprehends
alike the present, the past, and the future, so as to apply
in a certain sense both to that which ἐπ and to that
which is nef (z.e. which either has ceased to exist or
has not yet come into existence), Written tradition
is one of the species of hearsay—we might almost say,
the most preferable, How conld we know the history
of nations but for the everlasting monuments of the
pen?
The tradition regarding an event which in itself does
not contradict either logical or physical laws will invari-
ably depend for its character as true or false upon the
character of the reporters, who are influenced by the
divergency of interests and all kinds of animosities
and antipathies between the various nations. We must
distinguish different classes of reporters,
One of them tells a le, as intending to further an
a
Page 2.
t On tra-
dition, hear-
aay and eye-
witness,
-- The dif-
ferent Kinde
of reporters.
3, Praise
of truth fal-
ἘΘΈΕ,
Page. 5,
4 PREFACE,
interest. of his own, either by fauding his family or
nation, because he is one of them, or ὧν attaching
the family or nation on the opposite side, thinking that
thereby he can gain his ends. In both cases he acts
from motives of objectionable cupidity and amimosity.
Another one tells a lie regarding a class of people
whom he likes, as being under obligations to them, or
whom he hates becanse something disagreeable has
happened between them. Such a reporter is near akin
to the first-mentioned one, as he too acts from motives
of personal predilection and enmity.
Another tells a lie because he is of such a base
nature as to aim thereby at some profit, or because he
is such a coward as to be afraid of telling the truth.
Another tells a le because it is his nature to lie, and
he cannot do otherwise, which proceeds from the essen-
tial meanness of lis character and the depravity of Ins
innermost being.
Lastly, a man may tell a lie from ignorance, blindly
following others who told him,
If, now, reporters of this kind become so numerons
as to represent a certain body of tradition, or if in the
course of time they even come to form a consecutive
series of communities or nations, both the first reporter
and his followers form the connecting links between
the hearer and the inventor of the lie; and if the
connecting links are eliminated, there remains the
originator of the story, one of the various kinds of liars
we have enumerated, as the only person with whom we
have to deal.
That man only is praiseworthy who shrinks from a
lie and always adheres to the truth, enjoying credit
even among liars, not to mention others,
Tt has been gaidin the Koran, ' Specs the truth, even if
it were against yourselves” (Siva, 4,134) ;and the Messiah
expresses himself in the Gospel to this effect: “ Lo not
mind the fury of kings in speaking the truth before them.
PREFACE. ς
They only possess your body, but they have no power over
your soul” (ef. St. Matt. x, 18, 19, 28; St. Luke xii. 4).
In these words the Messiah orders us to exercise moral
courage. Lor what the crowd calls courage—bravely
dashing into the fight or plunging into an abyss of de-
struction—is only a species of courage, whilst the genus,
far above all species, is to scorn death, whether by word
or deed.
Now as Justice (1.2. being just) is a quality liked and
coveted for its own self, for its intrinsic beauty, the
same applies to truthfulness, except perhaps in the case
of such people as never tasted how sweet it is, or know
the truth, but deliberately shun it, hke a notorious lar
who once was asked if he had ever spoken the truth,
and gave the answer, “If I were not afraid to speak
the truth, I should say, no.” A lar will avoid the path
of justice; he will, as matter of preference, side with op-
pression and false witness, breach of confidence, frandu-
lent appropriation of the wealth of others, theft, and all
the vices which serve to ruin the world and mankind.
When | once called upon the master ‘Abii-Sahl
‘Abd-Almunim Ibn * Alt Ibn Nah At-tiflisi, may God
strenothen him! 1 found that he blamed the tendency of
the author of a book on the Mitazila sect to misrepresent
their theory. For, according to them, God is omniscient
of himself, and this dogma that author had expressed in
such a way as to say that God has no knowledge (like
the knowledge of man), thereby misleading uneducated
On the
ἀπ of
Muslim
Works on
religious
nnd philosn-
phical doc-
trines.
IT. Exet-
Plified with
repard to the
Hindus,
Criticism of
the book of
Eninshahrit,
I. Bértini
ba
people to Imagine that, according to the Mu'tazilites, asked
God 1s agnor Εἰς Praise be to God, who is far above all
such and similar unworthy descriptions! Thereupon I
pointed out to the master that precisely the same method
is much in fashion among those who undertake the task
of giving an account of religious and philosophical
systems from which they slightly differ or to which they
are entirely opposed. Such misrepresentation is easily
detected in a report about dogmas comprehended within
write a book
on the sub-
atatea his
method,
Page ἡ.
6 PREFACE,
the frame of one single religion, because they are closely
related and blended with each other. On the other hand,
you would have great difficulty in detecting it in a
report about entirely foreign systems of thought totally
diifering both in principle and details, for such a research
is rather an out-of-the-way one, and there are few means
of arriving at a thorough comprehension of it. The
same tendency prevails throughout our whole literature
on philosophical and religions sects. If such an author
is not alive to the requirements of a strictly. scientific
method, he will procure some superficial information
which will satiafy neither the adherents of the doctrine
in question nor those who really know it. In such a
ense, if he be an honest character, he will simply
retract and feel ashamed; but if he be so base as not
to give due honour to truth, he will persist in litigious
wrangling for his own original standing-point. If, on
the contrary, an author has the risht method, he will do
his utmost to deduce the tenets of a sect from their
lecendary lore, things which people te!l him, pleasant
enough to listen to, but which he would never dream of
taking for troe or believing.
In order to illustrate the point of our conversation,
one of those present referred to the religions and doc-
trines of the Hindus by way of an example. ‘There-
upon 1 drew their attention to the fact that everything
which exists on this subject in our literature is second-
hand information which one has copied from the other,
a farrago of materials never sifted by the sieve of
critical examination. Of all authors of this class, [ know
only one who had proposed to himself to give a simple
and exact report of the subject sine ird ae stwdia, viz.
‘Abi-allabbas Alérinshahri. He himself did not believe
in any of the then existing religions, but was the sole
believer In a religion invented by himself, which he
tried to propagate, He has given a very good account
of the doctrines of the Jews and Christians as well as
PREFACE, 7
of the contents of both the Thora and the Gospel.
Besides, he furnishes us with a most excellent account
of the Manichseans, and of obsolete religions of bygone
times which are mentioned in their books. But when
he came in his book to speak of the Hindus and the
Buddhists, his arrow missed the mark, and in the latter
part he went astray through hitting upon the book of
4erkén, the contents of which he incorporated in his
own work, That, however, which he has not taken
from 4orkan, he himself has heard from common people
among Hindus and Buddhists.
At asubsequent period the master ‘Abii-Sahl studied
the books in question a second time, and when he found
the matter exactly as I have here described it, he incited
me to write down what I know about the Hindus as a
help to those who want to discuss relirious questions
with them, and ag a repertory of information to those
who want to associate with them. In order to please
him I have done so, and written this book on the
doctrines of the Hindus, never making any unfounded
imputations against those, our religions antagonists, and
at the same time not considering it inconsistent with
my duties aa a Muslm to quote their own words at full
length when | thonght they wonld contribute to eluci-
date a subject. If the contents of these quotations
happen to be utterly heathenish, and the followers af the
truth, .¢. the Muslims, find them objectionable, we can
only say that such is the belief of the Hindus, and that
they themselves are best qualified to defend it.
This book is not a polemical one, Ishall not produce
the arguments of our antagonists in order to refute such
of them as I believe to be in the wrong. My book is
nothing but @ stmple historic record of facts. I shall
place before the reader the theories of the Hindus
exactly as they are, and I shall mention in connection
with them similar theories of the Greeks in order to
show the relationship existing betweenthem, For the
8 PREFACE.
Greek philosophers, althongh aiming at truth in the
abstract, never in all questions of popular bearing rise
much above the customary exoteric expressions and
tenets both of their religion and law. Besides Greek
ideas we shall only now and then mention those of the
Siifis or of some one or other Christian sect, because in
their notions regarding the transmigration of souls and
the pantheistic doctrine of the unity of God with crea-
tion there is much in common between these systems.
1 have already translated two books into Arabic, one
about the origines and a description of all created
beings, called Sdvintiya, and another about the emanci-
pation of the soul from the fetters of the body, called
Pataijali (Pdtaijala ἢ, These two books contain most
of the elements of the belief of the Hindus, but not
all the single rules derived therefrom. I hope that the
present book will enable the reader to dispense with
these two earlier ones, and with other books of the same
kind; that it will give a sufficient representation of the
subject, and will enable him to make himgelf thoroughly
acquainted with it—God willing!
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER 1.
ON THE HINDUS IN GENERAL, AS AN INTRODUCTION TO OUR Page §.
ACCOUST OF THEM,
CHAPTER 1].
ON THE BELIEF OF THE HINDUS IN Gon.
CHAPTER III.
ON THE HINDU EELIEF AZ TO CREATED THINGS, BOTH
“INTELLIGIBILIA” AND ‘*SEKBIBILIA.”
CHAPTER IV,
FROM WHAT CAUSE ACTION ORIGINATES, AND HOW THE SOUL
18 CONNECTED WITH MATTER,
CHAPTER Y¥.
OK THE STATE OF TIE SOULS, AND THEIR MIGRATIONS THOUGHT
THE WORLD IN THE METEMPSYCHOSIS.
CHAPTER VI.
ON THE DIFFERENT WORLDS, AND ON THE PLACES OF
RETHIAUTION IN PARADISE AND HELL,
CHAPTER VII.
ON THE BWATURE @©F LIBERATION FROM THE WORLD, AND ON
THE PATH LEADING THERETO.
Ὁ ty CONTENTS.
CHAPTER. VII.
ON THE DIFFERENT GLASSES OF CREATED EKINGS, AND ON
THEIR NAMES,
CHAPTER IX,
ON THE CASTES, CALLED “COLOURS” (VARNA), AND ON THE
CLASSES BELOW THEM,
CHAPTER ἃ,
ON THE SOURCE OF THEIR RELIGIOUS AND CIVIL LAW, ON
PROPHETS, AND ON THE QUESTION WHETHER SINGLE LAWS
CAN BE ARROGATED OR NOT.
CHAPTER XI,
ABOUT THE BEGINNING OF IDOL-WORSHIP, AND A DESCRIPTION
ΟΡ THE INDIVIDUAL IDOLS,
CHAPTER XII,
ON THE VEDA, THE PURANAS, AND OTHER KINDS OF THEIR
NATIONAL LITHRATURE.
CHAPTER XIII,
THEIR GRAMMATICAL AND METRICAL LITERATURE.
CHAPTER XIY.
HINDU LITERATURE ΙΝ THE OTHER ACIENCES—ASTRONOMY,
ASTROLOGY, ETO,
CHAPTER XY,
NOTES ON HINDU METROLOGY, INTENDED TO FACILITATE THE
UNDERSTANDING OF ALL KINDS OF MEASUREMENTS WHICH
OCCUR IN THIS BOOK,
CHAPTER XVL
NOTES ON THE WRITING OF THE HINDUS, ON THEIR ARITH.-
METIC AND RELATED SUBJECTS, AND ON CERTAIN STRANGE
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THEIRS,
CHAPTER XVII.
ON HINDU SCIENCES WHICH PREY ON THE IGNORANCE OF
PEOPLE,
CONTENTS. II
CHAPTER AVILI.
VARIOUS NOTES ON THEIR COUNTRY, THEIR RIVERS, AND THEIR
OCHAN—ITINERARIES OF THE DISTANCES BETWEEN THEIR
SEVERAL KINGDOMS, AND BETWEEN THE BOUNDARIES OF
THEIR COUNTRY.
CHAPTER ATX,
ON THE NAMES OF THE PLANETS, THE SIGNS OF THE ZODIAC,
THE LUNAR BTATIONS, AND RELATED SUBJECTS.
CHAPTER XX.
ON THE BRAHMANDA,
CHAPTER 3X1,
DESCRIPTION OF EARTH AND HEAVEN ACCORDING TO THE
RELIGIOUS VIEWS OF THE HINDUS, BASED UPON THEIR
TRADITIONAL LITERATURE,
CHAPTER ΧΑΊΙ.
TRADITIONS RELATING TO THE POLE,
CHAPTER XXIII.
ON MOUNT MERU ACCORDING TO THE BELIEF OF THE AUTHORS
or THE PURANAS AND OF OTHERS.
CHAPTER XAXITY,
TRADITIONS OF THE PURANAS REGARDING EACH OF THE SEVEN
DVIPAS.
CHAPTER XXY;,
ON THE RIVERS OF INDIA. THEIR SOURCES AND COURSES,
CHAPTER XAXVI.
ON THE SHAPE OF HEAVEN AND EARTH ACCORDING TO THE
HINDU ASTILONOMERHS,
CHAPTER XXVILI.
ON THE FIRST TWO MOTIONS OF THE UNIVERSE (THAT FROM
EAST TO WEST ACCORDING TO ANCIENT ASTRONOMEKS, AND
THE PRECESSION OF THER FQ UINOXES) BOTH ACCORDING "RO
THE HINDU ASTRONOMERS AND THE AUTHORS OF THE
PURAN AS,
Page 6.
12 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER AXVITI.
ON THE DEFINITION OF THE TEN DIRECTIONS.
CHAPTER RAI.
DEFINITION OF THE INHABITABLE EARTH ACCORDING TO THE
HINDUS.
CHAPTER ΧΑ.
ἊΝ LANKA, OH THE CUPOLA OF THE BPARTH:.
CHAPTER AXAT,
ΟΝ THAT DIFFERENCE OF VARIOUS PLACES WHICH WE GALL
THE DIFFERENCE OF LONGITUDE.
CHAPTER AXALL,
ON THE NOTIONS OF DURATION AND TIME IN GENERAL, AND ON
THE CREATION OF THE WORLD AND ITS DESTRUCTION.
CHAPTER XXIII.
ON THE VARIOUS KINDS OF THE DAY OR NYCHTHEMERON, AND
ON DAY AND NIGHT IN PARTICOLAR,
CHAPTER XXXIV.
ΟΝ THE DIVISION OF THE NYCHTHEMERON [NTO MINOR
PARTICLES OF TIME,
CHAPTER AXXY.
ON THE DIFFERENT KINDS OF MONTHS AND YEARS,
CHAPTER XXXVI.
ON THE FOUR MEASURES OF TIME CALLED MANA.
CHAPTER AAAYVIT.
ὮΝ THE PARTS OF THE MONTH AND THE YEAR,
CHAPTER AAXVIII.
ON THE VARIOUS MEASUILES OF TIME COMPOSED OF DAYS, THE
LIFE GOP BRAHMAN INCLUDED.
CONTENTS. 13
CHAPTER AAAS,
ON MEASURES OF TIME WHICH ARH LARGER THAN THE LIFE
OF BRAHMAN,
CHAPTER XL.
ON THE SAMDHI, THE INTERVAL BETWEEN TWO PREIODS OF
TIME, PORMING THE CUNNECTING LINK BETWEEN THEM,
CHAPTER XLI.
DEFINITION OF THE TERMS “KALPA™ AND “CATURYUGA,’ AND
AN BEXPLICATION OF THE ONE BY THU OTHER.
CHAPTER XLT.
ON THE DIVISION OF THE CATURYUGA INTO YUGAS, AND THE
DIFFERENT OPINIONS REGARDING THE LATTER.
CHAPTER XLITI,
A DESCRIPTION OF THE FOUR YUGAS, AND OF ALL THAT 15
EXPECTED TO TAKE PLACE AT THE END OF THE FOURTH
YUGA,
CHAPTER ALIV.
ON ΤῊΝ MANVANTARAS,
CHAPTER ALY.
ON TIE CONSTELLATION OF THE GREAT BEAR.
=
CHAPTER ALYI
ON NARAYANA, HIS APPEARANCE AT DIFFERENT TIMES, AK D
HIS NAMES,
CHAPTER ALVILI.
ON VASUDEVA AND THE WARS OF THE BHARATA,
CHAPTER ALYVII,
AN EXPLANATION OF THE MEASURE OF AN AKSHAUUINI,
CHAPTER ALIX,
A SUMMARY DESCRIPTION OF THE ERAS.
Page 7,
14
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER L.
HOW MANY STAR-CYCLES THERE ARE BOTH IN A ‘““KALPA”™ AND
AK
ON
ΩΝ
oN
ON
In A “CATURYUGA,”
CHAPTER LI.
EXPLANATION OF THE TERMS “‘ ADHIMASA,” “(SARATIA,”
AND THE “ AHARGANAS,” AS REPRESENTING DIFFERENT
SUMS OF DAYS.
CHAPTER LIT.
THE CALCULATION OF ‘*AHARGANA”’ IN GENERAL, THAT IS,
THE RESOLUTION OF YEARS AND MONTHS INTO DAYS, AND,
VICE VERSA, THE @OMPOSITION OF YEARS AND MONTHS
OUT OF DAYS,
UOHAPTER LIL,
THE AHARGANA, OR THE EESOLUTION OF YEARS INTO
MONTHS, ACCORDING TO SPECIAL RULES WHICH ARE ADOPTED
IN THE CALENDARS POR CERTAIN DATES OR MOMENTS OF
TEM EB.
CHAPTER LIV.
THE COMPUTATION OF THE MEAN PLACES OF THE PLANETS.
OHAPTER LY.
| THE ORDER OF THE PLANETS, THEIR DISTANCES AND SIZES.
CHAPTER 1.11,
ON THE STATIONS OF THE MOON.
CHAPTER LYVII.
THE HELIACAL RISINGS OF THE STAES, AND ON THE CERE-
MONIES AND RITES WHICH THE HINDUS PRACTISE AT BUCH
A MOMENT.
CHAPTER LVI.
HOW EBB AND FLOW FOLLOW EACH OTHER IN THE OCEAN.
CHAPTER LIX.
ON THE SOLAR AND LUNAR ECLIPSE.
CONTENTS. 15
CHAPTER LA.
ON THE PARVANR.
CHAPTER LAI,
ON THE DOMINANTS OF THE DIFFERENT MEASURES OF TIME IN
BOTH RELIGIOUS AND ASTRONOMICAL RELATIONS, AND ON
CONNECTED SUBJECTS,
CHAPTER. LAIT,
ON THE SIXTY YEARS-SAMVATSARA, ALSO CALLED
"SHASHTYABD A,”
CHAPTER LALIT,
ON THAT WHICH ESPECIALLY CONCERNS THE BRAHMANS, AND
WHAT THEY ARE OBLIGED TO DO DURING THEIR WHOLE
LIFE.
CHAPTER LATY.
ON THE RITES AND CUSTOMS WHICH THE OTHER CASTES, BEBIDES
THE BRATMMANS, FRACTISH DURING THEIR LIFETIME,
CHAPTER LAY.
ON THE BACKIFICES.
CHAPTER LAYTI.
ON PILGRIMAGE AND THE VISITING OF SACRED PLACES,
CHAPTER LXVIL!
ON ALMS, AND HOW A MAN MUST SPEND WITAT HE BARKS,
CHAPTER ΤΣ ΤΠ.
ON WHAT 15 ALLOWED AND FORBIDDEN IN EATING AND
DRINEING.
CHAPTER LAIX,
ON MATRIMONY, THE MENSTRUAL COURSES, EMBRYOS, AND
CHILDEBED.
Pare ΕΒ.
16 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER LAX.
ON LAWSUITS.
™ CHAPTER LXXI.
ON PUNISHMENTS AND EXPIATIONS,
CHAPTER LXAXII.
ON INHERITANCE, AND WHAT CLAIM THE DECEASED PERSON
HAS ON IT,
CHAPTER LAXTTT,
ABOUT WHAT If DUE TO THE
BODIES OF THE DEAD AND OF
THE LIVING (THAT I8, ABOUT BURYING AND SUICIDE).
CHAPTER LXATYV.
ON FASTING, AND THE VARIOUS KINDS OF IT.
CHAPTER LXAXY.
ON THE DETERMINATION OF THE FAST-DAYS.
CHAPTER LAXYVI.
ON THE FEATIVALS AND FESTIVE DAYS.
CHAPTER LXAXVII.
ON DAYS WHICH ARE HELD IN SPECIAL VENERATION, ON LUCKY
AKD UNLUCKY TIMES, AND ON SUCH TIMES As ARH PAR
TICULARLY FAVOURABLE FOR AQQUINING IN THEM ELISS
IN HEAVEN,
CHAPTER LAXVITI,
ON THE KRARAWAS.
CHAPTER LAAT,
ON THE YOGA,
CHAPTER LAXAX.
ON THE INTRODUCTORY PRINCIPLES OF HINDI ASTROLOGY, WITH
A BHORT DESCRIPTION OF THEIR METHODS OF ABTROLOGICAL
CALCULATIONE:
CHAPTER I.
ON THE HINDUS IN GENERAL, AS AN INTRODUCTION Page.
TO OUR ACCOUNT OF THEM.
BEFORE entering on our exposition, we must form an Decerip-
ἢ ΣΝ a . . .“ν tion of th
adequate idea of that which renders it so particularly dif- parriers
. ' ἬΝ _ as hich se-
ficult to penetrate to the essential nature of any Indian fante the
ΕΓῚΤΙΓ 15
subject. ‘The knowledge of these difficulties will either from the
facilitate the progress of our work, or serve as an apology ee pete
itsa parti-
for any shortcomin Ἢ. For the reader must woody ai.
for any shortcomings of ours. F eulurly dit
fieult for αὶ
always bear in mind that the Hindus entirely differ yiain to
from us in every respect, many a subject appearing ΤΟΣ ΜΟΥ
intricate and obscure which would be perfectly clear “°°
if there were more connection between us. ‘lhe barriers
which separate Muslims and Hindus rest on different
causes,
First, they differ from us in everything which other first rea-
; : ΓΕ Ξ . aon: Dif-
nations have in common. And here we first mention forenca of
| ᾿ : the lan-
the language, although the difference of language also susge and
Ἶ jie parti-
exists between other nations. If you want to conquer eutir
this difficulty (i.e. to learn Sanskrit), you will not find “""*
it easy, becanse the language is of an enormous range,
both in words and inflections, something like the
Arabic, calling one and the same thing by various
names, both original and derived, and using one and
the same word for a variety of subjects, which, in order
to be properly understood, must be distinguished from
each other by various qualifying epithets, For nobody
could distinguish between the various meanings of a
word unless he understands the context in which it
VOL. 1. 5
16 ALBERUNTS INDIA.
secure, and its relation both to the following and the
preceding parts of the sentence. ‘The Hindus, like
other people, boast of this enormous range of their lan-
guage, whilst in reality 1t 15 a defect.
Further, the language is divided into a neglected
vernacular one, only in use among the common people,
and a classical one, only in use among the upper and
educated classes, which is much cultivated, and subject
to the rules of grammatical inflection and etymology,
and to all the niceties of grammar and rhetoric.
Besides, some of the sounds (consonants) of which
the language is composed are neither identical with the
sounds of Arabic and Persian, nor resemble them in
any way. Ourtongue and uvula could scarcely manage
to correctly pronounce them, nor our ears in hearing to
distinguish them from similar sounds, nor could we
transliterate them with our characters. It is very
difficult, therefore, to express an Indian word in our
writing, for in order to fix the pronunciation we must
change our orthographical points and signs, and must
pronounce the case-endings either according to the
common Arabic rules or according to special rules
adapted for the purpose.
Add to this that the Indian scribes are careless, and
do not take pains to produce correct and well-collated
copies. In consequence, the highest results of the
author's mental development are lost by their negli-
gence, and his book becomes already in the first or
second copy so full of faults, that the text appears as
something entirely new, which neither a scholar nor
one familiar with the suhject, whether Hindu or Muslim,
could any longer understand. Τὺ will sufficiently illus-
trate the matter if we tell the reader that we haye
sometimes written down a word from the mouth of
Hindus, taking the greatest pains to fix its pronuncia-
tion, and that afterwards when we repeated it to them,
they had great difficulty in recognising it. ~~.
CHAPTER f. 19
As in other foreign tongues, so also in Sanskrit, two
or three consonants may follow each other without an
intervening vowel—consonants which in our Persian
crammatical system are considered as having a hidden
vowel, Sinee most Sanskrit words and names begin
with sueh consonants without vowels, we find it very
dificult te pronounce them.
Besides, the scientific books of the Hindus are com-
posed in yarious favourite metres, by which they intend,
considering that the books soon become corrupted by
additions and omissions, to preserve them exactly as
they are, in order to facilitate their being learned by
heart, because they consider as canonical only that
which is known by heart, not’ that which exists In
writing, Now it is well known that in all metrical
compositions there is much misty and constrained
phraseology merely intended to fill up the metre and
serving as a kind of patchwork, and this necessitates
a certain amount of verbosity. This is also one of
the reasons why a word has sometimes one meaning
and sometimes another.
From all this it will appear that the metrical form
of literary composition is one of the causes which
make the study of Sanskrit literature so particularly
difficult.
Secondly, they totally differ from us in religion, as
we believe in nothing in which they believe, and vice
versd, On the whole, there is yery little disputing
about theological topics among themselves; at the
utmost, they fight with words, but they will never stake
their soul or body or their property on religious contro-
versy. On the contrary, all their fanaticism is directed
against those who do not helong to them—against all
foreigners. They call them mleceie, ic. impure, and
forbid having}any connection with them, be it by
intermarriage or any other kind of relationship, or
by sitting, eating, and drinking with them, becauee
Page τὸ,
Second rea
bon? Their
religions
prejudices,
Third ra-
aon: The
taclical cit:
forunce of
thor wei.
Here wad
ΠΕΡ ΧΉΤΗ,
20 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
thereby, they think, they would be polluted. They
consider as impure anything which touches the fire
and the water of a foreigner; and no household can
exist without these two elements. Besides, they never
desire that a thing which once has been polluted should
be purified and thus recovered, as, under ordinary cir-
cumstances, if anybody or anything has become wnelean,
he or it would strive to regain the state of purity.
They are not allowed to receive anybody who does not
belong to them, even if he wished it, or was inclined to
their religion. This, too, renders any connection with
them quite impossible, and constitutes the widest gulf
between us and them,
In the third place, in all manners and usages they
differ from us to such a degree as to frighten their
children with us, with onr dress, and our ways and
customs, and as to declare us to be devil’s breed, and
our doings as the very opposite of all that is good and
proper. By the by, we must confess, in order to be
just, that a similar depreciation of foreigners not only
prevails among us and the Hindus, but is common to
all nations towards each other. I recollect a Hindu
who wreaked his vengeance on us for the following
reason :-—
Some Hindu king had perished at the hand of an
enemy of his who had marched against him from our
country, After his death there was born a child to
him, which succeeded him, by the name of Sagara.
Qn coming of age, the young man asked his mother
about his father, and then she told him what had hap-
pened. Now he was inflamed with hatred, marched
out of his country into the country of the enemy, and
plentifully satiated his thirst of vengeance upon them.
After having become tired of slaughtering, he compelled
the survivors to dress in our dress, which was meant as
an ignominious punishment for them. When I heard
of it, 1 felt thankful that he was eracious enough not
CHAPTER I. 2]
to compel us to Indianise ourselves and to adopt Hindu
dress and manners.
Another cirenmstance which increased the already
existing antagonism between Hindus and foreigners 15
that the so-called Shamaniyya (Buddhists), though they
cordially hate the Brahmans, still are nearer akin to
them than to others. In former times, Khurisin, Persis,
‘Trak, Mosul, the country up to the frontier of Syria,
was Buddhistic, but then Zarathustra went forth from
Adharbaijiin and preached Magism in Balkh (Baktra).
His doctrine came into favour with King Gushtasp,
and his son Istendiyid spread the new faith both in
enst and west, both by force and by treaties. He
founded fire-temples through his whole empire, from
the frontiers of China to those of the Greek empire.
The sueceeding kings made their religion (7.2. Aoroas-
trianism) the obligatory state-religion for Persis and
‘vik. In consequence, the Buddhists were banished
from those countries, and had to emigrate to the coun-
fries east of Balkh. There are some Magians up to the
present time in India, where they are called Mega.
From that time dates their aversion towards the coun-
tries of Khurisin. But then came Islam; the Persian
empire perished, and the repugnance of the Hindus
against foreigners increased more and more when the
Muslims began to make their inroads into their country ;
for Muhammad Tbn Elkisim Ibn Elmoanabbih entered
Sindh fromthe side of Sijistiin(Sakastene)and conquered
the cities of Bahmanwii and Miilasthina, the former of
which he called Al-mangsitra, the latter ALma’mira.
He entered India proper, and penetrated even as far as
Kananj, marched through the country of Gandhiira, and
on his way back, through the confines of Kashmir, some-
times fighting sword in hand, sometimes gaining his ends
by treaties, leaving to the people their ancient belief,
except in the case of those who wanted to become Mus-
lims. All these events planted a deeply rooted hatred
in their hearts.
Fourth rea-
Bon > Aver-
Blom of the
Hic iaats
towards tia
cemintrios of
thea Weat,
whonucethey
hac ieee
expelled.
Firstinroads
of the Mins
limes inte
Tndia,
Page iis
Muham-
Hindin con-
quest af the
country by
Mahmiid.*
Fifth τα.
Fon: The
pelt-comceih
of the Hin-
Hwe, arid
their de.
preciation of
inv bhi
foroigen,
22 ΔΙ ΒΕΚΟΝΓΒΊΝΒΕΙΑ,
Now in the following times no Muslim conqueror
passed beyond the frontier of Kiibal and the river Sindh
until the days of the Turks, when they seized the power
in Ghagzna under the Simini dynasty, and the supreme
power fell to the lot of Nasir-addaula Sabuktagin.
This prince chose the holy war as his calling, and there-
fore called himself Al-ghdzi (1.6. warring on the road of
Allah). Inthe interest of his successors he constructed,
in order to weaken the Indian frontier, those roads
on which afterwards his son Yamin-addaula Malimiid
marched into India during a period of thirty years and
more. God be merciful to both fatherand son! Malh-
miid utterly rained the prosperity of the country, and
performed there wonderful exploits, by which the Hindus
became like atoms of dust seattered in all directions,
and like a tale of old in the mouth of the people. ‘Their
scattered remains cherish, of course, the most inveterate
aversion towards all Muslims, ‘This is the reason, too,
why Hindu sciences have retired far away from those
parte of the country conquered by us, and have fled to
places which our hand cannot yet reach, to Kashmir,
Benares, and other places. And there the antagonism
between them and all foreigners receives more and
more nourishment both from political and religious
sources.
In the fitth place, there are other canses, the mention-
ing of which sounds like a satire—peculiarities of their
national character, deeply rooted in them, but manifest
to everybody. Wecan only say, folly is an illness for
which there is no medicine, and the Hindus believe that
there is no country but theirs, no nation like theirs, no
kings like theirs, no religion like theirs, no science like
theirs. They are haughty, foolishly vain, self-conceited,
and stolid, Theyare by nature niggardly in communi-
cating that which they know, and they take the greatest
possible care to withhold it from men of another caste
among their own people, still much more, of course,
CHAPTER I, 23
from any foreigner, According to their belief, there 18
no other country on earth but theirs, no other race of
man but theirs, and no created beings besides them have
any knowledge or science whatsoever. ‘Their haughti-
ness is such that, if you tell them of any science or
echolar in Khurdsiin and Persis, they will think you to
be both an ignoramus and aliar, If they travelled and
mixed with other nations, they would soon change their
mind, for their ancestors were not as narrow-minded
as the present generation is. One of their scholars,
Varihamihira, in a passace where he calls on the people
to honour the Brahmans, says: “ Whe Greeks, though
impure, mast be honowred, since they were trained un
sciences, amd therein excelled others, Wheat, then, cre
we to sity of a Brahman, tf he combines with hts
purity the height of seience?” In former times, the
Hindus used to acknowledge that the progress of science
due to the Greeks is much more important than that
which is due to themselves. Lut from this passage of
Varithamihira alone you see what a self-landing man
he is, whilst he gives himself airs as doing justice to
others. Aft first I stood to their astronomers in the
relation of a pupil to his master, being a stranger
among them and not acquainted with their peculiar
national and traditional methods of science. On having
made some progress, I began to show them the elements
on which this seience rests, to point out to them some
rules of logical deduction and the scientific methods of
all mathematics, and then they flocked together round
me from all parts, wondering, and most eager to learn
from me, asking me at the same time from what Hindu
master I had learnt those things, whilst in reality I
showed them what they were worth, and thought myself
a great deal superior to them, disdaining to be put ou a
level with them, They almost thonght me to be a
sorcerer, and when speaking of me to their leading men
in their native tongue, they spoke of me as ἐδ sea or as
Page τα.
Personal
relations of
the author,
The arthor
declares his
intention of
Som parine
Greck
theories,
hecaise of
their being
Tear akin,
arid of their
strictly
ΙΒ ΠΗ
Gharwcter 8
eon trested
With those of
the Minds,
Z4 ALBERUNIS INDIA,
the water which is so acid that vinegar tn eonpearison 18
sweet,
Now such is the state of things in India, I have
found it very hard to work my way into the subject,
although 1 have a great liking for it, in which respect 1
stand quite alone in my time, and althongh I do not
spare either trouble or money in collecting Sanskrit
books from places where I supposed they were likely
to be found, and in procuring for myself, even from very
ramote places, Hindu scholars who understand them
and are able to teach me, What scholar, however, has
the same favourable opportunities of studying this sub-
ject 881 haye? That wonld be only the case with one
to whom the grace of God accords, what it did not
accord to me, a perfectly free disposal of his own doings
and goings; for it has never fallen to my lot in my own
doings and gcings to be perfectly independent, nor to
be invested with sufficient power to dispose and to order
as I thought best. However, 1 thank God for that
which He has bestowed upon me, and which must be
considered as sufficient for the purpose.
The heathen Greeks, before the rise of Christianity,
held much the same opinions as the Hindus}; their
educated classes thought much the same as those of
the Hindus; their common people held the same
idolatrous views as those of the Hindus. There-
fore I like to confront the theories of the one nation
with those of the other simply on account of thei
close relationship, not in order to correct them. For
that which is not the truth (fe. the true belief or
monotheism) does not admit of any correction, and all
heathenism, whether Greek or Indian, is in its pith and
marrow one and the same belief, because it is only a
deviation from the truth, The Greeks, however, had
philosophers who, living in their country, discovered
and worked out for them the elements of science, not of
popular superstition, for it is the object of the upper
CHAPTER I, 26
classes to be gnided by the results of science, whilst the
common crowd will always be inclined to plunge into
wrong-headed wrangling, as long as they are not kept
down by fear of punishment. Think of Socrates when
he opposed the crowd of his nation as to their idolatry
and did not want to call the stars gods! At once eleyen
of the twelve judges of the Athenians agreed on a sen-
tence of death, and Socrates died faithful to the truth.
The Hindus had no men of this stamp both capable
and willing fo bring sciences to a classical perfection.
Therefore you mostly find that even the so-called
scientific theorems of the Hindus are in a state of utter
confusion, devoid of any logical order, and in the last in-
stanecealwaysmixed up with the silly notionsof the crowd,
eg. mense numbers, enormous spaces of time, and
all kinds of religions dogmas, which the vulear belief
does not admit of being called into question. ‘Therefore
iti is a prevailing practice among the Hindus jurare iw
rerha magistrt ; and 1 can only compare their mathema-
tical and astronomical literature, as far as 1 know it, to
a4 mixture of pearl shells and sour dates, or of pearls
and dang, or of costly crystals and common pebbles.
Goth kinds of things are equal in their eyes, since they
cannot raise themselves to the methods of a strictly
scientific deduction.
In most parts of my work 1 simply relate without
criticising, unless there be a special reason for doing ΒΟ.
I mention the necessary Sanskrit names and technical
terms once where the context of our explanation de-
mands it. If the word is an erigine! one, the meaning
of which can be rendered in Arabic, I only use the
corresponding Arabic word; if, however, the Sanskrit
word be more practical, we keep this, trying to trans-
literate it as accurately as possible. Tf the word Is a
secondary or derived one, but In general use, we also
keep it, though there be a corresponding term in Arabic,
but before using if we explain its signification. In
Para 1%.
The anthers
method,
26 ALBERUNFS INDIA,
this way we have tried to facilitate the understanding
of the terminology.
Lastly, we observe that we cannot always in our
discussions strictly adhere to the geometrical method,
only referring to that which precedes and never to that
which follows, as we must sometimes introduce in ἃ
chapter an unknown factor, the explanation of which
ean only be given in a later part of the book, God
helping ns!
CHAPTER II.
ON THE BELIEF OF THE HINDUS IN GOD.
Tue belief of educated and uneducated people differs in The nature
every nation ; for the former strive to conceive abstract
ideas and to define general principles, whilst the latter
do not pass beyond the apprehension of the senses, and
are content with derived rules, without caring for de-
tails, especially 1 in questions of religion and law, regard-
ing which opinions and interests are divided.
The Hindus believe with regard to God that he is
one, eternal, without beginning and end, acting by free-
will, almighty, all-wise, living, giving life, ruling, pre-
serving ; one who in his sovereignty is unique, beyond
all likeness and unlikeness, and that he does not re-
semble anything nor does anything resemble him. In
order to illustrate this we shall produce some extracts
from their literature, lest the reader shonld think that
our account is nothing but hearsay.
Tn the book of Pataiijali the pupil asks : Quotation
“ Who is the worshipped one, by the worship of whom Patatijali,
blessing is obtained τ
The master says :
“Tt is he who, being eternal and unique, does not for
his part stand in need of any human action for which
he might give as a recompense either a blissful repose,
which is hoped and longed for, or a troubled existence,
which is feared and dreaded, He is unattaimable to
thought, being sublime beyond all unlikeness which is
abhorrent and all likeness which is sympathetic. He
Page ry.
28 ALBERUNTS INDIA,
by his essence knows from all eternity, Ayowledye, in
the human sense of the term, has as its object that
which was unknown before, whilst not knowing does
not at any time or in any condition apply to God.”
Further the pupil speaks :
“Do you attribute to him other qualities besides
those you have mentioned f°
‘The master says :
* He is height, absolute in the idea, not in space, for
he is sublime beyond all existence in any space. Le
is the pure absolute good, longed for by every created
being, He is the knowledge free from the defilement
of forgetiulness and sotslenowine? :
The pupil speaks :
“Do you attribute to him speech or not τ
The master says :
* As he knows, he no doubt also speaks.”
The pupil asks :
“Tf he speaks beeanse he πόμα, what, then, is the
difference between him and the /nowing sages who
have spoken of their knowing 7?”
The master says :
“The difference between them is time, for they have
learned in time and spoken in time, after having been
not-knowing and not-speaking. By apeech they have
transferred their knowledge to others. ‘Therefore their
speaking and acquiring knowledge take place in time.
And as divine matters have no connection with time,
God is knowing, speaking from eternity. It was he
who spoke to Brahman, and to others of the first beings
in different ways. On the one he bestowed a book;
for the other he opened a door, a means of communt-
cating with him; a third one he inspired so that he
obtained by cogitation what God bestowed upon him.”
The pupil asks :
‘* Whence has he this knowing?”
The master answers :
CHAPTER ITT, 29
“ His knowing is the same from all eternity, for ever
and ever, As he has never been not-knowing, he is
knowing of himself, having never acquired any know-
ledge which he did not possess before. He speaks in
the Veda which he sent down upon Brahman:
“* Praise and celebrate him who has spoken the Veda,
and was before the Veda.”
The pupil asks :
“How do you worship him to whom the perception
of the senses cannot attain?”
The master says :
* His name proves his existence, for where there is a
report there must be something to which it refers, and
where there is a name there must be something which
is named, He is hidden to the senses and unperceiv-
able by them. However, the soul perceives him, and
thought comprehends his qualities. his meditation
is identical with worshipping him exelusively, and by
practising 10 uninterruptedly beatitude 1s obtained.”
In this way the Hindus express themselves in this
very famous book.
The following passage is taken from the book (itd,
a part of the book Shdraia, from the conversation be-
tween Visudeva and Arjuna :-—
“Tam the universe, without a beginning by being
born, or without an end by dying. I do not aim by
whatever 1 do at any recompense. I do not specially
belong to one class of beings to the exclusion of others,
as if | were the friend of one and the enemy of others.
I have given to each one in my creation what is suffi-
clent for him in all his functions. Therefore whoever
knows me in this capacity, and tries to become similar
to me by keeping desire apart from his action, his
fetters will be loosened, and he will easily be saved and
freed.”
This passage reminds one of the definition of philo-
Quotation
from: the
hook Gin
On the
netklona of
the πε πὶ
and the
nerenb, *
Quotation
from the
lioole
ἘῸΝ
Page 15.
30 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
sophy as the striving to become as much as possible sumi-
lar ta God.
Further, Vasudeva speaks in the same book :—
“Tt is desire which causes most men to take refuge
with God for their wants. But if you examine their
case closely, you will find that they are very far from
having an accurate knowledge of him; for God is not
apparent to every one, 50 that he might perceive him
with his senses, ‘Therefore they do not know him.
Some of them do not pass beyond what their senses
perceive ; some pass beyond this, but stop at the know-
ledge of the fews of παρε, without learning that above
them there is one who did not give birth nor was born,
the essence of whose being has not been comprehended
by the knowledge of any one, while Avs knowledce
comprehends everything.”
The Hindus differ among themselves as to the defini-
tion of what is aeéion. Some who make God the source
of action consider him asthe universal cause ; for as the
existence of the agents derives from him, he is the
cause of their action, and in consequence if is his
own action coming into existence through their inter-
mediation. Others do not derive action from God, but
from other sources, considering them as the particular
causes which in the last instance—according to external
observation—produce the action in question.
In the book δεν the devotee speaks : “ Has there
been a difference of opinion about action and the agent,
or not?”
The sage speaks: “Some people say that the soul is
not alive and the matter not living; that God, who 15
self-sufficing, is he who unites them and separates them
from each other; that therefore in reality he himself is
the agent. Action proceeds from him in such a way
that he causes both the soul and the matter to move,
like as that which is living and powerful moves that
which is dead and weak.
CHAPTER II. 31
“Others say thatthe union of action and the agent 18
elfected by nature, and that such is the usual process
in everything that increases and decreases.
“Others say the agent is the soul, because im the
Veda it is said, *‘ Every being comes from Purusha.’
According to others, the agent is time, for the world is
tied to time as a sheep is tied to a strong cord, so that
its motion depends upon whether the cord is drawn
tight or slackened. Still others say that action 15
nothing but a recompense for something which has
been done before.
“ All these opinions are wrong. The truth 18, that
action entirely belongs to matter, for matter binds the
soul, causes it to wander about in different shapes,
and then sets if free. ‘Therefore matter is the agent,
all that belongs to matter helps 16 to accomplish
action. But the soul is not an agent, because it is
devoid of the different faculties.”
This is what educated people believe about God.
They eall him i#vera, te. self-suflicing, beneficent, who
gives without receiving. ‘They consider the unity of
God as absolute, but that everything beside God which
may appear as a unity is really a plurality of things.
The existence of God they consider as a real existence,
because everything that exists exists through him, It
is not impossible to think that the existing beings are
not and that he as, but it is impossible to think that he
is net and that they are.
If we now pass from the ideas of the educated people
among the Hindus to those of the common people, we
must first state that they present a great variety, Some
of them are simply abominable, but similar errors also
occur in other religions. Nay, even in Islam we must de-
cidedly disapprove, e.g. of the anthropomorphic doctrines,
the teachings of the Jabriyya sect, the prohibition of
the discussion of religious topics, and such like, Kvery
religious sentence destined for the people at large must
Phiiloaephi-
cal jr vl.
fut notions
about the
nature of
Gord.
32 ALBERUNSIS INDIA,
be carefully worded, as the following example shows.
Some Hindn scholar calls God « point, meaning to say
thereby that the qualities of bodies do not apply to him.
Now some uneducated man reads this and imagines,
God is as small as ἃ point, and he does not find ont
what the word point in this sentence was really intended
to express. He will not even stop with this offensive
comparison, but will deseribe God as much larger, and
will say, ‘‘ Heis twelve fingers longand ten fingers broad.”
Praise be to God, who is far above measure and number !
Further, if an uneducated man hears what we have
mentioned, that God comprehends the universe so that
nothing is concealed from him, he will at once imagine
that this comprehending is effected by means of eye-
sicht ; that eyesight is only possible by means of an eye,
and that two eyes are better than only one; and in con-
sequence he will describe God as having a thousand eyes,
meaning to deseribe his omniscience.
Similar hideous fictions are sometimes met with
among the Hindus, especially among those castes who
are not allowed to oceupy themselves with science, of
whom we shall speak hereafter.
—_,
pa)
Chal
—
CHAPTER IL.
ON THE HINDG ΒΕ ΔΒ TO CREATED THINGS, BOTH
“IN TRLLIGIBILIA ” AND SENSTRILIA,”
On this subject the ancient Greeks held nearly the Notions of
the ΠΥ ΒΕ ἢ
same view as the Hindus, at all events in those times and thee
before philosophy rose high among them under the care phere aa to
of the seven so-called pillars of wisdom, viz. Solon of cree
Athens, Bias of Priene, Periander of Corinth, Thales of
Miletus, Chilon of Lacedzemon, Pittacus of Lesbos, and
Gleobulus of Lindos, and their successors, Some of page τα.
them thought that all things are one, and this one thing
is according to some τὸ λανθάνειν, according to others
ἡ δύναμις τ that eg, man has only this prerogative
before a stone and the inanimate world, that he is by
one degree nearer than they to the First Cuwse. But
this he would net be anything better than they.
Others think that only the First Cause has real exist-
ence, because 1t alone is self-sulficing, whilst everything
else absolutely requires it; that ἃ thing which for its
existence stands in need of something ae has only a
dream-life, no real life, and that reality is only that one
and first being (the First Cause).
This is also the theory of the δ ἴδ, ie. the seges, origin of
for st means in Greek wisdom σοφία), Therefore a ΝΣ
philosopher is called patidsdpd φιλόσοφος), {κεν loving
wisdom. When in Islam persons adopted something
like the doctrines of these piifosophers, they also adopted
their name; but some people did not understand the
meaning of the word, and erroneously combined it with
VOL. 1, C
Galena;
34 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
the Arabic word suff, as if the Sufi (= φιλόσοφοι) were
identical with the so-called 'AAl-assiujfa among the com-
panions of Muhammad. In later times the word was
corrupted by misspelling, so that finally it was taken for
a derivation from αὐ ἢ, ie. the wool ef goats, Abti-alfath
Albusti made a laudable effort to avoid this mistake
when he said, * From olden times people have differed
as to the meaning of the word siijfi, and have thought
if a derivative from sijf, i.e. wool, I, for my part,
understand by the word a youth who 15 sé/i, t.e. pure.
This séft has become sti, and in this form the name
of a class of thinkers, the $77.”
Further, the same Greeks think that the existing
world is only one thing; that the First Cause appears in
if under various shapes; that the power of the Virst
Cause is inherent in the parts of the world under 61|-
ferent circumstances, which cause a certain difference of
the things of the world notwithstanding their original
unity.
Others thought that he who turns with his whole
being towards the First Cause, striving to become as
much as possible similar to ἐξ, will become united with
i after having passed the intermediate stages, and
stripped of all appendages and impediments. Similar
views are also held by the Si/i, because of the similarity
of the domma,
As to the souls and spirits, the Greeks think that
they exist by themselves before they enter bodies; that
they exist in certain numbers and groups, which stand
in various relations to each other, knowing each other
and not knowing; that they, whilst staying in bodies,
earn by the actions of their free-will that lot which
awaits them after their separation from the bodies,
ie. the faculty of ruling the world in various ways.
Therefore they called them gods, built temples in their
nates and offered them sacrifices; as Galenus says in
his book called προτρεπτικὺς εἰς τὰς τέχνας : “ Excel-
CHAPTER ITT. 3:
lent men have obtained the honour of being reckoned
among the deified beings only for the noble spirit in
which they cultivated the arts, not for their prowess in
wrestling and discus-throwing. #.g. Asclepins and
Dionysos, whether they were originally human heings
in bygone times and afterwards deified, or were divine
beings from the very beginning, deserved in any case
the greatest of honours, because the one taught man-
kind the seience of medicine, the other the art of the
cultivation of the vine.”
Galenus says in his commentary on the aphorisms of
Hippocrates: “As regards the offerings to Asclepius,
we have never heard that anybody offered him a goat,
becanse the weaving of goat’s-hair is not easy, and
much goat's-meat produces epilepsy, since the humours
of the goats are bad. People only offer him a cock,
as also Hippocrates has done. For this divine man
acquired for mankind the art of medicine, which is
much superior to that which Dionysos and Demeter
have invented, ie the wine and the cereals whence
bread is prepared. ‘Therefore cereals are called by the
name of Demeter and the vine is called by the name
οὐ Dionysos.”
Plato says in his Timeus: “The θεοί whom the
barbarians eall gods, because of their not dying, are
the δαίμονες, whilst they call the god the first god.”
Further he says: ‘God spoke to the gods, ‘ You are
not of yourselves exempt from destruction. Only you
will not perish by death. You have obtaimed from
my will at the time when I created you, the firmest
covenant,’ ἡ
In another passage of the same book he says: “God
is in the single number; there are no gods in the plural
number.”
These quotations prove that the Greeks call in
general god everything that is glorious and noble, and
the like usage exists among many nations. They go
τὰ 17.
Fiato.
ΒΓ ΤΠ ΠΕΙῸ
rat Γήςι-
tidus,
Galewits,
Difference
of denomi-
nating Gel
in Arabic,
Hebrew,
ind Syriac,
Pare 18:
30 ALBERUNI'S INDIA.
even so far as to call gods the mountains, the seas, dc.
Secondly, they apply the term god in a special sense
to the #urst Cause, to the angels, and to their souls.
According toa third usage, Plato calls gods the Sekindd
(= Motiv). But on this subject the terms of the
interpreters are not perfectly clear; in consequence
of which we only know the name, but not what it
tneans. Johannes Grammaticus says in his refutation
of Proclus: “The Greeks gave the name of gods to
the visible bodies in heaven, as many barbarians do.
Afterwards, when they came to philosophise on the
abatract ideas of the world of thought, they called these
by the name of gods,”
Hence we must necessarily infer that being deifed
means something like the state of angels, according
to our notions. This Galenus says in clear words
in the same book: ‘If it is true that Asclepius was
a man in bygone times, and that then God deigned
to make him one of the angels, everything else is idle
tall.”
In another passave of the same book he says: “ God
spoke to Lycurgus, ‘I am in doubt concerning you,
whether to call you ἃ man or an angel, but 1 iveline to
the latter.’ ”
There are, however, certain expressions which are
offensive according to the notions of one religion, whilst
they are eianwatbie according to those of another, which
may pass in one language, whilst they are rejected by
another, To this class belongs the word apotheosis,
which has a bad sound in the ears of Muslims. If we
consider the use of the word god in the Arabic language,
we find that all the names by which the pure truth, de.
Allah, has been named, may somehow or other be applied
to other beings besides him, except the word Allah,
which only applies to God, and which has been called
his greatest nome.
Τ we consider the use of the word in Hebrew and
CHAPTER III. 4}
Syriac, in which two languages the sacred books before
the Koran were revealed, we find that in the Thora and
the following books of prophets which are reckoned
with the Thora as one whole, that word Aa) corre-
sponds to the word Alls in Arabic, in so far as it can-
not in a genitive construction be applied to anybody
besides God, and you cannot say the rab) of the house,
the rabb of the property (which in Arabic is allowed),
And, secondly, we find that the word ’£loah in Hebrew
corresponds in its usage there to the word Aad in
Arabic (ἐπ that in Hebrew the word PN may apply
to other beings but God, like the word Gs, in Arabic).
The following passages occur in those books :—
“The sons of Alokim came in unto the daughters of
men ” (Gen, vi. 4), before the deluge, and cohabited with
them.
“Satan entered together with the sons of #lohim imto
their meeting ” (Job 1. 6).
In the Thora of Moses God speaks to him: ‘‘I have
made thee a god to Pharaoh” (Vxod. vu. 1).
In the 82d Psalm of the Psalter of David the fol-
lowing occurs: “God standeth in the congregation of
the gods” (Ps. lxxxii. 1), i.e. of the angels.
In the Thora the idols are ealled foreign gods. LU
the Thora had not forbidden to worship any other being
but God, if it had not forbidden people to prostrate
themselves before the idols, nay, even to mention them
and to think of them, one might infer from this expres-
sion (forcign gods) that the order of the Bible refers
only to the abolition of foreign gods, which would mean
gods that are not Hebrew ones (as if the Hebrews had
adored national gods, in opposition to the gods of their
neighbours). The nations round Palestine were idol
worshippers like the heathen Greeks, and the Israelites
always rebelled against God by worshipping the idol of
Baal (lit. Ba‘ld) and the idol of Ashtiircth, ae. Venus.
From all this it is evident that the Hebrews used to
Paya ry.
48 ALBRERUNFS INDIA,
apply the term being god, grammatically a term like
being king, to the angels, to the souls invested with
divine power (vy. p. 34); by way of comparison, also,
to the images which were made to represent the bodies
of those beings; lastly, metaphorically, to kings and to
other great men,
Passing from the word God to those of father and
son, we must state that Islam is not lLberal in the use of
fhem; for in Arabic the word son means nearly always
as much as a οὐ in the natural order of things, and
from the ideas involved in parentage and birth can
never be derived any expression meaning the Hternal
Lord of creation. Other languages, however, take much
more liberty in this respect; so that if people address a
man by fetler, it is nearly the same as if they addressed
him by sir. As is well known, phrases of this kind
have become so prevalent among the Christians, that
anybody who does not always use the words father and
son in addressing people would scarcely be considered
as one of them. By the son they understand most
especially Jesus, but apply it also to others besides
him. It is Jesus who orders his disciples to say in
prayer, “Ὁ our father which art in heaven” (St.
Matt. vi. 9); and informing them of his approaching
death, he says that he is going to his father and to
their father (St. John xx.17). In most of his speeches
he explains the word the son as meaning himself, that
he is fhe son of niecen.
Liesides the Christians, the Jews too use similar ex-
preesions; for the 2d Book of Kings relates that God
consoled David for the loss of his son, who had been
borne to him by the wife of Uriah, and promised him
another son from her, whom he would adopt as his
own son (1 Chron, xxi. ὦ, 10) If the use of the
Hebrew language admits that Salomo is by adoption a
son of God, it is admissible that he who adopted was a
father, vig. God,
CHAPTER IT]. 39
The Manichzeans stand in a near relationship to the
Christians. Mini expresses himself in a similar way im
the book called Kanz-al’ihyd (Thesaurus Vivijficationis):
* The resplendent hosts will be called young women and
virgins, fathers and mothers, sons, brothers, and sisters,
because such is the custom in the books of the prophets.
In the country of joy there is neither male nor female,
nor are there organs of generation. All are invested
with living bodies. Since they have divine bodies, they
do not differ from each other in weakness and force, in
length and shortness, in figure and looks; they are like
similar lamps, which are lighted by the same lamp, and
which are nourished by the same material. The cause
of this kind of name-giving arises, in the last instance,
from the rivalry of the two realms in mixing up with
each other. When the low dark realm rose from the
abyss of chaos, and was seen by the high resplendent
realm as consisting of pairs of male and female beings,
the latter gave similar outward forms to its own chil-
dren, who started to fight that other world, so that it
placed in the fight one kind of beings opposite the
same kind of the other world.”
The educated among the Hindus abhor anthropo-
morphisms of this kind, but the crowd and the mem-
bers of the single sects use them most extensively.
They go even beyond all we have hitherto mentioned,
so as to speak of wife, son, daughter, of the rendering
preenant and other physical processes, all in connection
with God. They are even so little pions, that, when
speaking of these things, they do not even abstain from
silly and unbecoming language. However, nobody
minds these classes and their theories, though they be
“numerous. ‘The main and most essential point of the
Hindu world of thought 1s that which the Brahmans
think and believe, for they are specially trained for pre-
serving and maintaining their region, And this it 18
which we shall explain, viz. the belief of the Brahmans.
Note om
tha Mani-
CHa LA.
diel of
the edu.
coted Ain
dus. <All
erented
helnge are
a Unity.
Puruaha,
Pare zo,
Awrata,
40 ALBERUNS?S INDIA,
Regarding the whole creation {τὸ dv), they think that
if is a unity, as has already been declared, because
Visudeva speaks in the book called Giféd: “To speak
accurately, we must say that all things are divine; for
Vishnu made himself the earth that the living beings
should rest thereupon ; he made himself water to nourish
them thereby ; he made himself fire and wind in order
to make them grow; and he made himself the heart of
every single being, He presented them with recollec-
tion and knowledve and the two opposite qualities, as
is mentioned in the Veda.”
How much does this resemble the expression of the
author of the book of Apollonius, De Causis Rerwin, az
if the one had been taken from the other! He says:
“There is in all men a divine power, by which all
things, both material and immaterial, are apprehended.”
Thus in Persian the immaterial Lord is called Khudhed,
and in a derivative sense the word is also used to mean
a man, ¢.¢. a human lord.
I. Those Hindus who prefer clear and accurate defi-
nitions to vague allusions call the soul pwrusia, which
means men, because it 15 the livmg element in the
existing world, Life is the only attribute which they
give to it. They describe it as aiternately knowing
and not knowing, as not knowing ἐν πράξει (actually),
and as knowing ἐν νέμει (potentially), gaining know-
ledge by acquisition. ‘The not-knowing of guerwshe is
the canse why action comes into existence, and its
knowing is the canse why action ceases.
I]. Next follows the general matter, i.e. the abstract
ὕλῃ, which they call avyalta, ie a shapeless thing, It
is dead, but has three powers potentially, not actually,
which are called satéva, rajas,and tamas, I have heard
that Buddhodana (sic), in speaking to his adherents the
Shamanians, calls them buddha, dharma, satigha, as it
were tifelligence, religion, and ignorance (sic), The first
power is rest and goodness, and hence come existing
CHAPTER Il. 41
and growing, ‘I'he second is exertion and fatigue, and
hence come firmness and duration. The third is languor
and irresolution, and hence come ruin and perishing.
Therefore the first power is attributed to the angels,
the second to men, the third tothe animals. The ideas
hefore, afterwards, and thereupon may be predicated of
all these things only im the sense of a certain sequence
and on account of the inadequacy of language, but not
so as to indicate any ordinary notions of time.
11. Matter proceeding from δύναμις into πράξεις under
the various shapes and with the three primary forces
is called vyaita, Le. having shape, whilst the union of
the «abstract ὕλη and of the shaped matter is called
prakritt, This term, however, is of no use to us; we
do net want to speak of an adstrect matter, the term
matier alone being sufficient for us, since the one does
not exist without the other,
IV. Next comes nature, which they call ahainidra.
The word is derived from the ideas of overpowering, de-
veloping, and self-assertion, because matter when assum-
ing shape causes things to develop into new forms, and
this growing consists in the changing of a foreign ele-
ment and assimilating it to the growing one. Hence
it is as if Nature were trying to overpower those other
or foreign elements in this process of changing them,
and were subduing that which is changed.
V.-[X. As a matter of course, each compound pre-
supposes simple elements from which it is compounded
and into which it is resolved again. The universal
existences in the world are the five elements, 1.6, accord-
ing to the Hindus: heaven, wind, fire, water, and earth,
They are called mahdbhita, we. having great natures.
They do not think, as other people do, that the fire is
a hot dry body near the bottom of the ether, They
understand by fire the common fire on earth which
comes from an inflammation of smoke. The Veéyu
Purdna says: “ Inthe beginning were earth, water, wind,
Vyakta and
prakriti
Ahatikira,
Wahiidihvitn
Annotation
from Pitty
Purana,
Patica
Gre,
Page σι:
42 ALBERUNSIS INDIA.
and heaven, Brahman, on seeing sparks under the
earth, brought them forward and divided them into
three parts: the first, pdréhive, is the common fire,
which requires wood and is extinguished by water; the
second is diya, ie. the sun; the third, vedyeet, 1.6, the
lightning, The sun attracts the water; the lightning
shines through the water. In the animals, also, there is
fire in the midst of moist substances, which serve to
nourish the fire and do not extinguish it.”
X.-NIV. As these elaments are compound, they pre-
suppose simple ones which are called poten mithiras,
ie. five mothers, They describe them as the functions
of the senses. The simple element of heaven is gahde,
ἀνθ. that which is heard; that of the wind 1s sparse,
ie, that which is touched; that of the fire is στρα, we.
that, which is seen; that of the water is rasd, i.e. that
which is tasted; and that of the earth is gendha, Le.
that which is smelled. With each of these majiibhite
elements (earth, water, &c.) they connect, firstly, ene of
the pajica-mdiitras elements, as we have here shown ;
and, secondly, all those which have been attributed to
the mahdbhite elements previously mentioned. So
the earth has all five qualities; the water has them
minus the smelling (=fonr qualities) ; the fire has them
minus the smelling and tasting (1.2. three qualities); the
wind has them minus smelling, tasting, and seeing (6,
two qualities); heayen has them minus smelling, tast-
ing, seeing, and touching (i.c. one quality).
1 do not know what the Hindus mean by bringing
sound into relation with heaven, Perhaps they mean
something similar to what Homer, the poet of the
ancient Greeks, said, “ Those wivested with the seven melo-
dies spealc und give answer to each other wn a pleasant
fone.” Thereby he meant the seven planets; as another
poet says. “ The spheres endowed with different melodies
are seven, moving eternally, praising the Creator, for it is
he who holds them and embraces them unto the farthest
end of the starless aphere.”
CHAPTER III, 43
Porphyry says in his book on the opinions of the
most prominent philosophers about the nature of the
sphere: “The heayenly bodies moving about in forms
and shapes and with wonderful melodies, which are
fixed for ever, as Pythagoras and Diogenes have ex-
plained, point to their Creator, who is without equal
and without shape. People say that Diogenes had
such subtle senses that he, and fe alone, could hear the
sound of the motion of the sphere.”
All these expressions are rather hints than clear
speech, but admitting of a correct interpretation on a
scientific basis. Some successor of those philosophers,
one of those who did not grasp the full truth, says:
“Sight is watery, hearing airy, smelling fiery, tasting
earthy, and touching is hat the goul bestows upon
everybody by uniting itself with it.” I suppose this
philosopher connects the sight with the water because
he had heard of the moist substances of the eye and οἵ
their different classes (/aewna); he refers the smelling
to the fire on account of frankincense and smoke; the
tasting to the earth because of his nourishment which
the earth yields him, Ag, then, the four elements are
finished, he is compelled for the fifth sense, the touch-
ing, to have recourse to the soul,
The result of, all these elements which we have enu-
merated, 7.¢. a compound of all of them, is the animal.
The Hindus consider the plants as a species of animal
as Plato also thinks that the plants have a sense,
because they have the faculty of distinguishing between
that which suits them and that which is detrimental to
them. ‘The animal is an animal as distincuished from
a stone by virtue of its possession of the senses.
XV.—XIX, The senses are five, called ἐπε μη, the
hearing by the ear, the seeing by the eye, the smelling
by the nose, the tasting by the tongue, and the tonching
by the skin.
AX. Next follows the will, which directs the senses
Tndriyani.
Mansa,
Krriiendri-
yi.
Page az.
Recapitala-
tion of the
twonty-live
elements,
4d ALBERUNIS INDIA.
in the exercise of their various functions, and which
dwells in the heart. Therefore they call it mans,
AAIT—-XXYV, The animal nature is rendered perfect
by five necessary functions, which they call termendri-
ydéni, te. the senses of action, The former senses bring
about learning and knowledge, the latter action and
work. We shall call them the necessaria, They are :
1. To produce a sound for any of the different wants
and wishes a man may have; 2. To throw the hands
with force, in order to draw towards or to put away;
3. To walk with the feet, in order to seek something
or to fly from it; 4, 5. The ejection of the superfluous
elements of nourishment by means of the two openings
created for the purpose.
The whole of these elements are twenty-five, via. :—
1. The general soul.
2, The abstract ὕλη,
3, The shaped matter.
4. The overpowering nature.
5-9. The simple mothers.
10-14. The primary elements.
15-19, ‘he senses of apperception.
20, The directing will.
21-25. The instrumental necessaric.
The totality of these elements is called tative, and all
knowledge is restricted to them. Therefore Vyiisa the
son of Pariifara speaks: ‘ Learn twenty-five by dis-
tinctions, definitions, and divisions. as you learn a
logieal syllogism, and something which is a certainty,
not merely studying with the tongue. Afterwards
adhere to whatever religion you hke; your end will
be salvation,”
CHAPTER IV.
FROM WHAT CAUSE ACTION ORIGINATES, AND HOW THE
SOUL ΤῈ CONNECTED WITH MATTER.
VOLUNTARY actions cannot originate in the body of any
animal, unless the body be living and exist in close con-
tact with that which is living of itself, i.e, the soul.
The Hindus maintain that the soul is ἐν πρίξει, not
ἐν δυνάμει, Ignorant of 108 own essential nature and of
its material substratum, longing to apprehend what it
does not know, and believing that it cannot exist unless
by matter. As, therefore, it longs for the good which
is duration, and wishes to learn that which is hidden
from it, it starts off in order to be united with matter.
However, substances which are dense and such as are
tenuous, if they have these qualities in the very highest
degree, can mix together only by means of interme-
diary elements which stand in a certain relation to
each of the two, Thus the air is the medium be-
tween fire and water, which are opposed to each other by
these two qualities, for the air is related to the fire in
tenuity and to the water in density, and by either of
these qualities it renders the one capable of mixing
with the other. Now, there is no greater antithesis than
that between body and not-body. Therefore the soul,
being what it is, cannot obtain the fulfilment of its
wish but by similar media, spirits which derive their
existence from the matres simplices in the worlds called
Bhirloka, Bhuvarloka, and Srarloka. The Hindus call
them fenuous bodies over which the soul rises like the
The soul
longing to
be united
with the
body, ja ἘΠῚ
volted by
intermedi-
ary aqTirits.
Pre 322.
Five witirls
regia biting
the fune-
tigna of the
howl,
The differ-
enes of Elie
souls de
ponding
npom the
difference of
the bodies
mul their
ἐπ τεσ ΤΏ.
46 ALBERUNES INDIA.
sun over the earth, in order to distinguish them from
the dense bodies which derive their existence from the
common five elements. The soul, in consequence of
this union with the media, uses them as its vehicles.
Thus the image of the sun, though he is only one, is re-_
presented in many mirrors which are placed opposite to
him, as also in the water of vessels placed opposite.
‘he sun is seen alike in each mirror and each vessel,
and in each of them his warming and licht-giving effect
is pereeived.
When, now, the various bodies, being from their
nature compounds of different things, come into exist-
ence, being composed of mele elements, viz. bones,
veins, and sperma, and of female elements, viz. flesh,
blood, and hair, and being thus fully prepared to receive
life, then those spirits unite themselves with them, and
the bodies are to the spirits what castles or fortresses
are to the various affairs of princes. In a farther stage
of development five winds enter the bodies. By the
first and second of them the inhaling and exhaling are
effected, by the third the mixture of the victuals in the
stomach, by the fourth the locomotion of the body from
one place to the other, by the fifth the transferring of
the apperception of the senses from one side of the body
to the other.
The spirits here mentioned do not, according to the
notions of the Hindus, differ from each other in sub-
stance, but havea precisely identical nature. However,
their individual characters and manners differ in the
same measure as the bodies with which they are united
differ, on account of the three forces which are in them
striving with each other for supremacy, and on account
of their harmony being disturbed by the passions of
envy and wrath.
Sach, then, is the supreme highest cause of the soul’s
starting off into action.
Qn the other hand, the /owest cause, as proceeding
CHAPTER IV. 47
from matter, is this: that matter for its part seeks for
perfection, and always prefers that which is better to
that which is less good, viz. proceeding from δύναμις
into πρᾶξις, In consequence of the vainglory and
ambition which are its pith and marrow, matter pro-
duces and shows all kinds of possibilities which it
contains to its pupil, the soul, and carries it round
through all classes of vegetable and animal beings.
Hindus compare the soul to a dancing-girl who is clever
in her art and knows well what effect each motion and
pose of hers has, She is in the presence of a sybarite
most eager of enjoying what she has learned. Now she
begins to produce the various kinds of her art one after
the other under the admiring gaze of the host, until her
programme is finished and the eagerness of the spectator
has been satisfied. Then she stops suddenly, since she
could not produce anything but a repetition; and as a
repetition is not wished for, he dismisses her, and action
ceases. ‘The close of this kind of relation is illustrated
by the following simile: A caravan has been attacked
in the desert by robbers, and the members of it have
fled in all directions except a blind man and a lame
man, who remain on the spot in helplessness, despairing
of their escape. After they meet and recognise each
other, the lame speaks to the blind: “I cannot move,
but I can lead the way, whilst the opposite is the case
with you, ‘Therefore put me on your shoulder and
earry me, that I may show you the way and that we
may escape together from this calamity.” This the
blind man did. They obtained their purpose by helping
each other, and they left each other on coming out of
the desert.
Further, the Hindus speak in different ways of the
agent, as we have already mentioned. So the Fishnw
Purdna says: “ Matter is the origin of the world. Its
action in the world rises from an innate disposition, as
a tree sows its own seed by an innate disposition, not,
On matter
secking the
union with
the soul,
Tustrationa
of thia puur-
ticular kind
of win.
Action of
matter ris-
ing from an
innate dia.
position,
Page 2,4.
[πὶ τα τ
ne the cause
of ackion
according te
the Siin-
khya school
of prhiloso-
+ pers,
48 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
intentionally, and the wind cools the water though it
only intends blowing, Volwntary action is only due to
Vishnu.” By the latter expression the author means
the living being who is above matter (God). Through
him matter becomes an agent toiling for him as a friend
toils for a friend without wanting anything for himself,
On this theory Mani has built the following sentence :
“The Apostles asked Jesus about the life of inanimate
nature, whereapon he said, ‘If that which 15 inanimate
is separated from the living element which is com-
mingled with it, and appears alone by itself, if is again
inanimate and is not capable of living, whilst the living
element which has left it, retaming its vital energy
unimpaired, never dies,”
The book of Siithkhya derives action from matter, for
the difference of forms under which matter appears
depends upon the three primary forces, and upon whether
one or two of them gain the supremacy over the
remainder, ‘hese forces are the angelic, the human,
and the animal. The three forces belong only to matter,
not to the soul. The task of the sonl is to learn the
actions of matter like a spectator, resembling a traveller
who sits down in a village to repose. Hach villager is
busy with his own particular work, but he looks at
them and considers their doings, disliking some, liking
others, and taking an example from them. In this way
he is busy without having himeelf any share in the
business going on, and without being the cause which
has brought it about,
The book of Sihikhya brings action into relation with
the soul, though the soul has nothing to do with action,
only in so far as it resembles a man who happens to
vet into the company of people whom he does not
know. ‘They are robbers returning from a village
which they have sacked and destroyed, and he has
scarcely marched with them a short distance, when
they are overtaken by the avengers. The whole party
CHAPTER IV. 49
are taken prisoners, and together with them the inno-
cent man is dragged off; and being treated precisely
as they are, he receives the same punishment, without
having taken part in their action.
People say the soul resembles the rain-water which
comes down from heaven, always the same and of the
same nature. However, if it is gathered in vessels
placed for the purpose, vessels of different materials, of
gold, silver, glass, earthenware, clay, or bitter-salt earth,
it begins to differ in appearance, taste, and smell. Thus
the soul does not influence matter in any way, except
in this, that it g@ives matter life by being in close con-
tact with it. When, then, matter begins to act, the
result is different, in conformity with the one of the
three promary forces which happens to preponderate,
and conformably to the mutnal assistance which the
other two latent forces afford to the former. This
assistance may be given in various ways, as the fresh
oil, the dry wick, and the smoking fire help each other
to produce light. The soul is in matter like the rider
on ἃ a carriage, being attended by the senses, who drive
the carriage according to the rider’s intentions. But
the sonl for its part is guided by the intelligence with
which it is inspired by God. This intelligence they
degeribe as that by which the reality of things is appre-
hended, which shows the way to the knowledge of God,
and to such actions as are liked and praised by every-
body.
VOL. 1. :
Degintdiug,
develop-
Hieank, ame
ultimate
result af
metemypsey-
choaia,
Page 25.
( 50 )
CHAPTER V.
ON THE STATE OF THE SOULS, AND THEIR MIGRATIONS
THROUGH THE WORLD IN THE METEMPSYCIOSIS,
As the word af confession, ‘There is no god but God,
Muhammad is his prophet,” is the shibboleth of Islam,
the Trinity that of Christianity, and the institute of
the Sabbath that of Judaism, so metempsychosis is
the shibboleth of the Hindu religion. Therefore he
who does not believe in it does not belong to them,
and is not reckoned as one of them. For they hold the
following belief ;—
The soul, as lone as it has not risen to the highest
absolute intelligence, does not comprehend the totality
of objects at once, or,as it were, in no time. Therefore
it must explore all particular beings and examine all the
possibilities of existence ; and as their number is, though
not unlimited, still an enormons one, the soul wants an
enormous space of time in order to fimsh the contem-
plation of such a multiplicity of objects. The soul
acquires knowledge only by the contemplation of the
individuals and the species, and of their peculiar actions
and conditions. ΤῈ gains experience from each object,
and gathers thereby new knowledge.
However, these actions differ in the same measure as
the three primary forees differ. Besides, the world is
not left without some direction, being led, as if were, by
a bridle and directed towards a definite scope. There-
fore the imperishable sonls wander about in perishable
bodies conformably to the difference of their actions, as
CHAPTER ΨΡ. 51
they prove to be good or bad. The object of the migra-
tion through the world of reward (i. heaven) is to
direct the attention of the soul to the good, that 1t should
become desirous of acquiring as much of it as possible.
The object of its migration through the world of pen-
ishment (i.e. hell) is to direct its attention to the bad
and abominable, that it should strive to keep as far as
possible aloof from if.
The migration begins from low stages, and rises to
higher and better ones, not the contrary, as we state
on purpose, since the one is ἃ priori as possible as the
other. The difference of these lower and higher stages
depends upon the difference of the actions, and this
again results from the quantitative and qualitative
diversity of the temperaments and the various degrees
of combinations in which they appear.
This migration lasts until the object aimed at has
been completely attained both for the soul and matter ;
the ower aim being the disappearance of the shape of
matter, except any such new formation as may appear
desirable; the higher aim being the ceasing of the desire
of the soul to learn what it did not know before, the
insight of the soul into the nobility of its own being
and its independent existence, its knowing that it can
dispense with matter after it has become acquainted
with the mean nature of matter and the instability of
its shapes, with all that which matter offers to the
senses, and with the truth of the tales abont its
delights. Then the soul turns away from matter; the
connecting links are broken, the union is dissolved.
Separation and dissolution take place, and the soul
returns to its home, carrying with itself as much of the
bliss of knowledge as sesame develops grains and
blossoms, afterwards never separating from its. oil.
The intelligent being, intelligence and its object, are
united and become one.
It is now our duty to produce from their literature
Quctvbions
from the
boole hed,
Puta of,
52 ALBERUNI'S INDIA,
some clear testimonies as to this subject and cognate
theories of other nations,
Visudeva speaks to Arjuna instigating him to the
battle, whilst they stand between the two lines: * If you
believe in predestination, you must know that neither
they nor we are mortal, and do not go away without a
return, for the souls are immortal and unchangeable.
They migrate through the bodies, while man changes
from childhood into youth, into manhood and infirm
age, the end of which is the death of the body. ‘There-
after the soul proceeds on its return.”
Further he says: “How can a man think of death
and being killed who knows that the soul is eternal,
not haying been born and not perishing; that the aoul
is something stable and constant; that no sword can
cut it, no fire burn it, no water extinguish it, and no
wind wither it? The soul migrates from its body, after it
has become old, into another, a different one, as the body,
when its dress has become old,is clad in another. What
then is your sorrow about a soul which does not perish fF
ΤΙ it were perishable, it would be more becoming that
you should not sorrow about a thing which may be dis-
pensed with, which does not exist, and does not return
into existence. But if you look more to your body
than to your soul, and are in anxiety about its perish-
ing, you must know that all that which is born dies,
and that all that which dies returns into another exist-
ence. However, both life and death are not your con-
cern, They are in the hands of God, from whom all
things come and to whom they return.”
In the further course of conyersation Arjuna speaks
to Vasudeva: “ How did you dare thus to fight Brahman,
Brahman who was before the world was and before
man was, whilst you are living among us as a being,
whose birth and ave are known ?”’
Thereupon Visudeva answered: ‘ Hternity (pre-exist-
ence) is common to both of us and to him. How often
CHAPTER ¥. 53
have we lived together, when I knew the times of our lite
and death, whilst they were concealed from you! When
I desire to appear in order to do some good, I array
myself in a body, since one cannot be with man except
in a hnman shape.”
People tell a tale of a king, whose name I have
forgotten, who ordered his people after his death to
bury his body on a spot where never before had a dead
person been buried. Now they sought for such a spot,
but could not find it; finally, on finding a rock pro-
jecting out of the ocean, they thought they had found
what they wanted. But then Visudeva spoke unto
them, “his king has been burned on this identical
rock already many times. But now do as you like; for
the king only wanted to give you a lesson, and this
nim of his has now been attained.”
Vasudeva says: “He who hopes for salvation and
strives to free himself from the world, but whose heart
is not obedient te his wish, will be rewarded for his
action in the worlds of those who receive a good re-
ward ; but he does not attain his last object on account
of his deficiency, therefore he will return to this world,
and will be found worthy of entering a new shape of a
kind of beings whose special oceupation is devotion.
Divine inspiration helps him to raise himself in this
new shape by deerees to that which he already wished
for in the first shape. His heart begins to comply with
his wish; he is more and more purified in the different
shapes, until he at last obtains salvation in an uninter-
rupted series of new births.”
Further, Visndeva says: ‘If the soul is free from
matter, itis knowing ; but as long as 10 15 clad 1n matter,
the soul is not-knowing, on account of the turbid nature
of matter. Tt thinks that it is an agent, and that the
actions of the world are prepared for its sake. ‘lhere-
fore it clings to them, and it is stamped with the im-
pressions of the senses. When, then, the soul leaves
Paige 97,
Fishapia-
Deri,
Mani,
54 ALBERUNTS INDIA.
the body, the traces of the impressions of the senses
remain in it, and are not completely eradicated, as it
longs for the world of sense and returns towards it.
And since it in these stages undergoes changes entirely
opposed to each other, it is thereby subject to the
influences of the three primary forces, What, therefore,
ean the soul do, its wing being cut, if it is not suffi-
ciently trained and prepared 7”
Viisudeva says: “The best of men is the perfectly
wise one, for he loves God and God loves ee How
many times has he died and been born again! Durmg
his whole life he perseveringly seeks for perfection till
he obtains it.”
In the Vishnu-Dharma, Mirkandeya, speaking of the
spiritual beings, says: κ᾿ Brahman, Karttikeya, son ot
Mahadeva, Lakshmi, who produced the Amrita, Daksha,
who was beaten by Mahadeva, Umidevi, the wife of
Mahideva, each of them has been in the middle of this
kielpa, and they have been the same already many
times.”
Varihamihira speaks of the influences of the comets,
and of the calamities which befall men when they
appear. These calamities compel them to emigrate
from their homes, lean from exhaustion, moaning over
their mishap, leading their children by the hand along
the road, and speaking to each other in low tones,
“We are punished for the sins of our kings;” where-
upon others answer, “ Not so. This is the retribution
for what we have done in the former life, before we
entered these bodies.”
When Mini was banished from Eerinshahr, he went
to India, learned metempsychosis from the Hindns, and
transferred if into his own system. He says in the Look
af Afysterves: “Since the Apostles knew that the souls
are immortal, and that in their migrations they array
themselves in every form, that they are shaped in every
animal, and are cast in the mould of every figure, they
CHAPTER Υ. 55
hill
asked Messiah what would be the end of those souls which
did not receive the truth nor learn the origin of their
existence. Whereupon he said,‘ Any weak soul which
has not received all that belongs to her of truth perishes
without any rest or bliss.’ By perishing Mini means
her being punished, not her total disappearance. For
inanother place he says: “The partisans of Bardesanes
think that the living soul rises and is purified in the
carcase, not knowing that the latter is the enemy of
the soul, that the carcase prevents the soul from rising,
that it is a prison, and a painful punishment to the
soul. Ji this human figure were a real existence, its
ereator would not let if wear out and suffer injury, and
would not have compelled it to reproduce itself by the
sperma in the uterus,”
The following passage is taken from the book of
Patafijali:—“ The soul, being on all sides tied to
ignorance, which is the cause of its being fettered,
is like rice in its cover. As long as it is there,
it is capable of growing and ripening in the tran-
sition stages between being born and giving birth
itself. But if the cover is taken off the rice, it ceases
to develop in this way, and becomes stationary.
The retribution of the soul depends on the various
kinds of creatures through which if wanders, upon
the extent of life, whether it be long or short, and
upon the particular kind of its happiness, be it scanty
or ample.”
The pupil asks: ‘“ What is the condition of the spirit
when it has a claim to a recompense or has committed
a crime, and is then entangled in a kind of new birth
either in order to receive bliss or to be punished ?”
The master says: “It migrates according to what
it has previously done, fluctuating between happiness
and misfortune, and alternately experiencing pain or
pleasure.”
The pupil asks: “Ifa man commits something which
Patatijadi,
Page 23.
Wuotations
from Plato
and Prociog.
56 ALBERUNTS INDIA.
necessitates a retribution for him in a different shape
from that in which he has committed the thing, and if
between both stages there is a great interval of time
and the matter is forgotten, what then?”
The master answers: ‘It is the nature of action to
adhere to the spirit, for action is its product, whilst
the body is only an instrument for it. Vorgetting does
not apply to spiritual matters, for they lie outside of
time, with the nature of which the notions of long and
short duration are necessarily connected. Action, by
adhering to the spirit, frames 1.8 nature and character
into a condition similar to that one into which the soul
will enter on its next migration. ‘I'he soul in its purity
knows this, thinks of it, and does not forget it; but the
light of the soul is covered by the turbid nature of the
body as long as it is connected with the body. Then
the soul is like a man who remembers a thing which he
once knew, but then forgot in consequence of insanity
oran illness or some intoxication which overpowered his
mind. Do you not observe that little children are in
high spirits when people wish them a long life, and
are sorry when people imprecate upon them a speedy
death? And what would the one thing or the other
signify to them, if they had not tasted the sweetness of
life and experienced the bitterness of death in former
generations through which they had been migrating to
undergo the due course of retribution τὶ ”
The ancient Greeks agreed with the Hindus in this
belief. Soerates says in the book παρὸ; “ We are
reminded in the tales of the ancients that the souls
go from here to Hades, and then come from Hades
to here; that the living originates from the dead, and
that altogether things originate from their contraries,
Therefore those who have died are among the living.
Our souls lead an existence of their own in Hades.
The soul of each man 15 glad or sorry at something, and
contemplates this thing. ‘This impressionable nature
CHAPTER ΡΨ. 37
ties the soul to the body, nails it down in the body,
and gives it, as 1t were, a bodily figure. The soul
which is not pure cannot go to Hades. It quits the
body still filled with its nature, and then migrates
hastily into another body, in which it is, as it were,
deposited and made fast. Therefore, it has no share in
the living of the company of the unique, pure, divine
essence.”
Farther he says: “If the soul is an independent
being, our learning is nothing but remembering that
which we had learned previously, becanse our souls
were in some place before they appeared in this human
figure. When people see a thing to the use of which
they were accustomed in childhood, they are under the
influence of this impressionability, and a cymbal, for
instance, reminds them of the boy who used to beat it,
whom they, however, had forgotten. Forgetting is the
vanishing of knowledge, and knowing is the soul's
remembrance of that which it had learned before it
entered the body.”
Proclus says: “ Remembering and forgetting are
peculiar to the soul endowed with reason. It is
evident that the soul has always existed. Hence it
follows that it has always been both knowing and for-
getting, knowing when it is separated from the body.
forgetting when it is in connection with the body. or,
being separated from the body, it belongs to the realm
of the spirit, and therefore if is knowing; but beng
connected with the body, it descends from the realm of
the spirit, and is exposed to forgetting because of some
forcible influence prevailing over it,”
The same doctrine is professed by those Sufi who
teach that this world is a aleeping soul and yonder
world a soul awake, and who at the same time admit
that God is immanent in certain places—ey. in heaven
—in the sett and the threne of God (mentioned in the
Koran). But then there are others who admit that
Pace 29,
ΒΕ ΠῚ
cloetirie,
ἢ ALBERUNI'S INDIA,
(sod 18 Immanent in the whole world, in animals, trees,
and the inanimate world, which they call his aniversad
appearance. To those who hold this view, the entering
of the souls into various beings in the course of metem-
psychosis is of no consequence.
CHAPTER ΥἹ.
ON THE DIFFERENT WORLDS, AND ON THE PLACES
OF RETRIBUTION IN PARADISE AND HELL.
Tut Hindus eall the world loka, Its primary division The three
consists of the upper, the low, and the middle. The ἢ
upper one is called svarfofe, tc. paradise; the low,
nigaloka, ie. the world of the serpents, which is hell;
besides they calli naraloka, and sometimes also pdtdla,
ἀξ, the lowest world, ‘The middle world, that one in
which we live, is called madhyaloka and manushyaloke,
1,6. the world of men. In the latter, man has to earn, in
the upper to receive his reward ; in the low, to receive
punishment. A man who deserves to come to svar/oke
or ndyaloka receives there the full recompense of his
deeds during a certain lencth of time corresponding to
the duration of his deeds, but in either of them there is
only the soul, the son] free from the body.
For those who do not deserve to rise to heaven and to
sink as low as hell there is another world called tiraeg-
fata, the irrational world of plants and animals, through
the individuals of which the soul has to wander in
the metempsychosis until it reaches the human being,
rising by degrees from the lowest, kinds of the veretable
world to the highest classes of the sensitive world. The
stay of the soul in this world has one of the following
causes: either the award which is due to the soul is not
sufficient to raise it into heaven or to sink if into hell,
or the soul is in its wanderings on the way back from
hell; for they believe that a soul returning to the human
Cnotition
from the
Fisiinu-
Purina,
Page 3a,
60 ALBERUNI’S INDIA,
world from heayen at once adopts a human body,
whilst that one which returns there from hell has first
to wander about in plants and animals before it reaches
the degree of living in a human body,
The Hindus speak in their traditions of a large num-
ber of hells, of their qualities and their names, and for
each kind of sin they have a special hell. The number
of hells is 88,000 according to the Vishnu-Purdpe.
We shall quote what this book says on the subject :-—
“The man who makes a false claim and who bears
false witness, he who helps these two and he who
ridicules people, come into the Aawrava hell.
“He who sheds innocent blood, who robs others of
their rights and plonders them, and who kills cows,
comes into Aodhe. Those also who strangle people
come here.
“Whoso kills a Brahman, and he who steals gold,
and their companions, the princes who do not look after
their subjects, he who commits adultery with the family
of his teacher, or who lies down with his mother-in-law,
come into Tuptahumbua.
““Whoso conniyes atthe shame of his wife for greedi-
ness, commits adultery with lis sister or the wife of his
son, sells his child, is stingy towards himself with his
property in order to save it, comes into Mahdjwela.
*Whoso is disrespectinul to his teacher and is not
pleased with him, despises men, commits incest with
animals, contemns the Veda and Purinas, or tries to
make a gain by means of them in the markets, comes
into Savala.
* A man who steals and commits tricks, who opposes
the straight line of conduct of men, who hates his
father, who does net like God and men, who does not
honour the gems which God has made glorious, and
who considers them to be like other stones, comes into
Krimisa,
‘Whoso does not honour the rights of parents and
CHAPTER VI. ΘῚ
grandparents, whoso does not do his duty towards the
angels, the maker of arrows and spear-points, come to
Ldldbhaksha.
‘The maker of swords and knives comes to Vigasana.
‘He who conceals his property, being greedy for the
presents of the rulers, and the Brahman who sells meat
or oil or butter or sauce or wine, come to Adhomaulse,
“Te who rears cocks and cats, small cattle, pigs, and
birds, comes to Audhirdndhea.
‘* Public performers and singers in the markets, those
who dig wells for drawing water, a man who cohabits
with his wife on holy days, who throws fire into the
houses of men, who betrays his companion and then
receives him, being greedy for his property, come to
Hudhare.
“* He who takes the honey ont of the beehive comes
to Paterant,
“Whoso takes away by force the property and
women of others in the intoxication of youth comes
fo Avis.
“ Whoso cuts down the trees comes to Asipatravencd.
“The hunter, and the maker of snares and traps,
come to Fahkniwdla.
“ He who neglects the customs and rules, and he who
violates the laws—and he is the worst of all—come to
Sandarisakea.”
We have given this enumeration only in order to
show what kinds of deeds the Hindus abhor as sins.
Some Hindus believe that the middle world, that one
for earning, is the human world, and that a man wan-
ders about in it, because he has received a reward which
does not lead him into heaven, but at the same time
saves him from hell, They consider heaven as a higher
stage, where a man lives In a state of bliss which must
be of a certain duration on account of the good deeds
he has done. On the contrary, they consider the wan-
dering about in plants and animals as a lower stage,
According
to some
Hindus, the
THigration
through
flanta and
animais
tukos the
pee oe
tell.
Page 31.
Moral prin-
ciples of
Ἢ 1 {τ Ὁ 31} jie
choeis,
The
tre
oriticlaes
metempey-
chosis,
BOF
qarallel,
62 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
where a man dwells for punishment for a certain length
of time, which is thought to correspond to the wretched
deeds he has done. People who hold this view do not
know of another hell, but this kind of degradation
below the degree of living as a human being.
All these degrees of retribution are necessary for this
reason, that the seeking for salvation from the fetters
of matter frequently does not proceed on the straight
line which leads to absolute knowledge, but on lines
chosen by guessing or chosen because others had chosen
them. Not one action of man shall be lost, not even
the last of all; 1t shall be brought to his account after
his good and bad actions have been balanced against
each other. The retribution, however, is not according
to the deed, but according to the intention which a man
had in doing if; and a man will receive his reward
either in the form in which he lives on earth, or in that
form into which his soul will migrate, or in a kind of
intermediary state after he has left his shape and has
not yet entered a new one.
Here now the Hindus quit the path of philosophical
speculation and turn aside to traditional fables as re-
gards the two places where reward or punishment is
given, δι). that man exists there as an incorporeal being,
and that after having received the reward of his actions
he again returns to a bodily appearance and human
shape, in order to be prepared for his further destiny.
Therefore the author of the book Sdiikhyo does not
consider the reward of paradise a special gain, because it
has an end and is not eternal, and because this kind of
life resembles the life of this our world; for it is not
free from ambition and envy, havmeg in itself various
degrees and classes of existence, whilst cupidity and
desire do not cease save where there is perfect equality.
The Sfifi, too, do not consider the stay in paradise a
special gain for another reason, because there the soul
delights in other things but the Truth, ἐε. God, and its
CHAPTER VI. 63
thoughts are diverted from the Absolute Good by things
which are not the Absolute Good.
We have already said that, according to the behef of
the Hindus, the soul exists in these two places without
a body, But this is only the yiew of the educated
among them, who understand by the soul an indepen-
dent being. However, the lower classes, and those who
cannot imagine the existence of the sou] without a
body, hold about this subject very different views. One
is this, that the cause of the agony of death is the soul's
waiting for a shape which is to be prepared. It does
not quit the body before there has originated a cognate
being of similar functions, one of those which nature
prepares either as an embryo in a mother's womb or as
a seed in the bosom of the earth. Then the soul qnits
the body in which it has been staying.
Others hold the more traditional view that the soul
does not wait for such a thing, that τῷ quits its shape
on account of its weakness whilst another body has
been prepared for it out of the elements. This body
18 called αὐτά μένα, Le. that which grows in haste, becanse
it does not come into existence by being born. The
soul stays In this body a complete year in the greatest
agony, no matter whether it has deserved to be rewarded
or to be punished. This is like the Baraakh of the
Persians, an intermediary stage between the periods of
acting and earning and that of receiving award, For
this reason the heir of the deceased must, according to
Hindu use, fulfil the rites of the year for the deceased,
duties which end with the end of the year, for then the
soul goes to that place which is prepared for if.
We shall now give some extracts from their litera-
ture to illustrate these ideas. First from the Fish
Purina,
“ Maitreya asked Paragara about the purpose of hell
and the punishment in it, whereupon he answered: ‘ It
is for distinguishing the good from the bad, knowledge
On the saul
leaving the
heey,
γα πρὶ bo
poitlar
views,
{απ ΠΗ
ἢ ἀπ) 11
Fight
Puriad
and thea
Sdinale liye
acho,
Pago 32:
Muslin
Authors ch
mete pisy-
Ἢ ΓΙ
Ga ALBERUN?PS INDIA.
from ignorance, and for the manifestation of justice.
But not every sinner enters hell. Some of them escape
hell by previously doing works of repentance and ex-
piation. ‘The greatest expiation is uninterruptedly
thinking of Vishnu in every action. Others wander
about in plants, filthy insects and birds, and abominable
dirty creeping things like lice and worms, for such a
length of time as they desire it.’ ”
In the book Sévitiya we read: ‘“ He who deserves
exaltation and reward will become like one of the
angels, mixing with the hosts of spiritual beings, not
being prevented from moving freely in the heavens
and from living in the company of their inhabitanta,
or like one of the eight classes of spiritnal beings. But
he who deserves humiliation ag recompense for sins
and crimes will become an animal or a plant, and will
wander about until he deserves a reward so as to be
saved from punishment, or until he offers himself as
explation, tinging away the velicle of the body, and
thereby attaining salvation.”
A theosoph who inclines towards metempsychosis
says: ‘The metempsychosis has four degrees :
“1, The transferring, t.c. the procreation as limited
to the human species, because 1t transfers existence
from one individual to another ; the opposite of this is—
‘2, The transforming, which concerns men in parti-
cular, since they are fransformed imto monkeys, pigs,
and elephants.
“9. A stable condition of existence, like the condition
of the plants. This is worse than transferring, because
it is a stable condition of life, remains as it is through
all time, and lasts as lone as the mountains.
“4, The dispersing, the opposite of number 3, which
applies to the planta that are plucked, and to animals
immolated as sacrifice, because they vanish without
leaving posterity.”
Abii-Yakib of Sijistin maintains in his book, called
“The disclosing of that which is veiled,” that the species
CHAPTER Vi. ὃς
are preserved ; that metempsychosis always proceeds in
one and the game species, never crossing its limits and
passing into another species.
This was also the opinion of the ancient Greeks;
for Johannes Grammaticus relates as the view of Plato
that the rational souls will be clad in the bodies of
animals, and that in this regard he followed the-fables
of Pythagoras.
Socrates says in the book Phada: “The body is
earthy, ponderous, heavy, and the soul, which loves it,
wanders about and is attracted towards the place, to
which it looks from fear of the shapeless and of Hades,
the gathering-place of the souls. They are soiled, and
circle round the graves and cemeteries, where souls
have been seen appearing in shadowy forms, ‘This
phantasmagoria only oceurs to such souls as have not
been entirely separated, in which there is still a part
of that towards which the look is directed.”
Farther he says: “It appears that these are not the
souls of the good, but the souls of the wicked, which
wander about in these things to make an expiation for
the badness of their former kind of rearing. Thus they
remain until they are again bound in a body on account
of the desire for the bodily shape which has followed
them. They will dwell in bodies the character of
which is like the character which they had in the world,
Whuoso, e.g. only cares for eating and drinking will enter
the various kinds of asses and wild animals; and he
who preferred wrong and oppression will enter the
various kinds of wolves, and falcons, and hawks,”
Further he says about the gathering-places of the
sonls after death: “If I did not think that I am
going first to gods who are wise, ruling, and good,
then afterwards to men, deceased ones, better than
those here, I should be wrong not to be in sorrow about
death.”
Further, Plato says about the two places of reward and
VOL, 1, E
Ghiotations
from Jolan-
nes ἔα 1Π1-
. {λει ΠΘΊ1Ε and
Flato,
Page 33.
66 ALBERUNTS INDIA,
of pnnishment: “ When aman dies, a datmon, 1.6. one of
the guardians of hell, leads him to the tribunal of judg-
ment, and a guide whose special office it is brings him, to-
gether with those assembled there, to Hades, and there he
remains the necessary number of many and long cycles
of time. Telephos says, ‘The road of Hades is an
even one. I, however, say, ‘li the road were even or
only a single one, a guide could be dispensed with.’
Now that soul which longs for the body, or whose deeds
were evil and not just, which resembles souls that have
committed murder, flies from there and encloses itself in
every species of being until certain times pass by.
Thereupon it is brought by necessity to that place
which is suitable to it. But the pure soul finds com-
panions and guides, gods, and dwells in the places
which are suitable to it,”
Further he says: “Those of the dead who led a
middle sort of life travel on a vessel prepared for
them over Acheron. After they have received punish-
ment and have been purified from crime, they wash
and receive honour for the good deeds which they
did according to merit. Those, however, who had
committed great sins, δι. the stealmg from the saeri-
fices of the gods, robberies on a great seale, unjust
killing, repeatedly and consciously violating the lawe,
are thrown into Tartarus, whence they will never be
able to escape.”
Further: “Those who repented of their sing already
during their lifetime, and whose crimes were of a some-
what lower degree, who, eg. committed some act of
violence against their parents, or committed a murder by
mistake, are thrown into Tartarus, being punished there
fora whole year; but then the wave throws them ont to
a place whence they cry to their antagonists, asking
them to abstain from further retaliation, that they may
be saved from the horrors of punishment. If those now
agree, they are saved; if not, they are sent back into
CHAPTER VI. 67
Tartarus. And this, their punishment, goes on until
their antagonists agree to their demands for being re-
heved. Those whose mode of life was virtuous are
liberated from these places on this earth. ‘They feel as
though released from prison, and they will inhabit the
pure earth.” |
Tariarus is a huge deep rayine or gap into which the
rivers flow. All people understand by the punishment
of hell the most dreadful things which are known to
them, and the Western countries, like Greece, have
sometimes to suffer deluges and floods. but the de-
scription of Plato indicates a place where there are
glaring flames, and 1t seems that he means the sea or
some part of the ocean, in which there is a whirlpool
(durdiy, a pun upon Yartarus), No doubt these de-
scriptions represent the belief of the men of those
First part:
Moksha in
gencral.
Page 34:
Moksha ac-
cording fcr
Puteiijal,
( 68 )
CHAPTER VIL.
ON THE NATURE OF LIBERATION FROM THE WORLD,
AND ON THE PATH LEADING THERETO.
ΤῊ the soul is bound up with the world, and its being
bound up has a certain cange, it cannot be liberated
from this bond save by the opposite of this identical
cause. Now according to the Hindus, as we have
already explained (p. 55}, the reason of the bond is
ignorance, and therefore it can only be liberated by
knowledge, by comprehending all things in such a way
as to define them both im general and in particular,
rendering superiluous any kind of deduction and re-
moving all doubts. For the soul distinguishing between
things {τὰ ὄντα) by means of definitions, recognises its
own self, and recognises at the same time that it is its
noble lot to last for ever, and that it is the vulgar lot of
matter to change and to perish in all kinds of shapes.
Then it dispenses with matter, and perceives that that
which it held to be good and delightful is in reality
bad and painful. In this manner it attains real know-
ledge and turns away from being arrayed in matter.
Thereby action ceases, and both matter and soul become
free by separating from each other.
The author of the book of Patadjals cays: *'The con-
centration of thought on the unity of God induces man
to notice something besides that with which he is
occupied. He who wants God, wants the good for the
whole creation without a single exception for any reason
whatever; but he who occupies himself exclusively with
CHAPTER VII. 69
his own self, will for its benefit neither inhale, breathe,
nor exhale it (¢eésa and prasvisa). When a man
attains to this degree, his spiritual power prevails over
his bodily power, and then he is gifted with the faculty
of doing eight different things by which detachment is
realised; fora man can only dispense with that, which
he is able to do, not with that which is ontside his
perasp, These eight things are :—
ἔα The faculty in man of making his body so thin
that it becomes invisible to the eyes.
“2. The faculty of making the body so light that it is
indifferent to him whether he treads on thorns or mud
or sand,
‘9. The faculty of making his body so big that. it
appears in a terrifying miraculous shape.
“4. The faculty of realising every wish.
‘5. The faculty of knowing whatever he wishes.
“6, The faculty of becoming the ruler of whatever
religious community he desires.
ἐξα That those over whom he rules are humble and
obedient to him.
«8, That all distances between a man and any far-
away place vanish.”
The terms of the Siifi as to the knowing being and
his attaining the afaye of knowledge come to the same
effect, for they maintain that he has two souls—an
eternal one, not exposed to change and alteration, by
which he knows that which is hidden, the trans-
cendental world, and performs wonders; and another,
a human soul, which is able to being changed and being
born. From these and similar views the doctrines of
the Christians do not much ditter,
The Hindus say: “If a man has the faculty to per- the ditter-
form these things, he can dispense with them, and will ekane
reach the goal by degrees, passing throngh several ecariten to
stages ie Patangeti
“1, The knowledge of things as to their names and
atti
parallel.
Page 35-
On knovrr-
led pra ic.
cording fu
the book
itih,
70 ALBERUNTS INDIA.
qualities and distinctions, which, however, does not yet
afford the knowledge of definitions.
“2, Such a knowledge of things as proceeds as far as
the definitions by which particulars are classed under
the category of universals, but regarding which a man
must still practise distinction.
‘3. This distinction (vireka) disappears, and man
comprehends things at once as a whole, but within
Mee.
“4. This kind of knowledge is raised above tune, and
he who has it can dispense with names and epithets,
which are only instraments of human imperfection.
In this stage the intellectus and the intelligens unite
with the tniellectum, so as to be one and the same
thing,”
This is what Petaiijali says about the knowledge
which liberates the soul. In Sanskrit they call its
liberation Moksha—i.e. the end, By the same term
they call the last contact of the eclipsed and eclipsing
bedies, or their separation in both lunar and solar
eclipses, because if is die ened of the eclipse, the moment
when the two luminaries which were in contact with
each other separate.
According to the Hindus, the organs of the senses
have been made for acquiring knowledge, and the plea-
sure which they afford has been created to stimulate
people to research and investigation, as the pleasure
which eating and drinking alford to the taste has been
created to preserve the individual by means of nourish-
ment. So the pleasure of coves serves to preserve the
species by giving birth to new individuals. If there
were not special pleasure in these two functions, man
and animals would not practise them for these pur-
poses.
In the book (ft we read: *‘ Man is created for the
purpose of knowing; and becanse knowing is always
the same, man has been gifted with the same organs.
CHAPTER VI. a1
If man were created for the purpose of acting, his
organs would be different, as actions are different in
consequence of the difference of the three primary forces.
However, bodily nature is bent upon eefing on account
of its essential opposition to knowing. Besides, it
Wishes to invest action with pleaswres which in reality
are pains, But knowledge is such as to leave this
nature behind itself prostrated on the earth like an
opponent, and removes all darkness from the soul as
an eclipse or clouds are removed from the sun.”
This resembles the opinion of Socrates, who thinks
that the soul “being with the body, and wishing to
inquire into something, then is deceived by the body.
But by cogitations something of its desires becomes
clear to it. Therefore, its cogitation takes place in that,
time when it is not disturbed by anything like hearing,
seeing, or by any pain or pleasure, when it is quite by
itself, and has as much as possible quitted the body
and its companionship. In particular, the soul of the
philosopher scorns the body, and wishes to be separate
from it.”
“Tf we in this our life did not make use of the body,
nor had anything in common with it except in cases of
necessity, 1f we were not inoculated with its nature,
but were perfectly free from it, we should come near
Knowledge by getting rest from the ignorance of the
body, and we should become pure by knowing our-
selves as far as God wonld permit us. And it is only
right to acknowledge that this is the truth.”
Now we return and continue our quotation from the
book Gitd.
“ Likewise the other organs of the senses serve for
acquiring knowledge. The knowing person rejoices im
turning them to and fro on the field of knowledge, so
that they are hisspies. ‘lhe apprenhension of the senses
is different according to time, The senses which serve
the heart perceive only that which is present. ‘The
Quotation
from Plate’s
Picea,
The press
of len.
lodge sc
cond bage bo
Gite mrad
another
SOLE,
Page 36
Cupidity,
Wrath, and
if neranne
are the chief
ΓΒ ΒΟ] ΡΒ, ty
Moksha.
72 ALBERUNI'S INDIA.
heart reflects oyer that which is present and remembers
also the past. The natwre takes hold of the present,
claims it for itself in the past, and prepares to wrestle
with it in future. The reason understands the nature
of a thing, no regard being had of time or date, since
past and future are the same forit. Its nearest helpers
are reflection and nature ; the most distant are the five
senses. When the senses bring before reflection some
particular object of knowledge, reflection cleans it from
the errors of the functions of the senses, and hands it
over to reason. Thereupon reason makes universal
what was before particular, and communicates it to the
soul. Thus the soul comes to know it.”
Further, the Hindus think that a man becomes ἔπιθι"
ang in one of three ways :—
1. By being inspired, not in a certain course of time,
but at once, at birth, and in the cradle, as, eg. the sage
Kapila, for he was born knowing and wise.
2. By being inspired after a certain time, like the
children of Brahman, for they were inspired when they
came Οἵ age.
3. By learning, and after a certain course of time,
like all men who learn when their mind ripens.
Taberation through knowledge can only be obtained
by abstaining from evié. ‘The branches of evil are many,
but we may classify them as cupidity, wrath, and igner-
ance. Ii the roots are cut the branches will wither.
And here we have first to consider the rule of the two
forces of cupidily and wrath, which are the greatest and
most pernicious enermes of man, deluding him by the
pleasure of eating and the delight of revenge, whilst in
reality they are much more likely to lead him into
pains and crimes. They make a man similar to the
wild beasts and the cattle, nay, even to the demons and
devils.
Next we have to consider that man must prefer the
reasoning force of mind, by which he becomes similar
CHAPTER VII. 73
to the highest angels, to the forces of cupidity and
wrath ; and, lastly, that he must turn away from the
actions of the world. He cannot, however, give up these
actions unless he does away with their causes, which
are his lust and ambition. Thereby the second of the
three promary forcesis cutaway. However, the abstain-
ing from action takes place in two different ways :—
1. by laziness, procrastination, and ignorance accord-
ing to the (Aird foree. This mode is not desirable, for
10 will lead to a blamable end.
2, By judicious selection and by preferring that which
is better to that which is good, which way leads to a
landable end.
The abstaiming from actions 15 rendered perfect in this
way, that a man quits anything that might occupy him
and shuts himself up against it. ‘Thereby he will be
enabled to restrain his senses from extraneous objects
to such a degree that he does not any more know that
there exists anything besides himself, and be enabled
to stop all motions, and even the breathing. It is
evident that a greedy man strains to effect his abject,
the man who strains becomes tired, and the tired man
pants; so the panting is the result of greediness. If
this greediness is removed, the breathing becomes like
the breathing of a being living at the bottom of the sea,
that does not want breath; and then the heart quietly
rests on one thing, vis. the search for liberation and
for arriving at the absolute unity.
In the book Gifd@ we read: “ How is a man to ob-
tain liberation who disperses his heart and does not
concentrate it alone upon God, who does not exelu-
sively direct his action towards him? But if a man
turns away his cogitation from all other things and
concentrates it upon the One, the hight of his heart will
be steady like the light of a lamp filled with clean oil,
standing in a corner where no wind makes 1 flicker,
and he will be occupied in such a degree as not to
Further
quotations
from fit,
The rine
Loma -
Inemts of
bhe Aline
religion,
Page 37.
74 ἈΕΒΕΚΌΝΓΒ INDIA.
perceive anything that gives pain, like heat or cold,
knowing that everything besides the One, the Truth,
is a vain phantom,”
In the same book we read: ‘* Pain and pleasure have
no effect on the real world, just as the continuous flow
of the streams to the ocean does not aflect its water.
How could anybody ascend this mountain pase save him
who has conquered ewpidity and wrath and rendered
them inert ?”’
On account of what we have explained it is necessary
that cogitation should be continuous, not in any way
to be defined by number; for a number always de-
notes repedied times, and repeated times presuppose a
break in the cogitation occurring between two consecu-
tive times. This would interrupt the continuity, and
would prevent cogitation becoming united with the
object of cogitation. And this is not the object kept
in view, which is, on the contrary, the continuity of
eogiekion.
This goal is attained either in a single shape, te. a
single stage of metempsychosis, or im several shapes,
in this way, that a man perpetually practises virtuous
behaviour and accustoms the soul thereto, so that this
virtnous behaviour becomes to it a nature and an
essential quality.
Virtuous behaviour is that which is deseribed by
the relivious law. Its principal laws, from which they
derive many secondary ones, may be summed up in the
following nine rules :—
1, A man shall not kill.
Nor lie.
Nor steal.
Nor whore.
Nor hoard up treasures.
He is perpetually to practise holiness and purity.
. He is to perform the preseribed fasting without
an interruption and to dress poorly.
ba
Dut δ
“J
CHAPTER VII. 7
ὃ, He is to hold fast to the adoration of God with
praise and thanks,
9. He is always to have in mind the word om, the
word of creation, without pronouneing it.
The injunction to abstain from killing as regards
animals (No, 1) is only a special part of the general
order to abstain from doing anything hurtful. Under
this head falls also the robbing of another man’s goods
(No. 3), and the telling lies (No. 2), not to mention the
foulness and baseness of so doing.
The abstaining from hoarding up (No. 5) means that
ἢ, man isto give up toil and fatigue; that he who seeks
the bounty of God feels sure that he is provided for;
and that, starting from the base slavery of material hfe,
we may, by the noble liberty of cogitation, attain eternal
bliss.
Practising purity (No. 6) implies that a man knows the
filth of the body, and that he feels called upon to hate
it, and to love cleanness of soul. Tormenting oneself
by poor dress (No. 7) means that a man should reduce
the body, allay its feverish desires, and sharpen its senses.
Pythagoras once said to a man who took great care to
keep his body in a flourishing condition and to allow it
everything if desired, ‘Thou art not lazy in building
thy prison and making thy fetter as strong as possible,”
The holding fast to meditation on God and the angels
means & kind of familar intercourse with them. The
hook: Saaichaya says: “ Man cannot go beyond anything
in the wake of which he marches, it being a scope
to him (i.e. thna engrossing his thoughts and πάει
him from meditation on God).” The book ἐξέ says :
‘All that which is the object of a man’s continuous
meditating and bearing in mind is stamped upon him,
so that he even unconsciously is guided by it. Since,
now, the time of heath is the time of remembering what
we love, the soul on leaying the body is united with
that object which we love, and is changed into it.”
Quotutions
Fro ἐὐ ἢ,
Greek
and Siti
parallels,
Secon
part: The
qreactecat
peith leading
to Moksha
"ὁ ALBERUN?PS INDIA.
However, the reader must not believe that it is only
the union of the soul with any forme of life that perish
and return into existence that is perfect /iberation, for the
same book, Gtid, says: ‘He who knows when dying that
God is everything, and that from him everything pro-
ceeds, is liberated, though his degree be lower than that
of the saints.”
The same book says: “Seek deliverance from this
world by abstaining from any connection with its follies,
by having sincere intentions in all actions and when
making offerings by fire to God, without any desire for
reward and recompense; further, by keeping aloof from
mankind.” The real meaning of all this is that you
should not prefer one because he is your friend to
another because he is your enemy, and that you should
beware of negligence in sleeping when others are awake,
and in waking when others are asleep; for this, too, is
a kind of being absent from them, though outwardly
you are present with them. Wurther: Seek deliverance
by guarding soul from soul, for the soul is an enemy 11
it be addicted to lusts; but what an excellent friend
it is when it is chaste {”
Socrates, caring little for his impending death and
being elad at the prospect of coming to his Lord, said:
* My degree must not be considered by any one of you
lower than that of the swan,” of which people say that
itis the bird of Apollo, the sun, and that it therefore
knows what is hidden; thatis, when feeling that it will
soon die, sings more and more melodies from joy at the
prospect of coming to its Lord. “ At least my joy at my
prospect of coming to the object of my adoration must
not be less than the joy of this bird.”
lor similar reasons the ΠῚ define /ove as being en-
grossed by the creature to the exclusion of God,
In the book of Ῥω γα, we read: “ We divide the
path of liberation into three parts :—
“1, The practical one (briyd-yoge),a process of habitu-
CHAPTER Vil, 77
ating the senses In a gentle way to detach themselves
from the external world, and to concentrate themselves
upon the internal one, so that they exclusively occupy
themselves with God, This is in general the path of
him who does not desire anything eave what is sufficient
fo sustain life,”
In the book Fushnu-Dherma we read: “'The king
Pariksha, of the family of Bhrignu, asked Satinika, the
head of an assembly of sages, who stayed with him, for
the explanation of some notion regarding the deity, and
by way of answer the sage communicated what fhe had
heard from Saunaka, Saunaka from Uéanas, and Uéanas
trom Brahman, as follows: ‘(tod is without first and
withont last; he has not been born from anything, and
he has not borne anything save that of which it is im-
possible to say that it is He, and just as impossible to
say that ib is Wel-Ae. How should I be able to ponder
on the absolute good which is an outflow of his benevo-
lence, and of the absolute bad which is a product of his
wrath; and how could 1 know him so as to worship him
as is his due, save by turning away from the world in
ceneral and by occupying myself exclusively with him,
by perpetually cogitating on him Τ᾿
“Tt was objected to him: ‘Man is weak and his life
is a triflme matter. He can hardly bring himself to
abstain from the necessities of life, and this prevents
him from walking on the path of liberation. If we
were living in the jirst age of mankind, when life
extended to thousands of years, and when the world
was good because of the non-existence of evil, we might
hope that that which is necessary on this path should
be done, But since we live in the fast age, what,
according fo your opinion, is there in this revolving
world that might protect him against the floods of the
ocean and save him from drowning ?’
“Therenpon Brahman spoke: ‘Man wants nourish-
ment, shelter, and clothing, Therefore in them there
necerding ta
Poatwijals,
Fishgi-
Τα μια,
and itd,
Page 36.
Fae) ALBERUNIS INDIA,
is no harm to him. But happiness is only to be found
in abstaining from things besides them, from superfluous
and fatiguing actions. Worship God, him alone, and
yenerate him; approach him in the place of worship
with presents ike perfumes and flowers; praise him
and attach your heart to him so that it never leaves
him, Give alms to the Brahmans and to others, and
vow to God yows—special ones, like the abstaining
from meat; general ones, like fasting. Vow to him ani-
mals which you must not hold to be something dilferent
from yourselves, so as to feel entitled to kill them.
Know that he is everything. Therefore, whatever you
do, let it be for his sake ; and if you enjoy : anything of
the vanities of the world. do not forget him in your
intentions. If you aim at the fear of God and the
faculty of worshipping him, thereby you will obtain
liberation, not by anything else.’ ”
The book Giid says: “ He who mortifies his lust does
not go beyond the necessary wants; and he who is
content with that which is sufficient for the sustaining
af life will not be ashamed nor be despised.”
The same book says: “If man is not without wants
as regards the demands of human nature, if he wants
nourishment to appease thereby the heat of hunger and
exhaustion, sleep in order to meet the injurious 1ηΠπ-
ences of faticuing motions and a couch to rest upon,
let the latter be clean and smooth, everywhere equally
high above the ground and sufficiently large that he
may stretch out his body upon it, Let him have a
place of temperate climate, not hurtful by cold nor by
heat, and where he is safe against the approach of
reptiles, All this helps him to sharpen the functions
of his heart, that he may without any interruption con-
centrate his cogitation on the unity. For all things
besides the necessities of life in the way of eating and
clothing are pleasures of a kind which, in reality, are
disguised pains. To acquiesce in them is impossible,
CHAPTER VII. 79
and would end in the gravest inconvenience. There is
pleasure only to him who kills the two intolerable
enemies, Just and wrath, already during his life and not
when he dies, who derives his rest and bliss from within,
not from without ; and who, in the final result, is able
altogether to dispense with his senses,”
Vasudeva spoke to Arjuna: “If you want the abso-
lute good, take care of the nine doors of thy body,
and know what is goimg in and out through them.
Constrain thy heart from dispersing its thoughts, and
quiet thy soul by thinking of the upper membrane of
the child's brain, which is first soft, and then is closed
and becomes strong, so that it would seem that there
were no more need of it. Do not take perception of
the senses for anything but the nature immanent in
their organs, and therefore beware of following it.”
Il, The second part of the path of liberation is
renunciation (the via omissionis), based on the know-
ledge of the evil which exists in the changing things of
creation and their vanishing shapes. In consequence
the heart shans them, the longing for them ceases, and
aman is raised above the three primary forces which are
the canse of actions and of their diversity. For he who
accurately understands the affairs of the world knows
that the good ones among them are evil in reality, and
that the bliss which they afford changes in the course
of recompense into pains. ‘Therefore he avoids every-
thing which might aggravate his condition of being
entangled in the world, and which might result in
making him stay in the world for a still longer period.
The book (itd says: “Men err in what is ordered
and what is forbidden. ‘They do not know how to dis-
tinguish between good and evil in actions. Therefore,
giving up acting altogether and keeping aloof from it,
this is the action.”
The same book says: “The purity of knowledge is
high above the purity of all other things, for by know-
Page 39.
The path of
renunela-
tion aa the
sccomd part,
of the path
of liberation
necorcinig to
rid,
30 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
ledge ignorance is rooted ont and certainty is gained in
exchange for doubt, which is a means of torture, for
there is no rest for him who doubts.”
ΤῈ is evident from this that the first part of the path
of liberation is Instrumental to the second one.
Worshipas IIT. The third part of the path of liberation which is
the third , : -
part ofthe to be considered as instrumental to the preceding two
Rberation is worship, for this purpose, that God should help a man
ai. to obtain liberation, and deign to consider him worthy
of such a shape of existence in the metempsychosis in
which he may effect his progress towards beatitude.
'The author of the book ΟΝ distributes the duties of
worship among the body, the voiwe, and the heart.
What the body has to do is fasting, prayer, the fulfil-
ment of the law, the service towards the angels and the
sages among the Brahmans, keeping clean the body,
keeping aloof from killing under all circumstances, and
never looking at another man’s wife and other property.
What the veice has to do is the reciting of the holy
texts, praising God, always to speak the truth, to
address people mildly, to guide them, and to order
them to do good.
What the heart has to do is to have straight, honest
intentions, to avoid haughtiness, always to be patient,
to keep your senses under control, and to have a cheer-
ful mind.
On Tusi- The author (Patafjali) adds to the three parts of the
path leading path of liberation a fourth one of an illusory nature,
to Moksha. τ ἄς δ τος a .
called Aasdyana, consisting of alchemistic tricks with
various drugs, intended to realise things which by nature
are impossible, We shall speak of these things after-
wards (vide chap, xvul.). ‘They have no other relation to
the theory of Mofsha but this, that also in the tricks of
Rasiiyana everything depends upon the intention, the
well-understood determination to carry them out, this
determination resting on the firm behef in them, and
resulting in the endeavour to realise them.
CHAPTER Vil. 81
According to the Hindus, liberation 15 union with
God; for they describe God as a being who can dis-
pense with hoping for a recompense or with fearing
opposition, unattainable to thought, because he is sub-
lime beyond all unlikeness which is abhorrent and all
likeness which is sympathetic, knowing himself not by
a knowledge which comes to him like an accident, re-
garding something which had not in every phase before
been known to him. And this same description the
Hindus apply to the liberated one, for he is equal to God
in all these things except in the matter of beginning,
since he has not existed from all eternity, and except
this, that: before liberation he existed in the world of
entanglement, knowing the objects of knowledge only
by a phantasmagoric kind of knowing which he had
acquired by absolute exertion, whilst the object of his
knowing is still covered, as it were, by a veil, On the
contrary, in the world of liberation all veils are lifted,
all covers taken off, and obstacles removed, There the
being is absolutely Enowing, not desirous of learning
anything unknown, separated from the soiled percep-
tions of the senses, united with the everlasting ideas.
Therefore in the end of the book of Patafjali, after the
pupil has asked about the nature of liberation, the
master says: ‘“‘If you wish, aay, Liberation is the
cessation of the functions of the three forces, and their
returning to that home whence they had come, Or if
you wish, say, It is the return of the soul as a knowing
being into its own nature,”
The two men, pupil and master, disagree regarding
him who has arrived at the stage of liberation. The
anchorite asks in the book of Sirikhya, “ Why does
not death take place when wefion ceases?” The sage
replies, ““ Because the cause of the separation is a
certain condition of the soul whilst the spirit is still
in the body. Soul and body are separated by a natural
eondition which severs their union. Frequently when
VOL. I. F
On the
natura of
Moksha
itself.
Pata 40.
Guotationa
from Palod-
jai,
Frotr
Site cAee.,
From μὰ
ἐν ἢ iota.
82 ΑΓΒΕΚΌΟΝΕΊΝΡΕΙΑ.
the cause of an effect has already ceased or disappeared,
the effect itself still goes on for a certain time, slacken-
ing, and by and by decreasing, till in the end it ceases
totally ; e.g. the silk-weaver drives round his wheel with
his mallet untilit whirls round rapidly, then he leaves
it; however, if does not stand still, though the mallet
that drove if round has been removed; the motion of
the wheel decreases by little and little, and finally it
ceases. Itis the same case with the body. After the
action of the body has ceased, its effect is still lasting
until it arrives, through the various stages of motion
and of rest, at the cessation of physical foree and of the
effect which had originated from preceding causes,
Thus hberation is finished when the body has been
completely prostrated.”
In the book of Patafijali there is a passage which
expresses similar ideas. Speaking of a man who re-
strains his senses and organs of perception, as the turtle
draws in its limbs when it is afraid, he says that “ he
is not fettered, because the fetter has been loosened,
and he is not liberated, because his body is still with
him,”
There is, however, another passage in the same book
which does not agree with the theory of liberation as
expounded above. He says: “ The bodies are the snares
of the souls for the purpose of acquiring recompense.
He who arrives at the stage of liberation has acquired,
in his actual form of existence, the recompense for all
the doinws of the past. Then he ceases to labour to
acquire a title to a recompense in the future. He frees
himself from the snare; he can dispense with the parti-
cular form of his existence, and moves in it quite freely
without being ensnared by it, He has even the faculty
of moving wherever he likes, and if he like, he might
rise above the face of death. For the thick, cohesive
bodies cannot oppose an obstacle to his form of exist-
ence (as, ἔν. a mountain could not prevent him from
CHAPTER VII. a3
passing through). How, then, could his body oppoze an
obstacle to his soul ?”
Similar views are also met with among the Sufi.
pbome Stifi author relates the following story: ‘‘ A com-
pany of Sufi came down unto us, and sat down at some
distance from us. ‘T’hen one of them rose, prayed, and
on having fimshed his prayer, turned towards me and
spoke: ‘QO master, do you know here a place fit for us
fo dieon?” NowI thought he meant sleeping, and so |
pointed out to hima place. The man went there, threw
himself on the back of his head, and remained motion-
less. Now [1 rose, went to him and shook him, but lo!
he was already cold.”
The Stfi explains the Koranic verse, ‘We have
made room for bim on earth” (να 18, 83), in this
way: “If he wishes, the earth rolls itself up for
him; if he wishes, he can walk on the water and in
the air, which offer him sufficient resistance so as to
enable him to walk, whilst the mountains do not offer
him any resistance when he wants to pass through
them.”
We next speak of those who, notwithstanding their
ereatest exertions, do not reach the stage of liberation.
There are several classes of them. The book Sdiiukhyea
says: “He who enters upon the world with a virtuous
character, who is liberal with what he possesses of the
goods of the world, is recompensed in it in this way,
that he obtains the fulfilment of his wishes and desires,
that he moves abont in the world in happiness, happy
in body and soul and in all other conditions of life. For
in reality good fortune is a recompense for former deeds,
done either in the same shape or in some preceding
shape. Whoso lives in this world piously but without
knowledge will be raised and be rewarded, but not be
liberated, because the means of attaining it are want-
ing in his case. Whose is content and aciulesces
in possessing the faculty of practising the above-men-
SLE Ππ|ι-
Tadlels,
Page 41.
ho those
Whe chi thet
reach
Moksha
according ta
Behl yee,
A parable
showing
people
in tiie
various
degrees of
knowledge,
84 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
tioned eight commandments (sie, vide p. 74), whoso
elorics in them, is successful by means of them, and
believes that they are liberation, will remain in the
same stare,”
The following is a parable characterising those who
vie with each other in the progress through the various
stages of knowledge:—A man is travelling together
with his pupils for some business or other towards the
end of the night. Then there appears something stand-
ing erect before them on the road, the nature of which
it is impossible to recognise on account of the darkness
of night, The man turns towards his pupils, and aske
them, one after the other, what itis? ‘The first says:
‘Tdo not know what itis.” The second says: ‘‘I do
not know, and I have no means of learning what it is.”
The third says: ‘It is useless to examine what it 18,
for the rising of the day will reveal it. If it is some-
thing terrible, it will disappear at daybreak; if it is
something else, the nature of the thing will anyhow be
clear to us.” Now, none of them had attained to know-
ledge, the first, because he was ignorant; the second,
because he was incapable, and had no means of know-
ing; the third, because he was indolent and acquiesced
in his ignorance.
The fourth pupil, however, did not give an answer.
He stood still, and then he went on in the direction of
the object. On coming near, he found that it was pump-
kins on which there lay a tangled mass of something.
Now he knew that a lhving man, endowed with free
will, does not stand still in his place until such a
tangled mass is formed on his head, and he recognised
at once that 1t was a lifeless object standing erect.
Further, he could not be sure if it was not a hidden
place for some dunghill. So he went quite close to it,
struck against it with his foot till if fell to the ground,
Thus all doubt having been removed, he returned to
his master and gave him the exact account. In sucha
CHAPTER VII. ὃς
way the master obtained the knowledge through the
intermediation of his pupils.
With regard to similar views of the ancient Greeks
we can quote Ammonins, who relates the following as a
sentence of Pythagoras: “ Let your desire and exertion
in this world be directed towards the union with the First
Cause, which is the cause of the cause of your existence,
that you may endure forever. You will be saved from
destruction and from being wiped ont; you will go to
the world of the true sense, of the true joy, of the true
clory, In everlasting joy and pleasures,”
Further, Pythagoras says: “ How can you hope fer
the state of detachment as long as you are clad in
bodies ? And how will you obtain liberation as long as
you are incarcerated in them?”
Ammonius relates: ἢ Empedocles and his successors
as far as Heracles (sic) think that the soiled souls always
remain commingled with the world until they ask the
univergal soul for help. ‘The universal soul intercedes
for it with the Jnfellivence, the latter with the Creator.
‘The Creatoratfordssomething of his heht to Intelligence;
Intelligence affords something of 16 to the universal soul,
which igimmanent in this world. Now the soul wishes
to be enlightened by Intelligence, until at last the
individual soul reeognises the universal soul, unites
with it, and is attached to its world. But this is a pro-
cess over which many ages must pass, ‘Then the soul
comes to a region where there is neither place nor time,
nor anything of that which is in the world, like transient
fatigue or joy.”
Socrates says: “The soul on leaving space wanders
to the holiness {τὸ καθαρόν) which lives for ever and
exists eternally, being related to it. It becomes like
holiness in duration, because it is by means of something
like contact able to receive impressions from holiness.
This, its susceptibility to impressions, 1s called Jnéell-
genes.”
Parallels
frim Grevk
amthors,
Ammonis,
Plato, and
Freelua.
Pare 42.
Realimnat
compared be
hi ASvatthia
tree accord-
hip bo Ja
ἐπ πα,
86 ALBERUNI'S INDIA.
Further, Socrates says: “The soul is very similar to
the divine substance which does not die nor dissolve,
and is the only intelligibile which lasts for ever; the
body is the contrary of it. When soul and body unite,
nature orders body to serve, the soul torule; but when
they separate, the soul goes to another place than that
to which the body goes. There it is happy with things
that are suitable to if; it reposes from being circum-
scribed in space, rests from folly, impatience, love, fear,
and other human evils, on this condition, that it had
always been pure and hated the body. If, however, it
has sulhied itself by connivance with the body, by
serving and loving it so that the body was subservient
to its losts and desires, in this case it does not ex-
perience anything more real than the species of bodily
things {τὸ cwparoedes) and the contact with them,”
Proelus says: ‘The body in which the rational soul
dwells has received the figure of a globe, like the ether
and its Individual beings. The body in which both the
rational and the irrational souls dwell has received an
erect figure like man. The body in which only the
irrational soul dwells has received a figure erect and
curved at the same time, like that of the irrational
animals. ‘The body in which there is neither the one
nor the other, in which there is nothing but the nourish-
ing power, has received an erect figure, but it is at the
same time curved and turned upside down, so that the
head is planted in the earth, as is the case with the
plants. ‘The latter direction being the contrary to that
of man, man is a heavenly tree, the root of which is
directed towards its home, 1,6, heaven, whilst the root
of vegetables is directed towards thei home, 7.e. the
earth.”
The Hindus hold similar views about nature. Ar-
juna asks, ‘What is Brahman like in the world?”
Whereupon Visudeya answers, ‘Imagine him like an
Agvatiha tree.” This is a huge precious tree, well
CHAPTER VII. OF
known among them, standing upside down, the roots
being above, the branches below. If it has ample
nourishment, it becomes quite enormous ; the branches
spread far, cling to the soil, and creep into it. Roots
and branches above and below resemble each other to
such a decree that it is difficult to say which is which.
‘Brahman is the upper roots of this tree, its trunk 18
the Veda, its branches are the different doctrines and
schools, its leayes are the different modes of inter-
pretation ; its nourishment comes from the three forces ;
the tree becomes strong and compact through the senses.
The intelligent being has no other keen desire but that
of felling this tree, we. abstaining from the world and
its vanities. When he has succeeded in felling it, he
wishes to settle in the place where it has grown, a
place in which there is no returning in a further stage
of metempsychosis. When he obtains this, he leaves
behind himself all the pains of heat and cold, and
coming from the light of sun and moon and common
fires, he attains to the divine lights.”
The doctrine of Pataijal is akin to that of the
Sufi regarding being occupied in meditation on the
Truth (i.e. God), for they say, “As long as you point
to something, you are not a monist; but when the
Truth sees upon the object of your pointing and
annihilates it, then there is no longer an indicating
person nor an object indicated.”
There are some passages in their system which show
that they believe in the pantheistic nnion; ἐν. one of
them, being asked what is the Truth (God), gave the
following answer: “ How should I not know the being
which is Jin essence and Vot-/ in spacer If I return
once more into existence, thereby lam separated from
him; and if 1 am neglected (1.e. not born anew and
sent into the world), thereby I become light and be-
come accustomed to the writen” (sie).
Abii-Bekr Ash-shibli says: “Cast off all, and you
Tape 43.
Stal paral
leis.
58 ALBERUNES INDIA.
will attain tous completely, Then you will exist; but
you will not report about us to others as long as your
doing is like ours.”
Abi-Yazid Albistimi once being asked how he had
attained is stage in Sufism, answered: “1 cash off my
own self as a serpent casts off its skin. ‘Then 1 con-
sidered my own self, and found that / was Ae,” 1.6,
God,
The Siifi explain the Koranic passage (Stira 2, 68),
ἐς Then we spoke: Beat him with a part of her,” in the
following manner: ‘The order to kill that which is
dead in order to give life to it indicates that the heart
does not beeome alive by the lights of knowledge
unless the body be killed by ascetic practice to such
a degree that if does not any more exist as a reality,
but only in a formal way, whilst your heart is a reality
on which no object of the formal world has amy in-
finence.”’
Further they say: ὁ Between man and God there
are a thongand stages of light and darkness. Men exert
themselves to pass throngh darkness to light, and
when they have attained to the stations of light, there
is no return for them.”
CHAPTER VIIL
ON THE DIFFERENT CLASSES OF CREATED BEINGS, AND
ON THEIR NAMES.
‘THE subject of this chapter is very difficult to study and
understand accurately, since we Muslims look at it from
withont, and the Hindus themselves do not work it out
to scientific perfection. As we, however, want it for
the further progress of this treatise, we shall communi-
cate all we have heard of it until the date of the present
book, And first we give an extract from the book
Sdbrialedape,
“The anchorite spoke: ‘How many classes and species
are there of living bodies?’
“'The sage replied ; ‘ There are three classes of them—
the spiritual ones in-the height, men m the middle, and
animals in the depth, Their species are fourteen in
number, eight of which belong to the spiritual beings:
Brahman, Indra, Prajapati, Sanmya, Gandharva, Yak-
sha, Rikshasa, and Pisica. Five species are those of
the animals—cattle, wild beasts, birds, creeping things,
and growing things, ἐν. the trees. And, lastly, one
species is represented by man,”
The author of the same book has in another part of
it given the following enumeration with different names :
“Brahman, Indra, Prajipati, Gandharva, Yaksha, Rik-
shasa, Pitaras, Pisica.”
The Hindus are people who rarely preserve one and
the came order of things, and in their enumeration of
things there is much that is arbitrary. They use or
The Various
Classes of
creabures
aecordling te
τ ἤει,
Page 44.
The author
ennimerates
eight classes
of apiritual
beings,
gO ALBERUNI'S INDIA.
invent numbers of names, and who is to hinder or to
control them ?
In the book Gitd, Visudeva says: ‘‘ When the jirst of
the three primary forces prevails, it particularly applies
itself to developing the intellect, purifying the senses,
and producing action forthe angels. Blissful rest is one
of the consequences of this force, and liberation one of
its results.
“When the second force prevails, it particularly ap-
plies itself to developing cupidity. It will lead to
fatione, and induce to actions for the Yaksha and Rik-
shasa, In this case the recompense will be according
to the action.
“Tf the third force prevails, it particularly applies
itself to developing ignorance, and making people easily
beguiled by their own wishes. limally, it produces
wakefulness, carelessness, laziness, procrastination in
fulfilling duties, and sleeping too long. If man acts, he
acta for the classes of the Bhiita and Pisiica, the devils,
for the Preta who carry the spirits in the air, not in
paradise and not in hell, Lastly, this force will lead
to punishment; man will be lowered from the stage
of humanity, and will be changed into animals and
Plants.”
In another place the same author says: “ Belief and
virtue are in the Deva among the spiritual beings.
Therefore that man who resembles them believes in
God, clings to him, and longs for him. Unbelief and
vice are in the demons called Asura and Rikshasa.
That man whe resembles them does not believe in God
nor attend to his commandments. He tries to make
the world godless, and is ocenpied with things which
are harmful in this world and in the world beyond, and
are of no περ."
If we now combine these statements with each other,
it will be evident that there is some confusion both in
the names and in their order, According to the most
CHAPTER FI. gi
popular view of the majority of the Hindus, there are
the following eizht classes of smriéual beings :—
1. The Deva, or angels, to whom the north belonge.
They specially belong to the Hindus, People say that
Aoroaster made enemies of the Bhamaniyya or Bud-
dhists by calling the devils by the name of the class of
angels which éhey consider the highest, i.e. Deva. And
this usage has been transmitted from Magian times
down to the Persian language of our days.
2. Datitya ‘ddaaee, the demons who live in the
south, ‘lo them everybody belongs who opposes the
relicion of the Hindus and persecutes the cows. Not-
withstanding the near relationship which exists between
them and the Deva, there is, as Hindus maintain, no
end of quarrelling and fighting among them.
3. Gandherva, the musicians and singers who make
music before the Deva. Their harlota are called Ap-
Saas,
4. Faksha, the treasurers or guardians of the Deva.
5. Riékshasa, demons of ugly and deformed shapes.
6, Kinneara, having human shapes but horses’ heals,
being the contrary of the centaurs of the Greek, of
whom the lower half has the shape of a horse, the upper
half that of a man. The latter figure is that of the
Aodiacal sien of Arcitenens.
7. Naga, beings in the shape of serpents.
8, Vidyidhara, demon-sorcerers, who exercise a
certain witcheraft, but not such a one as to produce
permanent results,
If we consider this series of beings, we find the
angelic power at the upper end and the demoniac at the
lower, and between them there is much interblending.
The qualities of these beings are different, inasmuch
as they have attained this stage of life in the course of
metempsychosis by action, and actions are different on
account of the three primary forces. They live very
long, since they have entirely stripped off the bodies,
Criticiama
on this hist.
Pare 45.
Cy the
[hava
g2 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
since they are free from all exertion, and are able to do
things which are impossible to man. They serve man
in whatever he desires, and are near him in eases of need,
However, we can learn from the extract from Sdikhya
that this view is not correct. For Brahman, Indra, and
Prajipati are not names of species, but of individuals.
Brahman and Prajipati very nearly mean the same,
but they bear different names on account of some
quality or other. Indra is the ruler of the worlds. Be-
sides, Visudeva enumerates the Yaksha and Rikshasa
together in one and the same class of demons, whilst
the Purinas represent the Yaksha as guardian-angels
and the servants of euardian-angels.
After all this, we declare that the spiritual beings
which we have mentioned are one category, who have
attained their present stage of existence by action dur-
ing the time when they were human beimgs. ‘They have
left, their bodies behind them, for bodies are weights
which impair the power and shorten the duration of
life. ‘Their qualities and conditions are different, in the
same measure as one or other of the thrce primary forces
prevails over them. The first force is peculiar to the
Deva, or angels who liye in quietness and bliss. The
predominant faculty of their mind is the comprehending
of an idea without matter, as it is the predominant
faculty of the mind of man to comprehend the idea in
ἘΠ ΕΥ,
The third force is peculiar to the Pisiea and Bhiita,
whilst the second is peculiar to the classes between them.
The Hindus say that the number of Deva is thirty-
three fofi or erore, of which eleven belong to Mahi-
deva. ‘Therefore this number is one of his surnames,
and his name itself (Mahideva) points in this direction.
The sum of the number of angels just mentioned would
ba 330,000,000.
Further, they represent the Deva as eating and drink-
ing, cohabiting, living and dying, since they exist
ΠΠΗΠΑΡΤΕΚΎΠΙ, 93
within matter, thongh in the most subtle and most
simple kind of it, and since they have attained this by
action, not by knowledge. The book Patujijali relates
that Nandikesvara offered many sacrifices to Mahadeva,
and was in consequence transferred into paradise in his
human shape; that Indra, the ruler, had intercourse with
the wite of Nahusha the Brahmin, and therefore was
changed into a serpent by way of punishment.
After the Deva comes the clase of the Pitares, the
deceased ancestors, and after them the Afdta, human
beings who have attached themselves to the spiritual
beings (Deva), and stand in the middie between them
and mankind, He who holds this degree, but without
being free from the body, is called either Misha or
Siddke or Afuni, and these differ among themselves
according to their qualities. Siddha is he who has
attained by his action the faculty to do in the world
whatever he likes, but who does not aspire further, and
does not exert himself on the path leading to Isboration.
He may ascend to the degree of a ushi. If a Brahmin
attains this dewree, he is called Arahmarshi; τ the
Kshatriya attains it, he is called Adjarshi. It is not
possible for the lower classes to attain this degree.
Rishis are the sages who, though they are only human
beings, excel the angels on account of their knowledge.
Therefore the angels learn from them, and above them
there is none bat Brahman.
After the Brahmarshi and Rajarshi come those classes
of the populace which exist also among us, the castes,
to whom we shall devote a separate chapter.
All these latter beings are ranged under matter.
Now, as regards the notion of that which is above
matter, we say that the ὕλῃ is the middle between
matter and the spiritual divine ideas that are above
matter, and that the three primary forces exist in the ὕλῃ
dynamically {ἐν δυνάμει), So the ὕλῃ, with all that is
comprehended in it, is a bridge from above to below.
On the Pita-
ras and
Hishis,
Vishnit the
unity of
Brahman,
Sariyana,
and Rudra,
Page’ 46.
Q4 ALBERUNI'S INDIA,
Any life which cireulates in the ὅλῃ under the exelu-
sive influence of the Firsé Cause is called Arafiman,
Prajipett, and by many other names which oceur in
their religions law and tradition. It is identical with
nature in so far as if is active, for all bringing into
existence, the creation of the world also, is attributed
by them to Brahman.
Any life which circulates in the ὕλη under the influ-
ence of the second force is called Miéréyane in the
tradition of the Hindus, which means nature in so far
as it has reached the end of its action, and is now striv-
ing to preserve that which has been produced. ‘Thus
Nariyana strives so to arrange the world that it should
endure.
Any life which circulates in the ὕλῃ under the influ-
ence of the third force is called Muhddeva and Savikara,
but his best-known name is μύρα, His work is
destruction and annihilation, like nature in the last
stages of activity, when its power slackens.
‘These three beings bear different names, as they cir-
culate through the various degrees to above and below,
and accordingly their actions are different.
But prior to all these beings there is one source
whence everything is derived, and in this unity they
comprehend all three things, no more separating one
from the other. This unity they call Pishnw, a name
which more properly designates the meddle force; but
sometimes they do not even make a distinction between
this middle force and the jirst cause (ic, they make
Nariyana the causa eausariun).
Here there is an analogy between Hindus and Chris-
tians, as the latter distinguish between the Three Per-
sins and give them separate names, Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost, but unite them into one substance.
This is what clearly results from a careful exami-
nation of the Hindu doctrines. Of their traditional
accounts, which are full of silly notions, we shall speak
CHAPTER VIII. ος
hereatter in the course of our explanation. You must
not wonder if the Hindus, in their stories about the
class of the Deva, whom we have explamed as auyels,
allow them all sorts of things, unreasonable in them-
selves, some perhaps not objectionable, others decidedly
objectionable, both of which the theologians of Islam
would declare to be incompatible with the dignity and
nature of angels.
lf you compare these traditions with those of the
Greeke regarding ther own religion, you will cease to
find the Hindu system strange. We have already men-
tioned that they called the angels gods (p. 36). Now
consider their stories about Zeus, and you will under-
stand the truth of our remark. As for anthropomor-
phisms and traits of animal life which they attribute to
him, we give the following tradition: “ἢ When he was
born, his father wanted to devour him; but his mother
took a stone, wrapped rags round it, and gave him the
stone to swallow, whereupon lhe went away.” This is
also mentioned by Galenus in his Book af Speeches,
where he relates that Philo had in an enigmatical way
described the preparation of the φιλώνειον quippaxor in
a poem of his by the following words :—
“Take red heer, difusing sweet odewr, the offering to the goes,
And of man's load weigh aveights af the wunher af the mentel
ficulties,”
The poet means jive pounds of saffron, because the senses
are jive. ‘The weights of the other ingredients of the
mixture he deseribes in similar enigmatic terms, of
which Galenus gives a commentary. In the same
poem oecurs the following verse :—
“ And of the psewdonymous rool whick hae gran tu the district
in whick £eus was born.”
To which Galenus adds: “This is Andropogon Nardus,
which dears a false name, because it is called an car of
corn, although if is not an ear, but a root. The poet
Greek paral-
lela. Stories
abe Aare.
Page: a7.
οὗ ALBERUNFS INDIA,
preseribes that it should be Cretan, becanse the mytho-
logists relate that Aeus was born on the mountain
Δικταῖον in Creta, where his mother concealed him
from his father Kronos, that he should not devour him
a8 he had devoured others,”
Besides, well-known story-books tell that he married
certain women one after the other, cohabited with
others, doing violence to them and not marrying them ;
among them Huropa, the daughter of Phoenix, who was
taken from him by Asterios, king of Crete. After-
wards she gave birth to two children from him, Minos
and Rhadamanthus. This happened long before the
Israelites left the desert and entered Palestine.
Another tradition 15 that he died in Crete, and was
buried there at the time of Samson the Israelite, being
730 yeare of are; that he was called Zeus when he had
become old, after he had formerly been called ios; and
that the first who gave him this name was Ceerops, the
first king of Atheng. It was common to all of them
to indulge in their lusts without any restraint, and to
favour the business of the pander; and so far they were
not unlike Acroaster and King Gushtiisp when they
desired to consolidate the realm and the rule (sic).
Chroniclers maintain that Ceecrops and his successors
are the source of all the vices among the Athenians,
meaning thereby such things as occur in the story of
Alexander, via. that Nectanebus, king of Eeypt, after
having fled before Artaxerxes the Black and hiding in
the capital of Macedonia, ocenpied himself with astro-
logy and soothsaying ; that he beguiled Olympias, the
wife of King Philip, who was absent. He cunningly
contrived to cohabit with her, showing himself to her
in the figure of the god Ammon, as a serpent with two
heads like rams’ heads. So she became pregnant with
Alexander. Philip, on returning, was about to disclaim
the paternity, but then he dreamt that 1t was the child
of the god Ammon, herenpon he recornised the child
CHAPTER Vili. OF
as his, and spoke, Man cannot oppose the gods.” ‘The
combination of the stars had shown to Nectanebus that
he would die at the hands of his son. When then
he died at the hands of Alexander from a wound in
the neck, he recognised that he was his (Alexander's)
father.
The tradition of the Greeks is full of similar things.
We shall relate similar subjects when speaking of the
marriages of the Hindus.
Now we return to our subject. Regarding that part Quotations
of the nature of Zeus which has no connection with Aratos.
humanity, the Greeks say that he is Jupiter, the son of
Saturn; for Saturn alone is eternal, not having been
born, according to the philosophers of the Academy, as
Galenus says in the Book of Deduction. "This is sufh-
ciently proved by the book of Aratos on the Φαινύμενα,
for he begins with the praise of Aeus:
“We, mankind, do not leave bim, nor can we do without him ;
Of him the roads are full,
And the meeting-places of men.
Ho is mild towards them ;
He produces for them what they wish, and incites them to work,
Reminding them of the necessities of life,
He indicates to them the times favourable
For digging and ploughing for a rood growth,
Who has raised the signs and stars in heaven,
Therefore we humiliate ourselves before him first and] last."
And then he praises the spiritual beings (the Muses),
If you compare Greek theology with that of the Hindus,
you will find that Brahman is deseribed in the same
way as Aeus by Aratos.
The author of the commentary on the Pa:vépeva of
Aratos maintains that he deviated from the custom of
the poets of his time in beginning with the gods; that
it was his intention to speak of the celestial sphere.
Further, he makes reflections on the origin of Asclepius,
hike Galenus, and gays: “We should like to know
VOL. 1 G
Pave 48.
οϑ ALSGERUNT'S INDIA.
which Zens Aratos meant, the mystical or the physical
one. Tor the poet Krates called the celestial sphere
Zeus, aud likewise Homer says:
‘As pieces of snow are Gut off from #eus,’”
Aratos calls the ether and the air Zeus in the passage :
“The roads and the meeting-places are full of him, and
we all must inhale him,”
Therefore the philosophers of the Stoa maintain that
Zeus is the spirit which is dispersed in the ὅλῃ, and
similar to our souls, i.e, the nature which rules every
natural body. The author supposes that he is mild,
since he is the cause of the good; therefore he is right
in maintaining that he has not only created men, but
also the gods.
( 99 )
CHAPTER IX.
ON THE CASTES, CALLED “COLOURS” (VARNA), AND ON
THE CLASSES BELOW THEM,
ly a new order of things in political or social life is
ereated by a man naturally ambitious of ruling, who
by his character and capacity really deserves to be a
ruler, a man of firm convictions and unshaken deter-
mination, who even in times of reverses is supported by
good luck, in so far as people then side with him in
recognition of former merits of his, such an order is
likely to become consolidated among those for whom
if was created, and to continue as firm as the deeply
rooted mountains. It will remain among them as a
generally recognised rule in all generations through the
course of time and the flight of ames, If, then, this new
form of state or society rests in some degree on religion,
these twins, state and religion, are in perfect harmony,
and their union represents the highest development of
human society, all that men can possibly desire.
The kings of antiquity, who were industrionsly de-
voted to the duties of their office, spent most of their
care on the division of their subjects into different
classes and orders, which they tried to preserve from
intermixture and disorder. ‘Therefore they forbade
people of different classes to have intercourse with each
other, and laid upon each class a particular kind of
work or art and handicraft. They did not allow any-
body to transgress the limits of his class, and even
Throne and
altar,
Crates of
the ancient
Persians.
The tour
casos,
Page 49.
100 ALBERUNI'S INDIA,
punished those who would not be content with their
class.
All this is well illustrated by the history of the
ancient Chosroes (Khusran), for they had created great
institutions of this kind, which conld not be broken
through by the special merits of any individual nor by
bribery, When Ardashir ben Babak restored the Per-
sian empire, he also restored the classes or castes of the
population in the following way :—
Vhe first class were the knights and princes.
The second elass the monks, the fire-priests, and the
lawyers,
The third class the physicians, astronomers, and other
men of science.
The fourth class the husbandmen and artisans,
And within these classes there were subdivisions, dis-
tinct from each other, like the species within 4 genus.
All institutions of this kind are like a pedigree, as long
as their origin is remembered; but when once their
origin bas been forgotten, they become, as it were, the
stable property of the whole nation, nobody any more
questioning its origin. And forgetting is the necessary
result of any long period of time, of a long succession
of centuries and generations.
Among the Hindus institutions of this kind abound,
We Muslims, of course, stand entirely on the other side
of the question, considering all men as equal, except in
piety ; and this is the greatest obstacle which prevents
any approach or understanding between Hindus and
Muslims.
The Hindus call their castes vorna, i.e. colowrs, and
from a genealogical point of view they call them jdéake,
Le. births. These castes are from the very beginning
only four.
1. The highest caste are the Brihmana, of whom the
books of the Hindus tell that they were created from
the head of Brahman. And as Grahman is only another
CHAPTER IX. ΤΟΙ
name for the force called ἔμ, and the head is the
highest part of the animal body, the Brihmana are the
choice part of the whole genus. Therefore the Hindus
consider them as the very best of mankind.
Ij. The next caste are the Kshatriya, who were
created, as they say, from the shoulders and hands of
Brahman, ‘Their degree is not much below that of the
Brihmana,
Ill. After them follow the Vaisya, who were created
from the thigh of Brahman.
IV. The Sidra, who were created from his feet.
Between the latter two classes there is no very
ereat distance. Much, however, as these classes differ
from each other, they live together in the same towns
and villages, mixed together in the same houses and
lodeings.
After the Sidra follow the people called Antyaja, who
render various kinds of services, who are not reckoned
amongst any caste, buf only as members of a certain
craft or profession. ‘here are eight classes of them,
who freely intermarry with each other, except the fuller,
shoemaker, and weaver, for no others would condescend
to have anything to do with them. These eight guilds
are the fuller, shoemaker, juggler, the basket and shield
maker, the sailor, fisherman, the hunter of wild animals
and of birds, and the weaver. The four castes do not
live together with them im one and the same place.
These ouilds live near the villates and towns of the
four castes, but outside them,
The people called Hidi, Doma (Domba), Candia,
and Badhatan (sie) are not reckoned amongst any caste
or guild. hey are oceupied with dirty work, like the
cleansing of the villages and other services. They are
considered as one sole class, and distinguished only by
their oceupations. In fact, they are considered like
illegitimate children ; for according to general opinion
they descend from a Sfidra father and a Brihmani
Larw-=cieke
people.
Different
on pa tlone
of the castes
and puilda,
Cogtooe of
the Brah-
Taina,
Pure sn.
ΤΩΣ ALBERUNI'S INDIA.
mother as the children of fornication; therefore they
are decraded outcasts.
The Hindus give to every single man of the four
castes characteristic names, according to their ocen-
pations and modes of life. #.g. the Brihmana is in
general called by this name as long as he does his work
staying at home. When he is busy with the service
of one fire, he is called ishfin ; if he serves three fires, he
is called agnihetrin,; if he besides offers an offering to
the fire, he is called εἰ βία. And as it is with the
Grahmana, so is it also with the other castes. Of the
classes beneath the castes, the Hidi are the best spoken
of, because they keep themselves free from everything
unclean, Next follow the Doma, who play on the lute
and sing, “The still lower classes practise as a trade
killing and the inflicting of judicial punishments. ‘The
worst of all are the Badhatau, who not only devour the
flesh of dead animals, but even of dogs and other
beasts.
Each of the four castes, when eating together, must
form a group for themselves, one croup not being
allowed to comprise two men of different castes. Tf,
further, in the group of the Brahmana there are two
men who liye at enmity with each other, and the seat
of the one is by the side of the other, they make a
barrier between the two seats by placing a board
between them, or by spreading a piece of dress, or in
some other way; and if there is only a line drawn
between them, they are considered as separated. Since
itis forbidden to eat the remains of a meal, every single
man must have his own food for himself; for if any one
of the party who are eating should take of the food from
one and the same plate, that which remains in the plate
becomes, after the first eater has taken part, to him who
wants to take as the second, the remains of the meal,
and such is forbidden.
Such is the condition of the four castes. Arjuna
ΟΠΆΑΡΤΕΚΊΣ. [03
asked ubout the nature of the four castes and what
must be their moral qualities, whereupon Visudeva
answered :
“The Brihmana must have an ample intellect, a
quiet heart, truthful speech, much patience; he must
be master of his senses, a lover of justice, of evident
purity, always directed upon worship, entirely bent
upon religion.
“The Kshatriya must fill the hearts with terror, must
be brave and high-minded, must have ready speech and
a liberal hand, ποῦ minding dangers, only intent upon
carrying the great tasks of his calling to a happy end.
“The Vaigya is to occupy himself with agriculture,
with the acquisition of cattle, and with trade.
“The Sidra is to endeayour to render services and
attention to each of the preceding classes, in order to
make himself liked by them.
‘Tf each member of these castes adheres to his cus-
toms and usages, he will obtain the happiness he wishes
for, supposing that he is not negligent in the worship of
God, not forgetting to remember him in his most im-
portant ayocations. But if anybody wants to quit the
works and duties of his caste and adopt those of another
easte, even if it would bring a certain honour to the
latter, it 15. a sin, because if is a transgression of the
rule.”
Further, Visudeva speaks, inspiring him with courage
to fight the enemy: “ Dost thou not know, Ὁ man with
the long arm, that thon arf a Kshatriya; that thy race
has been created brave, to rush boldly to the charge,
to care little for the vicissitudes of time, never to give
way whenever their soul has a foreboding of coming
misfortune ? for only thereby is the reward to be ob-
tained. If he conquers, he obtains power and good
fortune, If he perishes, he obtains paradise and bliss.
Besides, thon showest weakness in the presence of the
enemy, aud seemest melancholy at the prospect of
Moksha and
the varios
Ms tes,
Pago sr,
14 ALBERUNSES INDIA.
killing this host ; but it will be infinitely worse if thy
name will spread as that of a timid, cowardly man, that
thy reputation among the heroes and the experienced
warriors will be gone, that thou wilt be ont of thelr
sight, and thy name no longer be remembered among
them. I do not know a worse punishment than such
a state. Death is better than to expose thyself to the
consequences of ignominy. If, therefore, God has
ordered thee to fight, if he has deigned to confer upon
thy caste the task of fighting and has created thee for
it, carry out his order and perform his will with a
determination which is free from any desire, so that
thy action be exclusively devoted to him,”
Hindus differ among themselves as to which of these
castes is capable of attaining to liberation ; for, according
to some, only the Brihmana and Kshatriya are capable
of it, since the others cannot learn the Veda, whilst
according fo the Hindu philosophers, liberation is
common to all castes and to the whole human race, if
their intention of obtaining it is perfect. his view
is based on the saying of Vyiisa: ‘Learn to know
the twenty-five things thoroughly, Then you may
follow whatever religion you like; you will no doubt
be liberated.” This view is also based on the fact
that Visudeya was a descendant of a Sidra family,
and also on the following saying of his, which he
addressed to Arjuna: “God distributes recompense
without injustice and without partiality. He reckons
the good as bad if people in doing good forget him; he
reckons the bad as good if people in doing bad remem-
ber him and do not forget him, whether those people be
Vaigya or Stidra or women. How much more will this
be the ease when they are Brihmana or Kshatriya,”’
( τὸς )
CHAPTER 3X.
ON THE SOURCE OF THEIR RELIGIOUS AND CIVIL LAW,
ON PROPHETS, AND ON THE QUESTION WETHER
HINGLE LAWS CAN BE ABROGATED OR NOT.
THE ancient Greeks received their religious and civil
laws from sages among them who were called to the
work, and of whom their countrymen believed that
they received divine help, like Solon, Draco, Pythagoras,
Minos, and others. Also their kings did the same; for
Mianos (sie), when ruling over the islands of the sea
and over the Cretans about two hundred years after
Moses, gave them laws, pretending to have received
them from Zeus. Abont the same time also Minos (sie)
gave his laws.
At the time of Darins [., the successor of Cyrus, the
Romans sent messengers be the Athenians, and received
from them the laws in twelve books, under which they
lived till the rule of Pompiling (Numa). This king
gave them new laws; he assigned to the year twelve
months, whilst up to that time it had only had ten
months. It appears that he introduced his innovations
against the will of the Romans, for he ordered them to
use as instruments of barter in commerce pieces of
pottery and hides instead of silver, which seems on
his part to betray a certain anger against rebellious
subjects. ;
In the first chapter of the Book af Laws of Plato, the
Athenian stranger says: “ Who do you think was the
Law anil
religion
amon the
Greeks
foumeed Ly
their saree,
Quotation
from Plato's
Davies,
The Rishis,
the authore
of Handi
AW.
Page 52.
τοῦ ALBERUNI'S INDIA.
iret who gave laws to you? Was hean angel ora man?”
The man of Cnossus said: “He was an angel. In
troth, with us it was Zeus, but with the Lacedssmonians,
as they maintain, the legislator was Apollo.”
Further, he says in the same chapter: “It is the
duty of the legislator, if he comes from God, to make
the acquisition of the greatest virtues and of the highest
justice the object of his levislation.”
He describes the laws of the Cretans as rendering
perfect the happiness of those who make the proper
use of them, because by them they acquire all the
human good which is dependent upon the divine good.
The Athenian says in the second chapter of the
same book: “The gods, pitying mankind as born for
trouble, instituted for them feasts to the gods, the
Mueges, Apollo the ruler of the Muses, and to Dionysos,
who gave men wine as a remedy against the bitterness
of old age, that old men should again be young by
forgetting sadness, and by bringing back the character
of the sonl from the state of affliction to the state of
soundness,
Further he says: “They have given to men by in-
spiration the arrangements for dancing, and the equally
welghed rhythm as a reward for fatigues, and that they
tay become accustomed to live together with them in
feasts and joy. Therefore they call one kind of their
music prvises, with an implied allusion to the prayers
to the gods.”
Such was the ease with the Greeks, and it is precisely
the same with the Hindus. For they believe that their
religious law and its single precepts derive their origin
from Rishis, their sages, the pillars of their religion,
and not from the prophet, i.e. Narayana, who, when
coming into this world, appears in some human figure.
But he only comes in order to cut away some evil
matter which threatens the world, or to set the world
right again when anything has gone wrong. lurther, no
CHAPTER X. 107
law can be exchanged or replaced by another, for they
use the laws simply as they findthem. Therefore they
can dispense with prophets, as far as law and worship
are concerned, though in other affairs of the creation
they sometimes want them.
As for the question of the abrogation of laws, it
seems that this is not impossible with the Hindus, for
they say that many things which are now forbidden
were allowed before the coming of Vasudeva, e.g. the
flesh of cows, Such changes are necessitated by the
change of the nature of man, and by their being too
feeble to bear the whole burden of their duties. To
these changes also belong the changes of the matri-
moni system and of the theory of descent. For m
former times there were three modes of determining
descent or relationship :
1. The child born to a man by his legitimate wife is
the child of the father, as is the custom with us and
wilh the Hindua,
2. If aman marries a woman and has a child by her ;
if, further, the marriage-contract stipulates that the
children of the woman will belong to jer father, the
child is considered as the child of its grandfather who
made that stipulation, and not as the child of its father
who engendered it,
3. If a stranger has a child by a married woman, the
child belongs to her husband, since the wife being, as it
were, the soil in which the child has grown, is the pro-
perty of the husband, always presupposing that the
sowing, i.c. the cohabitation, takes place with his con-
sent,
According to this principle, Piindu was considered as
the son of Santanu; for this king had been cursed by
an anchorite, and in consequence was unable to cohabit
with his wives, which was the more provoking to him
as he had not yet any children. Now he asked Vyiisa,
the son of Parigara, to procreate for him children from
Whether
laws may be
abrorated or
ret.
Different
mintrinoonial
Byaioms.
The story of
Pana cine
Vvilea,
Birth of
Vyasa.
Wheto
Klads at
ΤΠ ΤΕ fagre
with Tike.
tans and
Arabe,
Page 53-
108 ALBERUNTS INDIA.
his wives in his place. Péindu sent him one, but she
was afraid of him when he cohabited with her, and
trembled, in consequence of which she conceived a
sickly child of yellow hue. Then the king sent him a
second woman ; she, too, felt much reverence for him,
and wrapped herself up in her veil, and in consequence
she gave birth to Dhritariishtra, who was blind and
unhealthy. Lastly, he sent him a third woman, whom
he enjoined to put aside all fear and reverence with
regard tothe saint. Laughing and in high spirits, she
went in to him, and conceived from him a child of
moon-like beauty, who excelled all men in boldness and
cunning.
The fonr sons of Pindn had one wife in common,
who stayed one month with each of them alternately.
In the books of the Hindus it is told that Pariifara, the
hermit, one day travelled in a boat in which there was
also a daughter of the boatman. He fell in love with
her, tried to seduce her, and finally she yielded; but
there was nothing on the bank of the river to hide
them from the looks of the people. However, instan-
taneously there grew a tamarisk-tree to facilitate their
purpose. Now he cohabited with her behind the tama-
risk, and made her conceive, whereupon she became
pregnant with this his excellent son Vyiisa.
All these customs have now been abolished and ab-
rogated, and therefore we may infer from their tradi-
tion that in principle the abrogation of a law is allowable,
As regards unnatural kinds of marriage, we must
state that such exist still in our time, as they also
existed in the times of Arab heathendom; for the
people inhabiting the mountains stretching from the
region of Panchir into the neighbourhood of Kashmir
live under the rule that several brothers have one wife
incommon, Among the heathen Arabs, too, marriage
was of different kinds :— :
1. An Arab ordered his wife to be sent to a certain
CHAPTER AX. Tox)
man to demand sexual intercourse with lim; then he
abstained from her during the whole time of her preg-
nancy, since he wished to have from her a generous
offspring. This is identical with the third kind of
marriage among the Hindus.
2. A second kind was this, that the one Arab said to
the other, “Cede me your wife, and I will cede you
mine,” and thus they exchanged their wives.
3. A third kind is this, that several men cohabited
with one wife. When, then, she gave birth toa child,
she declared who was the father; and if she did not
know it, the fortune-tellers had to know it.
4. The Nibdh-elmatt (= matrimonitum exosum), ἔνε,
when a man married the widow of his father or of his
son, the child of such a marriage was called deisan.
This is nearly the same as a certain Jewish marriage,
for the Jews have the law that a man must marry the
widow of his brother, if the latter has not left children,
and create a line of descent for his deceased brother ;
and the offspring is considered as that of the deceased
man, not as that of the real father. Thereby they want
to prevent his memory dying ont In the world. In
Hebrew they call a man who is married in this way
Fabhiam.
There was a similar institution among the Magians.
In the book of Tansar, the great Aerbadh, addressed to
Padashviir-girshah, as an answer to his attacks on
Ardashir the son of Babak, we find a description of the
institution of a man’s being married as the substitute
for another man, which existed among the Persians.
If a man dies without leaving male offspring, people
are to examine the case. If he leaves a wife, they
marry her to his nearest relative. If he does not leave
a wife, they marry his daughter or the nearest: related
woman to the nearest related male of the family.
If there is no woman of his family left, they woo by
means of the money of the deceased a woman for his
Marriage
among the
11 6} 611}
franiane,
110 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
family, and marry her to some male relative. ‘The
child of such a marriage is considered as the offspring
of the deceased.
Whoever neglects this duty and does not fulfil it,
kills innumerable souls, since he cuts off the progeny
and the name of the deceased to all eternity,
We have here given an account of these things im
order that the reader may learn by the comparative
treatment of the subject how much superior the insti-
futions of Islam are, and how much more plainly this
contrast’ brings out all customs and usages, differing
from those of Islam, in their essential foulness.
( 4 ὦἢ
CHAPTER ΧΙ.
ABOUT THE GEGINNING OF TDOL-WORSHIP, AND A
DESCRIPTION OF THE INDIVIDUAL IDOLS.
Iris well known that the popular mind leans towards Origin of
the sensible world, and has an aversion to the world of κ᾿
ol-worship
1 the
hire
- - Ξ 1111]
abstract thought which is only understood by highly of man.
educated people, of whom in every time and every
place there are only few, And as common people will
only acquiesce in pictorial representations, many of the
leaders of religious communities have so far deviated
from the right path as to give such imagery in their
books and houses of worship, like the Jews and Chris-
tians, and, more than all, the Manicheeans. These
words of mine would at once receive a sufficient illus-
tration if, for example, a picture of the Prophet were
made, or of Mekka and the Kaba, and were shown to
an uneducated man or woman. Their joy in looking
at the thing would bring them to kiss the picture, to
rub their cheeks against it, and to roll themselves in
the dust before it, as if they were seeing not the’ picture,
but the original, and were in this way, as 11 they were
present in the holy places, performing the rites of pil-
erimage, the great and the small ones.
This is the cause which leads to the manufacture of
idols, monuments in honour of certain much venerated
persons, prophets, sages, angels, destined to keep alive
their memory when they are absent or dead, to create
for them a lasting place of grateful veneration in the
hearts of men when they die. But when much time
Page 54.
Btary of
Romulus
and Reems,
[dal-wor-
ship a5 re-
atricted to
the low
classes of
people,
112 ALBERUNI'S INDIA,
passes by after the setting up of the monument, genera-
tions and centuries, its origin is forgotten, it becomes a
matter of custom, and its veneration a rule for general
practice. This being deeply rooted in the nature of
man, the legislators of antiquity tried to influence them
from this weak point of theirs. Therefore they made
the veneration of pictnres and similar monuments ob-
ligatory on them, as is recounted in historic records,
both for the times before and after the Deluge. Some
people even pretend to know that all mankind, before
xod sent them his prophets, were one large idolatrous
body.
The followers of the Thora fix the beginning of ido-
latry in the days of Seriigh, the great-grandfather of
Abraham. ‘The Romans have, regarding this question,
the following tradition:—Romulus and Romanus [ἢ]
the two brothers from the country of the Franks, on
having ascended the throne, built the city of Rome.
Then Romulus killed his brother, and the consequence
was a long succession of intestine troubles and wars.
Finally, Romulus humiliated himself, and then he
dreamt that there would only be peace on condition
that he placed his brother on the throne. Now he got
a golden image made of him, placed it at his side, and
henceforward he used to say, “ἢ He (not 7) have ordered
thus and thus,’ which since has become the general
use of kings. Thereupon the troubles subsided. He
founded a feast and a play to amuse and to gain over
those who bore him ill-will on account of the murder
of his brother. Lesicdes, he erected a monument to the
sun, consisting of four images on four horses, the green
one for the earth, the blne for the water, the red for the
fire, and the white for the air. This monument is still
in Rome in our days. —
Since, however, here we have to explain the system and
the theories of the Hindus on the subject, we shall now
mention their ladicrous views; but we declare at once
CHAPTER ΑἹ. 113
that they are held only by the common uneducated
people. For those who march on the path to liberation,
or those who study philosophy and theology, and who
desire abstract truth which they call sdére, are entirely
free from worshipping anything but God alone, and
would never dream of worshipping an image manufac-
tured to represent him, A tradition illustrative of
this is that which Saunaka told the king Pariksha in
these words :—
There was once a king called Ambarisha, who had
obtained an empire as large as he had wished for. But
afterwards he came to like τὸ no longer; he retired from
the world, and exclusively oceupied himself with wor-
shipping and praising God for a long time. ['mally,
God appeared to him in the shape of Indra, the prince
of the angels, riding on an elephant. He spoke to the
king: * Demand whatever you like, and I will give it
you,”
The king answered: “I rejoice in seeing thee, and
IT am thankful for the good fortune and help thou
hast given; but 1 do not demand anything from thee,
but only from him who created thee.”
Indra said: “The object of worship is to receive a
noble reward. Realise, therefore, your object, and accept
the reward from him from whom hitherto you have
obtained your wishes, and do not pick and choose,
saying, ‘ Not from thee, but from another.’ ”
The king answered: ‘The earth has fallen to my lot,
but I do not care for all that is in it. The object of
my worship is to see the Lord, and that thon canst not
give me. Why, therefere, should I demand the fulfil-
ment of my desire from thee?”
Indra said: ‘‘'The whole world and whoever is upon
it are obedient to me. Who are you that you dare to
oppose me?”
The king answered: ‘I, too, hear and obey, but I
worship iim from whom thou hast received this power,
VoL. 1, H
Story of
King Am-
hetrisha, aid
Indra.
Pare 55.
[14 ALBERUNPS INDIA.
who is the lord of the universe, who has protected thee
against the attacks of the two kings, Bali and Hiran-
yiksha, ‘Therefore let me do as J like, and turn away
from me with my farewell greeting.”
Indra said: “1f you will absolutely oppose me, I will
kill you and annihilate you.”
The king answered: “People say that happiness is
envied, but not so misfortune, He who retires from
the world is envied by the angels, and therefore they
will try to lead him astray. I am one of those who
have retired from the world and entirely devoted them-
selves to worship, and I shall not give it up as long as
I live. I do not know myself to be guilty of a crime
for which I should deserve to be killed by thee. If
thon killest me without any offence on my part, it is
thy concern. What dost thou want from me? If my
thoughts are entirely devoted to God, and nothing else
is bisndad with them, thou arf not able to do me any
harm. Sufficient for me is the worship with which |
am occupied, and now 1 return to it.”
As the king now went on worshipping, the Lord
appeared to him in the shape of a man of the grey
lotus colour, riding on a bird called Garuda, holding in
one of the four hands the saikhe, a sea-shell which
people blow when riding on elephants; in the second
hand the eakra, a round, cutting, orbicular weapon,
which cuts everything it hits right through; in the
third an amulet, and in the fourth padma, t.¢. the red
lotus. When the king saw him, he shuddered from
reverence, prostrated himself and uttered many praises,
The Lord quieted his terrified mind and promised him
that he should obtain everything he wished for, The
king spoke: “1 had obtained an empire which nobody
disputed with me; I was in conditions of life not
troubled by sorrow or sickness. It was as if the
whole world belonged to me. But then I turned away
from it, after I had understood that the good of the
CHAPTER XI. 115
world is really bad in the end. I do not wish for any-
thing except what 1 now have. The only thing I now
wish for is to be liberated from this fetter.”
The Lord spoke: “That you will obtain by keeping
aloof from the world, by being alone, by uninterrupted
meditation, and by restraining your senses to yourself.”
The king spoke: “Supposing that Iam able to do
so through that sanctity which the Lord has deigned
to bestow upon me, how should any other man be able
to do so? for man wants eating and clothing, which
connects him with the world, How is he to think of
anything else ?”
The Lord spoke: ‘“ Occupy yourself with your empire
in as straightforward and prudent a way as possible:
turn your thoughts upon me when you are engayed in
eivilisine the world and protecting its inhabitants, in
giving alms, and in everything you do. And if you are
overpowered by human forgetfulness, make to yourself
an image like that in which you see me; offer to it
perfumes and flowers, and make it a memorial of me,
so that you may not forget me. If you are in sorrow,
think of me; if you speak, speak in my name; if you
act, act for me,”
The king spoke: “Now I know what I have to do
in general, buf honour me further by instructing me
in the details.”
The Lord spoke: “That [have done already. I have
inspired your judge Vasishtha with all that is required.
Therefore rely upon him in all questions.”
Then the figure disappeared from his sight. The
king returned into his residence and did as he had
been ordered.
From that time, the Hindus say, people make idols,
some with four hands like the appearance we have
described, others with two hands, as the story and
description require, and conformably to the being which
is to be represented.
116 ALBERUNIS INDIA,
Narada and Another story of theirs Is the following :-—Brahman
fromthe had ason called Narada, who had no other desire but
an that of seeing the Lord. It was his custom, when he
walked about, to hold a stick. If he threw it down,
it became a serpent, and he was able to do miracles
with it, He never went without it. One day being
engrossed in meditation on the object of his hopes, he
saw a fire from afar. He went towards it, and then a
voice spoke to him out of the fire: “ What you demand
and wish is impossible. You cannot see me gave
thus.” When he looked in that direction, he saw a
fiery appearance in something like human shape.
Puee 56. Ulenceforward it has been the custom to erect idols of
certain shapes.
The idol of A famous idol of theira was that of Multin, dedicated
My Adil, ee to the sun, and therefore called Aditya. It was of wood
and covered with red Cordovan leather ; in its two eyes
were two red rubies. It is said to have been made in
the last Kritayuga, Suppose that it was made in the
very end of Kritaynga, the time which has since elapsed
amounts to 216,432 years. When Muhammad Ibn
Alkisim Ibn Almunabbih conquered Multan, he in-
quired how the town had become so very flourishing
and so many treasures had there been accumulated, and
then he found out that this idol was the cause, for
there came pilgrims from all sides to visit it. There-
fore he thought it best to have the idol where it was,
but he hung a piece of cow’s-flesh on its neck by way
of mockery. On the same place a mosque was built.
When then the Karmatians occupied Multiin, Jalam
Ibn Shaibin, the usurper, broke the 160] into pieces
and killed its priests. He made his mansion, which
was a castle built of brick on an elevated place, the
mosque instead of the old mosque, which he ordered to
be shut from hatred against anything that had been
done under the dynasty of the Caliphs of the house of
‘Umayya. When afterwards the blessed Princa Mah-
CHAPTER XI. 117
mud swept away their rule from those countries, he
made again the old mosque the place of the Mriday-
worship, and the second one was left to decay. At
present it is only a barn-floor, where bunches of inna
(Lawsonia inermis) are bound together.
If we now subtract from the above-mentioned num-
ber of years the hundreds, tens, and units, ὁ.6. the 432
years, as a kind of arbitrary equivalent for the sum of
about 100 years, by which the rise of the Karmatians
preceded our time, we get as the remainder 216,000
years for the time of the end of the Kritayuga, and
about the epoch of the era of the Hijra. How, then,
eould wood have lasted such a length of time, and
particularly in a place where the air and the soil are
rather wet? God knows best!
The city of Tiineshar is highly venerated by the
Hindus. The idol of that place is called Cakrasudmin,
1.€ the owner of the eakra,a weapon which we have
already described (page 114). It is of bronze, and is
nearly the siza ofa man. It is now lying in the hippo-
drome in Ghaana, together with the Lord of Somandth,
which is a representation of the penis of Mahiideva,
called Linga. Of Somanith we shall hereafter speak in
the proper place. This Cakrasviimin is said to have
been made in the time of bhirata as ἃ memorial of wars
connected with this name,
In Inner Kashmir, about two or three days’ journey
from the capital in the direction towards the mountains
of Bolor, there is a wooden idol called Sdrade, which is
much venerated and frequented by pilgrims,
We shall now communicate a whole chapter from the
book Swrikiéd relating to the construction of idols,
which will help the student thoroughly te comprehend
the present subject.
Varihamihira says: “If the figure is made to repre-
sent Rima the son of Dagsaratha, or Ball the son of
Virocana, give it the height of 120 digits,” ἢ... of aol
The idol of
Tineshar
called
Cakra
evilmoin.
The idol
firada ἔπι.
Rushuiir,
Chiotation
From thie
ἀπ τι ἢ of
Varihami-
hira.
Pare 57.
1 ALBERUNT'S INDIA.
digits, which must be reduced by one-tenth to become
common digits, in this case 108.
“To the idol of Vishnu give eight hands, or four, or
two, and on the left side under the breast give him the
figure of the woman Sri. Tf you give him eight hands,
place in the right hands a sword, a club of gold or iron,
an arrow, and make the fourth hand asif it were draw-
ing water; in the left hands give him a shield, a bow, a
οἰκίσαι, and a conch.
“Tf you give him four hands, omit the bow and the
arrow, the sword and shield.
“If you give him two hands, let the right hand be
drawing water, the left holding a conch,
ἢ ΤΕ the figure is to represent Galadeva, the brother of
Niriyana, put earrings into his ears, and give him eyes
of a drunken man,
“Tf you make both figures, Nirfiyana and Baladeva,
join with them their sister Mhagavaté (Durga = tka-
nandgi.), her left hand resting on her hip a little away
from the side, and her right hand holding a lotus.
‘Tf you make her four- banded, plave intheright hands
a rosary and a hand drawing water; in the left handa, a
book and a lotus,
“Tf you make her eight-handed, place in the left hands
the kamandali, 1.4, a pot, a lotus, bow and book; in the
right hands, a rosary, 4 mirror, an arrow, and a water-
drawing hand.
“Tf the fignre is to represent Samba, theson of Vishnn,
put only a club im his right hand. If it is to represent -
Pradyumna, the son of Vishnu, place in his right hand
an arrow, in his left hand a bow. And if you make
their two wives, place in their right hand a sword, in
the left a buckler.
* The idol of Grahman has four faces towards the four
sides, and is seated on a lotus.
“The idol of Skanda, the son of Mahadeva, is a boy
riding on a peacock, his hand holding a gasti, a weapon
CHAPTER XI, Ὁ 1)
like a double-ed@ed sword, which has in the middle ἃ
pestle like that of a mortar.
“The idol Indra holds in its hand a weapon called
vejra of diamond, It has a similar handle to the ga/tz,
but on each side if has two swords which join at the
handle. On his front place a third eye, and make him
ride on a white elephant with four tusks.
κε Likewise make on the front of the idol of Mahideva
a third eye right above, on his head a crescent, in his
hand a weapon called git/a, similar to the club but with
three branches, and a sword; and let his left hand hold
his wife Gauri, the daughter of Himayant, whom he
presses to his hosom from the side.
“To the idol Jina, ἐν, Buddha, give a face and limbs as
beantiinl as possible, make the lines in the palms of his
hands and feet like a lotus, and represent him seated
on a lotus; give him grey hair, and represent him with
a placicdl expression, as if he were the father of creation.
“Tf you make Arhant, the figure of another body of
Buddha, represent him as a naked youth with a fine
face, beautiful, whose hands reach down to the knees,
with the figure of Sri, his wife, under the left breast.
The idol of Reyanta, the son of the sun, rides on a
horse like a huntsman.
“'The idol of Yima, the angel of death, rides on a
buffalo, and holds a club in his hand.
* The idol of Kubera, the treasurer, wears a crown, has
a big stomach and wide hips, and is riding on a man.
“The idol of the sun has a red face like the pith of
the red lotus, beams like a diamond, has protruding
limbs, rings in the ears, the neck adorned with pearls
which hang down over the breast, wears a crown of
several compartments, holds in his hands two lotuses,
anc is clad in the dress of the Northerners which reaches
down to the ankle,
“Tf you represent the Seven Mothers, represent several
of them together in one figure, Brahmiini with four faces
Pape ἢ,
120 ALBERUNIS INDIA,
towards the four directions, Kaumfiri with six faces,
Vaishnavi with four hands, Varahi with a hog’s head
on a human body, Indrani with many eyes and a club
in her hand, Bhagavati (Durgi) sitting as people
generally sit, Cimundi ugly, with protruding teeth
and a slim waist. Further join with them the sons of
Mahadeva, Kshetrapila with bristling hair, a sour face,
and an ugly figure, but Viniiyaka with an elephant’s
head on a human body, with four hands, as we have
heretofore deseribed.”
The worshippers of these idols kill sheep and buffaloes
with axes (cufdre), that they may nourish themselves
with their blood. Allidols are constructed according to
certain measures determined by idol-fingers for every
single limb, but sometimes they dilfer regarding the
measure of a limb. If the artist keeps the right
measure and does not make anything too large nor too
amall, he is free from sin, and is sure that the bemg
which he represented will not visit him with any
mishap. “If he makes the idol one σα high and
together with the throne two cubits, he will obtain
health and wealth. If he makes it higher still, he will
be praised.
“ But he must know that making the idol too large,
especially that of the Sun, will hurt the ruler, and
making it too small will hurt the artist, Τῇ he gives it
a thin belly, this helps and furthers the famine in the
country ; if he gives it a lean belly, this ruins property.
“Tf the hand of the artist slips so as to produce some-
thing like a wound, he will have a wound in his own
body which will kill him.
“If itis not completely even on both sides, so that
the one shoulder is higher than the other, his wife will
perish.
“Tf he turns the eye upward, he will be blind for
lifetime ; 1f he turns it downward, he will have many
troubles and sorrows.”
CHAPTER AT. 121
If the statue is made of some precious stone, it 18
better than if it were made of wood, and wood 1s better
than clay. ‘The benefits of a statue of precious stone
will be common to all the men and women of the
empire. A golden statue will bring power to him who
erected it, a statue of silyer will bring him renown, one
of bronze will bring him an increase of his rule, one of
stone the acquisition of landed property.”
The Hindus honour their idols on account of those
who erected them, not on account of the material of
which they are made. We have already mentioned
that the idol of Multan was of wood, Δ, the linga
which Rima erected when he had finished the war with
the demons was of sand, which he had heaped up with
hisown hand. But then it became petrified all at once,
since the astrologically correct moment for the erecting
of the monument fell before the moment when the
workmen had finished the entting of the stone monu-
ment which Rima originally had ordered. Regarding
the building of the temple and its peristyle, the cutting
of the trees of four different kinds, the astrological
determination of the fayourabla moment for the erec-
tion, the celebration of the rites due on such an occa-
sion, regarding all this Riima gave very long and tedious
instructions, Further, he ordered that servants and
priests to minister to the idols should be nominated
from different classes of the people. “ΤῸ the idol of
Vishnu are devoted the class called Bhagavata; to the
idol of the Sun, the Maga, t.¢. the Magians; to the idol
of Mahideya, a class of saints, anchorites with long
hair, who cover their skin with ashes, hang on their
persons the bones of dead people, and swim in the
pools, The Brihmana are devoted to the Hight
Mothers, the Shamanians to Buddha, to Arhant the
class called Nagne. On the whole, to each idol certain
people are devoted who constructed it, for those know
best how to serve it.”
Page 59.
Qootutions
fren: ibe
ΕΠ dap
thikt God is
Tk ten de
confounded
with the
idlals,
[22 ALBERUNTI'S INDIA.
Our object in mentioning all this mad raying was to
teach the reader the accurate description of an idol, if
he happens to see one, and to illustrate what we have
sald before, that such idols are erected only for unedu-
eated low-class people of little understanding ; that the
Hindus never made an idol of any supernatural being,
much less of God; and, lastly, to show how the crowd
is kept in thraldom by all kinds of priestly tricks and
deceits. Therefore the book (tid says: “Many people
try to approach me in their aspirations through some-
thing which is different from me; they try to insinuate
themselves into my favour by giving alms, praise, and
prayer to something besides me. I, however, confirm
and help them in all these doings of theirs, and make
them attain the object of their wishes, because 1 am
able to dispense with them.”
In the same book Visudeva speaks to Arjuna : “ Do
you not see that most of those who wish for something
address themeelves in offering and worshipping to the
several classes of spiritual beings, and to the sun, moon,
and other celestial bodies? If now God does not dis-
appoint their hopes, though he in no way stands in
need of their worship, if le even gives them more than
they asked for, and 1f he gives them their wishes in
such a way as thongh they were receiving them from
that te which they had addressed their prayers—viz.
the idol—they will proceed to worship those whom
they address, because they have not learned to know
him, whilst Ae, by admitting this kind of intermedia-
tion, carries their affairs to the desired end. But that
which is obtained by desires and intermediation is not
lasting, since if is only as much as is deserved for any
particular merit. Only that is lasting which is obtained
from God alone, when people are disgusted with old
age, death, and birth {and desire to be delivered there-
from by Molsice).”
This is what Vasudeva says. When the ignorant crowd
CHAPTER XI, 123
get a plece of good luck by accident or something at
which they had aimed, and when with this some of the
preconcerted tricks of the priests are brought into con-
nection, the darkness in which they live increases
vastly, not their intelligence, They will rush to those
figures of idols, maltreating their own figures before
them by shedding their own blood and mnblating their
own bodies.
The ancient Greeks, also, considered the idols as
mediators between themselves and the First Cause, and
worshipped them under the names of the stars and the
highest substances. For they described the First Cause,
not with positive, but only with negative predicates,
since they considered it too high to be described by
human qualities, and since they wanted to deseribe it
as free from any imperfection, Therefore they could
not address 1t In worship.
When the heathen Arabs had imported into their
country idols from Syria, they also worshipped them,
hoping that they would intercede for them with God.
Plato says in the fourth chapter of the Book af Laws :
Ὁ It is necessary to any one who eives perfect: honours
(to the gods) that he should take tronble with the
mystery of the gods and Sakinit, and that he should
not make special idols masters over the ancestral gods.
Further, it is the greatest duty to give honours as much
as possible to the parents while they hve.”
By mystery Plato means a special kind of devotien.
The word is much used among the Sibians of Harrin,
the dualistic Manichmans, and the theolovians of the
Hindus.
Galenns says in the book De Indole Anime: “ At
the time of the Emperor Commodus, between 500-510
years after Alexander, two men went to an idol-mer-
chant and bargained with him for an idol of Hermes.
The one wanted to erect it in a temple as a memorial
of Hermes, the other wanted to erect it on a tomb as a
Page 60,
[24 ALBERUNIS INDIA,
memorial of the deceased. However, they could not
settle the business with the merchant, and so they
postponed it until the following day, The idol-merchant
dreamt the following night that the idol addressed him
and spoke to him: ‘O excellent man! I am thy work,
I have received through the work of thy hands a figure
which is thought to be the figure of a star. Now I am
no longer a stone, as people called me heretofore; 1 am
now known as Mercury. At present it stands in thy
hands to make me either a memorial of something im-
perishable or of something that has perished already.’ ”
There is a treatise of Aristotle in which he answers
certain questions of the Brahmins which Alexander had
sent him. There he says: “If you maintain that some
Greeks have fabled that the idols speak, that the people
offer to them and think them to be spiritual beings, of
all this we haye no knowledge, and we cannot give a
sentence on a subject we do not know.” In these words
he rises high above the class of fools and uneducated
people, and he indicates by them that he does not
occupy himself with such things. It is evident that
the first cause of idolatry was the desire of commemo-
rating the dead and of consoling the living; but on this
basis it has developed, and has finally become a foul
and pernicious abuse.
The former view, that idols are only memorials, was
also held by the Caliph Mudwiya regarding the idols
of Sicily, When, in the summer of A.n, 53, Sicily was
eoncquered, and the conquerors sent him golden idols
adorned with crowns and diamonds which had been
captured there, he ordered them to be sent to Sind, that
they should be sold there to the princes of the country ;
for he thought it best to sell them as objects costing
sums of so-and-so many denars, not having the slichtest
scruple on account of their being objects of abomin-
able idolatry, but simply considering the matter from a
political, not from a religions point of view.
( 125 )
CHAPTER XII.
ON THE VEDA, THE PURANAS, AND OTHER KINDS OF
THEIR. NATIONAL LITERATURE,
VepA means knowledge of that which was before un-
known. It is a religious system which, according to
the Hindus, comes from God, and was promulgated
by the mouth of brahman. The Brahmins recite
the Veda without understanding its meaning, and in
the same way they learn it by heart, the one receiv-
ing it from the other. Only few of them learn its
explanation, and still less is the number of those who
master the contents of the Veda and their interpretation
to such a degree as to be able to hold a oe tee
disputation,
The Brahmins teach the Veda to the Kshatriyas.
The latter learn it, buf are not allowed to teach it, not
even to a Brahmin. The Vaisya and Sidra are not
allowed to hear it, much less to pronounce and recite
it. If such a thing can be proved against one of them,
the Brahmins drag him before the magistrate, and he
is punished by having his tongue cut off,
The Veda contains commandments and prohibitions,
detailed statements about reward and punishment in-
tended to encourage and to deter; but most of it con-
tains hymns of praise, and treats of the various kinds
of sacrifices to the fire, which are so numerous and
difficult that you could hardly count them.
They do not allow the Veda to he committed to
writing, because 1t is recited according to certain modu-
sundry
notes relat.
ing to the
¥ pil: Le
The Yada
transmitted
by memory,
Page or.
Vasukra
commits {he
Yoda te
Willig.
126 ALBERUNDS INDIA,
lations, and they therefore avoid the use of the pen,
since it is liable to cause some error, and may occasion
an addition or a defect in the written text. In conse-
quence 1 has happened that they have several times
forgotten the Veda and lost it. For they maintain that
the following passage occurs in the conversations he-
tween God and brahman relating to the begining of
all things, according to the report of Sannaka who had
recelyed it from the planet Venus: “* You will forget
the Veda at the time when the earth will be submerged;
it will then go down to the depths of the earth, and
none but the fish will be able to bring it out again.
Therefore 1 shall send the fish, and it will deliver the
Veda into your hands, And I shall send the boar to
raise the earth with its tusks and to bring it out of the
water.”
Further, the Hindus maintain that the Veda, together
with all the rites of their religion and country, had been
obliterated in the last Dvipara-yuga, a period of time
of which we shall speak in the proper place, until it
was renewed by Vyiisa, the son of Parisara,
The Ῥέαν Purine says: “At the beginning of each
Manvantara period there will be created anew a lord
of a period whose children will rule over the whole
earth, and a prince who will be the head of the world,
and angels to whom men will bring fire-offerings, and
the Great Bear, who will renew the Veda which is lost
at the end of each period.”
This is the reason why, not long before our time,
Vasukra, a native of Kashmir, a famous Brahmin, has
of his own account undertaken the task of explaining
the Veda and committing it to writing, He has taken
on himself a task from which everybody else would
have recoiled, but he carried it out because he was
afraid that the Veda might be forgotten and entirely
vanish out of the memories of men, since he observed
that the characters of men grew worse and worse, and
CHAPTER XII. 127
that they did not eare much for virtue, nor even for
duty.
There are certain passages in the Veda which, as they
maintain, must not be recited within dwellings, since
they fear that they would cause an abortion both to
women and the cattle. Therefore they step out into the
open field to recite themthere. There is hardly a single
verse free from such and similar minatory injunctions.
As we have already mentioned, the books of the
Hindus are metrical compositions like the Rajaz poems
of the Arabs. Most of them are composed in a metre
called sloke. The reason of this has already been
explained. Galenus also prefers metrical composi-
tion, and says in lis book Kara γένη: “The single
signs which denote the weights of medicines become
corrupt by being copied; they are algo corrupted by the
wanton mischief of some envious person, Therefore it
15. quite right that the books of Damocrates on medi-
cines should be preferred to others, and that they should
gain fame and praise, since they are written in a Greek
sesliee: If all books were written in this way it would
be the best; ’ the fact being that a prose text is much
more exposed to corruption than a metrical one,
The Veda, however, is not composed in this common
metre, sloka, but in another. Some Hindus say that
no one could compose anything in the same metre.
However, their scholars maintain that this is possible
indeed, but that they refrain from trying it merely from
veneration for the Veda.
Aecording to their tradition, Vyisa divided it into
four parts: Rigveda, Yayurveda, Simaveda, and Ather-
panavedda,
Vyiisa had four gishya, t.c, pupils. He taught a sepa-
rate Veda to each of them, and made him carry it in
Ins memory. They are enumerated in the same order
as the four parts of the Veda: Paila, Vaisaripdyane,
Jaimint, Sumeant.
The four
pupils of
Vyas anc
the four
Vedas.
On the Rig.
weeds,
Page 62.
On the
Yajarveds.
The story of
YAjna-
wiley a.
128 ALBERONIDS INDIA.
Nach of the four parts has a peculiar kind of reeita-
tion. The first is Rigveda, consisting of metrical com-
positions called rie, which are of different lengths. It
is called Rigveda as being the totality of the rie.
lt treats of the sacrifices to the fire, and is recited in
three different ways. Firat, in a uniform manner of
reading, just as every other book is read. Secondly, in
such a way that a pause is made after every single
word. Thirdly, in a method which is the most meri-
torious, and for which plenty of reward in heaven is
promised. First you read a short passage, each word
of which is distinctly pronounced ; then you repeat: it
together with a part of that which has not yet been
recited. Next you recite the added portion alone, and
then you repeat it together with the next part of that
which has not yet been recited, &e., &c. Continuing to
do so till the end, you will have read the whole text twice.
The Yajurveda is composed of fvindin. The word
is a derivative noun, and means the totality of the
Kindin. The difference between this and the Rigveda
is that 10 may be read as a text connected by the rules
of Sarhdhi, which is not allowed in the case of Rigveda.
The one as well as the other treats of works connected
with the fire and the sacrifices.
I have heard the following story about the reason
why the Rigveda cannot be recited as a text connected
by the rules of Saradhi:—
Yajnavalkya stayed with his master, and his master
had a Brahmin friend who wanted to make a journey.
Therefore he asked the master to send somebody to his
house to perform there during his absence the rites to
Home, i.e, to his fire, and to prevent it from being
extinenished. Now the master sent his pupils to the
house of his friend one after the other. So it came to
be the turn of Yajnavalkya, who was beautiful to look
at and handsomely dressed, When he began the work
which he was sent for, in a place where the wife of the
CHAPTER XII. 129
absent man was present, she conceived an aversion to
his fine attire, and YAjnavalkya became aware of ib,
though she concealed tt, On having finished, he took
the water to sprinkle if over the head of the woman,
for this holds with them the place of the blowing after |
an incantation, since blowing is dishked by them and
considered as something impure. Then the woman said,
“Sprinkle it over this column.” So he did, and at once
the column became green. Now the woman repented
having missed the blessing of his pions action; there-
fore on the following day she went to the master, asking
him to send her the same pupil whom he had sent the
day before. Yijnavalkya, however, declined to go
except in his turn, No urging had any effect upon
him; he did not mind the wrath of his master, but
simply said, “Take away from me all that you have
taught me.” And scarcely had he spoken the word,
when on a sudden he had forgotten all he knew before,
Now he turned to the Sun and asked him to teach him
the Veda. The Sun said, “ How 15. that possible, as 1
must perpetually wander, and you are incapable of
doing the same?” But then Yajnavalkya clung to
the chariot of the Sun and began to learn the Veda
from him; but he was compelled to interrupt the
recitation here and there on account of the irregularity
of the motion of the chariot.
The Simaveda treats of the sacrifices, command-
ments, and prohibitions. It is recited in a tone like
a chant, and hence its name is derived, because sdman
means the sweetness of reettution. The cause of this
kind of recital is, that Nairfiyana, when he appeared on
earth in the shape of Viimana, and came to the king
Bali, changed himself into a Brahman and began to
recite the Sfimaveda with a touching melody, by
which he exhilarated the king, in consequence of which
there happened to him the well-known story.
The Atharvanaveda is as a text connected by the
VOL, 1. I
Bimaveda
and Athiwtrs
vanarcda.
List of the
Poranits,
Page 63.
130 ALBERUNES INDIA,
rules of Sarndhi, It does not consist of the same com-
positions as the Rig and Yajur Vedas, but of a third
kind ealled bhava. It is recited according to a melody
with a nasal tone. This Veda is less in favour with
the Hindus than the others. It likewise treats of the
sacrifices to the fire, and contains injunctions regarding
the dead and what is to be done with them.
As to the Puranas, we first mention that the word
means jirst, elernal, There are eighteen Puriinas, most
of them called by the names of animals, human or
angelic beings, becanse they contain stories about them,
‘or because the contents of the book refer in some way
to them, or because the book consists of answers which
the creatare whose name forms the title of the book
has given to certain questions.
The Purinas are of human origin, composed by the
so-called Rishis, Inthe following 1 give a list of their
names, as 1 have heard them, and committed them to
writing from dictation :—
1. Adi-purdea, ie. the first,
2, Matesya-purdau, ic. the fish.
3, Adrma-purina, ie. the torboise.
4. Vaerdiae-purdic, ἔμεν the boar.
5. Narastaiha-perdad, te. a human being with a lion's head.
6. Vidmana-purdea, te. the dwarf,
9, Videu-purde, ie. the wind,
ἃ. NVenda-purntea, ie. a servant of Mahadeva,
go. Stande-purdaa, ic. & s0n Of Mahadeva.
το, Aditya-purdaa, ic. the sun.
If, Soma-purdne, ie. the moon,
iz. Sdmba-purdec, i.e. the son of Vishnu,
13. να μας ρα, ic. heaven.
14. Mirkancdeyo-purdng, ic. a creat Rishi,
15. Darkelya-purdng, ie, the bird Garuda.
16. Vishnu-purdnd, ic. Narivana,
7. JHrakme-purindg, i. the nature charged with the preserya-
tion of the world.
18. Bhaviskya-purina, te. future things,
Of all this hterature | have only seen portions of the
Matsya, Aditya, and Vayu Purinas.
CHAPTER ΧΗ,
[31
Another somewhat different list of the Purinas has
been read to me from the Fishuu-Purdne.
if rive it
here in extenso, as in all questions resting on tradition
it is the duty of an author to give those traditions as
completely as possible :—
Ξ'
. Brahma,
. Padme, tc. the red lotus.
- Fiala,
. Sta, ic. MahAdeva.
. Bhitgavata, te. Visudeva.
Mitrada, i.e, the son of Brahma.
. Miirbanceye.
. ani, te. the fire.
Qo. Shavishya, te. the future.
τ, Aratmevatourts, te. the wind.
1. Jango, i.¢. an image of the αἰδοῖα of Mahadeva,
13. Vertes.
13. Sheer.
11. Pelee.
15. Arne,
i6, Mateya, ic, the fish,
τ. Geruda, i.e. the bird on which Vishnu rides.
18, rahindiada.
These are the names of the Puranas according to
the Visknu-Purdnea.
The book Smritt is derived from the Veda.
It con- A list
Anartts
tains commandments and prohibitions, and is composed books.
by the following twenty sons of Brahman :—
I
1. Apastamba, ΓΙ, Yajnavalkya,
2. Parisara. 12, Atri.
- Sitdtapa, 13. Hirtta.
4. Samvarta. 14. Likbita,
5, Daksha. 1%, Sankha,
6. Wasishtha. 16. Gautama.
7. AMpiras. 17. Vribaspati.
8. Yama. 18. Katyiyana.
9, Vishnu, Ig. Vyfisa.
Oo. Manu, 20. Udanas,
_ Besides, the Hindus have books about the jurispru-
dence of their religion, on theosophy, on aseeties, on
the process of becoming god and seeking liberation
Page 64,
ea hit.
ἐν ἐχαέ ει,
132 ALBERUNI'S INDIA,
from the world, as, ¢.g. the book composed by Gauida
the anchorite, which goes by his name; the book Siiii-
khya, composed by Kapila, on divine subjects ; the book
of Pataijelt, on the search for liberation and for the
union of the soul with the object of its meditation ;
the book Mydyabhdshd, composed by Kapila, on the
Veda and its interpretation, also showing that it has
been created, and distinguishing within the Veda be-
tween such injunctions as are obligatory only in cer-
tain cases, and those which are obligatory in general ;
further, the book ἤδη δα, composed by Jaimimi, on
the same subject; the book Laukiyata, composed by
Brihaspati, treating of the subject that in all investiga-
tions we must exclusively rely upon the apperception of
the senses; the book Agastyamata, composed by Agastya,
treating of the subject that im all investigations we
must use the apperception of the senses as well as tradi-
tion; and the book Fishnu-dharma. The word darn
means reward, but in general it is used for religion ; so
that this title means The religion of frod, who in this
case Is understood to be Narayana. VPurther, there are
the books of the six pupils of Vyiisa, via. Devala, Sukra,
Bhargava, Vrihaspati, Yiijnavalkya, and Manu. The
Hindus have numerous books about all the branches
of science. How could anybody know the titles of all
of them, more especially 1 he is not a Hindu, but a
foreigner ?
Besides, they have a book which they hold in such
yeneration that they firmly assert that everything which
occurs in other books is found also in this book, but not
all which oceurs in this book is found in other books.
It is called Bhdérata, and composed by Vyiisa the son
of Pariigara at the time of the great war between the
children of Pindn and those of Kuru. The title itself
gives an indication of those times. The book has
100,000 Slokas in eighteen parts, each of which is called
Parvan. Here we give the list of them :—
CHAPTER XII. 133
I, Sdatbid-paree, te. the king's dwelling,
2. drenye, te. going out into the even field, meaning the
exodus of the children of Panda.
. Verdfa, ie. the name of a king in whose realm they dwelt
during the time of their concealment,
. Udyoge, i.e. the preparing for battle,
Bihishmea,
Drone the Brahmin.
. Aarne the son of the Sun.
. Salya the brother of Duryodhana, some of the greatest heroes
who did the fighting, one always coming forward after
his predecessor had heen killed.
9. Gadd, de. the club,
io. Scuptoba, tc. the killing of the sleepers, when Asvatthiman
the son of Drona attacked the city of Piiicila during
the night and killed the inhabitants,
it. J/alapraddnivte, te. the successive drawing of water for the
dead, alter people have washed olf the impurity caused
by the touching of the dead.
12. Stri, ie. the lamentations of the women.
13. δ΄ πὲ, containing 24,000 Slokns on eradicating hatred from
the heart, in four parts:
(t.) Adjadharma, on the reward of the kings.
(2.) thinedkarma, on the reward for almsgiving,
(3.) dpaddharma, on the reward of those who are in need and
trouble.
(4.) #otshadtarmda, on the reward of him who is liberated
from the world.
14. Agvameha, tc. the sacrifice of the horse which is sent out
together with an army to wander through the world,
Then they proclaim in public that it belongs to the king
of the world, and that he who does not agree thereto is to
come forward to fight. The Brahmans follow the horse,
and. celebrate sacrifices to the fire in those places where
the horse drops its dung.
15. Mausale, ic. the fighting of the Yadavas, the tribe of Vasu-
deva, among themselves.
16, Adramandea, ic. leaving one's own country,
17. Proathina, ie. quitting the realm to seek liberation.
16, Searpirohana, tc. journeying towards Paradise.
Led
od τῇς
=
-
Gea Δ
These eighteen parts are followed by another one
which is called Harivamsa-Parvan, which contains the
traditions relating to Vasudeva.
In this book there occur passages which, like riddles,
admit of manifold interpretations. As to the reason of Page és.
134 ALBERUNTS INDIA.
this the Hindus relate the following story :—Vyisa
asked Brahman to procure him somebody who might
write for him the Bhdrata from his dictation. Now he
intrusted with this task his son Viniyaka, who is re-
presented as an idol with an elephant’s head, and made
it obligatory on him never to cease from writing. At
the same time Vyiisa made it obligatory on him to
write only that which he understood. Therefore Vyéisa,
in the course of his dictation, dictated such sentences
as compelled the writer to ponder over them, and thereby
Vyiisa gained time for resting awhile.
CHAPTER XIII
THEIR GRAMMATICAL AND METRICAL LITERATURE.
Tre two sciences of grammar and metrics are auxiliary 1st of
to the other sciences, Of the two, the former, grammar, srramnmar.
holds the first place in their estimate, called cyaharana,
i.€. the law of the correctness of their speech and ety-
mological rules, by means of which they acquire an
eloquent and classical style both in writing and reading.
We Muslims cannot learn anything of it, since it is a
branch coming from a root which is not within our
grasp—l mean the language itself. That which 1 have
been told as to titles of books on this science is the
following :—
1, dindra, attributed to Indra, the head of the angels.
2. Ciindrea, composed by Candra, one of the red-robe-wearing
gech, the followers of Buddha.
3. Sakata, ao called by the name of its author. His tribe,
too, is called by a name derived from the same word, viz.
iden itayrtmen,
. Pttnand, 30 called from its author,
Kiitantra, composed by Sarvavarman.
. Satidevavritti, composed by Sagideva,
. Durgaverritts,
. Sishyahitivritt, composed by Ugrabhiti.
ca Aw αὶ
! have been told that the last-mentioned author was shah dnan-
the teacher and instructor of Shih Anandapiila, the son hi: annie
of Jayapala, who ruled in our time. After having com- ΡΝ
posed the book he sent it to Kashmir, but the people
there did not adopt it, being in suchthings haughtily con-
servative. Now he complained of this to the Shih, and
Tale relat-
ing te the
σῆμ of
EPA nar.
The Tre-
‘(lilection of
the Hinds
for metrical
corn post
tione,
Pago ἐξ,
136 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
the Shah, in accordance with the duty of a pupil towards
his master, promised him to make him attain his wish.
So he gave orders to send 200,000 dirham and presents
of a similar value to Kashmir, to be distributed among
those who studied the book of his master. The con-
sequence was that they all rnshed upon the book, and
would not copy any other grammar but this one, show-
ine themselves in the baseness of their avarice. ‘I'he
book became the fashion and highly prized.
Of the origin of grammar they give the following
account :—One of their kings, called Samalvihana, i.e.
in the classical lancuage, Satavihana, was one day in a
pond playing with his wives, when he said to one of
them *“‘ Méudakerin deha,” i.e. do not sprinkle the water on
ame. ‘The woman, however, understood it as if he had said
modakan. dehi, i.e. bring sweetmeats. So she went away
and brought him sweetmeats. And when the king
disapproved of her doing so, she gave him an angry
reply, and used coarse languare towards him. Now he
was deeply offended, and, in consequence, as is their
custom, he abstained from all food, and concealed him-
self in some corner until he was called upon by a sage,
who consoled him, promising him that he would teach
people grammar and the inflexions of the language.
Thereupon the sage went off to Mahideva, praying,
praising, and fasting devoutly. Mahadeva appeared to
him, and communicated to him some few rules, the lke
of which Abul’aswad Addu‘ali has given for the Arabic
language. The god also promised to assist him in the
further development of this setence. ‘hen the sage
returned to the king and taught it to him. This was
the beginning of the science of grammar.
Grammar is followed by another science, called
chandas, 1.¢. the metrical form of poetry, corresponding
to our metrics—a science indispensable to them, since
all their books are inverse. By composing their books
in metres they intend to facilitate their being learned
CHAPTER Alf, 37
by heart, and to prevent people in all questions of
sclence ever recurring to a writlen text, save in a case
of bare necessity. For they think that the mind of
man sympathises with everything in which there is
symmetry and order, and has an aversion to everything
in which thereis no order, ‘Therefore most Hindus are
passionately fond of their verses, and always desirous
of reciting them, even if they do not understand the
meaning of the words, and the andience will snap their
fingers in token of joy and applause. They do not want
prose compositions, although it is much easier to under-
stand them.
Most of their books are composed in Sloka, in which
I am now exercising myself, being occupied in compos-
ing for the Hindus a translation of the books of Kuelid
and of the Almagest, and dictating to them a treatise on
the construction of the astrolabe, being simply guided
herein by the desire of spreading science. If the Hin-
dus happen to get some book which does not yet exist
among them, they set at work to change it into Slokas,
which are rather unintellipible, since the metrical form
entails a constrained, affected style, which will become
apparent when we shall speak of their method of ex-
pressing numbers. And if the verses are not sufficiently
affected, their authors meet with frowning faces, as
having committed something ike mere prose, and then
they will feel extremely unhappy. God will do me jus-
tice in what I say of them.
The first who Invented this art were Pingaia and
wel 6} 7). The books on the subject are nu-
merous, The most famous of them is the book Gaisita
(? G—AI—S—'), so called from its author, famous to
such a degree that even the whole science of metrics
has been called by this name. Other books are that of
Mrigalifichana, that of Pingala, and that of w,) (Ὁ U
(An) —L—Y— Aa D). I, however, have not seen
any of these books, nor do 1 know much of the chapter
Booka on
παρ ΠΕ.
On the
mening of
the techini-
cul terme
hah smd
Pere.
138 ALBERUNPS INDIA,
of the Srahmea-siddhdnta which treats of metrical cal-
culations, and therefore | have no claim to a thorough
knowledge of the laws of their metrics. Nevertheless,
I do not think it right to pass by a subject of which 1
have only a smattering, and I shall not postpone speak-
ing of it until I shall have thoroughly mastered it.
In counting the syllables (ganachandas) they use
similar figures to those used by Alkhalil Ibn Ahmad and
our metricians to denote the consonant without vawel and
the consonant with vowel, viz. these two signs, | and >,
the former of which is called lagha, i.e. ight; the latter,
guru, ie. heavy. In measuring (mdtrdéchandas), the quru
is reckoned double of a daghu, and its place may be
filled by two laghi.
Further, they have a syllable which they call long
(dirgha), the measure or prosody of which is equal to
that of a guru. This, I think, is a syllable with a
long vowel (like ka, &i, Ait). Here, however, I must
confess that wp to the present moment I haye ποῖ
been able to gain a clear idea of the nature of both
faghu and guru, so as to be able to iUlustrate them
by similar elements in Arabic. However, I am in-
clined to think that /agkuw does nef mean a consonant
without vowel, nor guru a consonant with vowel, but that,
on the contrary, /agiw# means a consonant with a short
vowel (eg, ka, kei, bu), and guru means the same with
a vowelless consonant (e.g. fat, Ait, fut), like an element
in Arabic metrics called Sahab (2.2.—or (|, a long
syllable the place of which may be taken by two short
ones). That which makes me doubt as to the firat-
mentioned definition of /agiw is this circumstance, that
the Hindus use many laghu one after the other in an
uninterrupted succession. The Arabs are not capable
of pronouncing two yowelless consonants one after the
other, but in other languages this is possible, The Per-
sian metricians, for instance, call such a consonant
moved by a light vowel (i.e. pronounced with a sound like
CHAPTER XIII. 139
the Hebrew Schwa). But, in any case, if such conso-
nants are more than three In number, they are most
difficult, nay, even impossible to pronounce; whilst, on
the other hand, there is not the slightest difficulty in
pronouncing an uninterrupted series of short syllables
consisting of a consonant with a short vowel, as when
you say in Arabie,“ Βαϊ ναι hamathal svfatuke wafa-
nuka Insaatt shafatika” (te. Thy body is like thy
description, and thy mouth depends upon the width of
thy lip). Further, although it is difficult to pronounce
a vowelless consonant at the beginning of a word, most
nouns of the Hindus begin, if not exactly with yowel-
less consonants, still with such consonants as have only
a Schwa-like vowel-sound to follow them. If sucha
consonant stands at the beginning of a verse, they drop
it in counting, since the law of the gurw demands that
in it the yowelless consonant shall not precede but jol-
low the vowel (ia-t, ki-t, keu-t).
Farther, as our people have composed out of the feel
( \aclil) certain schemes or types, according to which
verses are constructed, and have invented signs to
denote the component parts of a foot, 1.6. the consonant
with and without a vowel, in like manner also the
Hindus use certain names to denote the feet which are
composed of faghw and guru, either the former preced-
ing and the latter following or vice versed, in such a
way, however, that the measure must always be the
same, whilst the number of syllables may vary. By
these names they denote a certain conventional prosodic
unity (t.¢. certain feet). By measure, 1 mean that laghu
is reckoned=one πα, ie. measure, and guru—two
métrd. Τῇ they represent a foot in writing, they only
express the measure of the syllables, not their number,
a®, eg. (in Arabic) a double consonant (Aha) 15 counted
as a consonant withowt vowel plus a consonant with
vowel, and a consonant followed by Tanwin (ium) 15
eounted as a consonant with a vowel plus a consonant
Pave 67.
Τα τι τ τι
of τα εν,
Names of
bien and
ener i,
The single
feet,
140 ALBERUNTS INDIA.
without vowel, whilst in writing both are represented
as one and the same thing (1.6, by the sign of the con-
sonant in question).
Taken alone by themselves, /agku and guru are
called by various names: the former, (a, kali, riipa,
cimara, and graha ; the latter, ga, nivra, and a half
amésaka. The latter name shows that a complete
arnsake is equal to two guru or their equivalent. ‘These
names they have invented simply to facilitate the ver-
sification of their metrical books. [For this purpose
they have invented so many names, that one may fit
into the metre if others will not.
The feet arising ont of combinations of faghw and
qurvw are the following :—
Twofoeld both in number and measure 1s the foot ||,
ae, two syllables and two aitri.
Twofold in number, not in measure, are the feet, | <
and < |; in measure they are = three miférdt | | | (but,
in number, only two syllables).
The second foot < | (a trochee) is called kritéibd.
The quaternary feet are in each book called by dif-
Terent names :
<< potahe, i.¢. the ball month.
[| = jrolena, tec. the fire.
| =< 1 meadhae {1 need}.
<|| porveto, te. the mountain, also called Adra and rasa.
[11] giana, te the cube,
The feet consisting of five métrdé have manifold
forms; those of them which have special names are the
following :—
j<< Avastin, ie, the elephant. | <= | (lacuna).
<|< dime, ie. the wish, [1] <= Austen,
A foot consisting of six mdéfrd is << <.
Some people call these feet by the names of the
chess figures, viz. :
jrafanc τὸ the elephant, partaia = the pawn.
madiya = the tower, ghenc = the horse.
CHAPTER ΔΙΠ, [41
In a lexicographical work to which the author
ay τῆν, i - aoe |
δ Ὁ { Haribhatta) has given his own name, the feet
#
composed of three Jaghw or gurw are called by single
consonants, which in the following diagram are written
on their left :—
μανία,
m <_< < sixfold (i.e. containing six mudird).
y | =< =< hAastin,
Poot) | o= be
§ =< =< | (? lacuna},
a | | =< ἡικίμ πα,
3 06 = OT "με,
Oh ΦΞ | | gutreadc.
a | | | threefold (ie containing three mdtrd).
By means of these signs the author teaches how to
construct these eight feet by an inductive method (a
kind of algebraic permutation), saying :
“Place one of the two kinds (gure and fagihw) in
the first line unmixed (that would be <<<, if we
begin with a guru). Then mix it with the second
kind, and place one of this at the beginning of the
second line, whilst the two other elements are of the
first kind (j= <). Then place this element of admix-
ture in the middle of the third lne (<|=<), and lastly
at the end of the fourth line (<<]). Then you have
finished the first half.
“lurther, place the second kind in the lowest line,
unmixed (|| |), and mix up with the line above it one
of the first kind, placing it at the beginning of the line
(=| |). then in the middle of the next following line
(| < |), and lastly at the end of the next following line
(|| <). Then the second half is finished, and all the
possible combinations of three mdfra haye been ex-
hausted,”’
ec | eas
a. 1 46 « . Firat halt. & |< | » Second halt.
1. = | a | 7. -ς | | |
en | B | 1}
ἢ:
This system οὗ composition or permutation is correct,
Cin Lhe mr:
rH eement
of thie feet,
Quotation
from Hart:
bhatta.
Page 68-
143 ALBERUNIS INDIA,
but his calculation showing how to find that place
which every single foot occupies in this series of per-
mutations is not in accordance with if. For he says:
“Place the numeral 2 to denote each element of a
foot (i.e. both gurw and lagha), once for all, so that
every foot is represented by 2, 2, 2. Multiply the
left (number) by the middle, and the product by the
right one. ΤῈ this muliipher (7.2. this number of the
right side) is a /eghu, then leave the product as it is;
but if it is a gurw, subtract one from the product,”
The author exemplifies this with the sixth foot, 1.6.
|< |. He multiplies 2 by 2, and from the product (4)
he subtracts 1. The remaining 3 he multiplies by the
third 2, and he gets the product of 6.
This, however, 1s not correct for most of the feet, and
1 am rather inclined to believe that the text of the
manuscript is corrupt.
The proper order of the feet wonld accordingly be the
following:
1. ΤΙ, 111, I, I, ΠῚ.
i Ὁ < =< δ. =< =
on es ὅς ee |
ae | < a Σ
4. | = a. | |
The miatwre of the first line (No. I.) is such that one
kind always follows the other. In the second line
(No, IL.) two of one kind are followed by two of the
other; and in the third line (No, {11} four of one kind
are followed by four of the other.
Then the author of the above-mentioned calculation
goes on to say: “If the first element of the foot is a
guru, subtract one before you multiply, If the multi-
plier is a guru, subtract one from the product, Thus
you find the place which a foot occupies in this order,”
On the As the Arabic verge is divided into two halves or
pride, ere Se igen ars | : : :
hemistichs by the ariéd, i.e, the last foot of the first
CHAPTER Xilf. 143
hemistich, and the darb, ae. the last foot of the second
hemistich, in ike manner the verses of the Hindus are
divided into two halves, each of which is called foot
(μέσα). The Greeks, too, call them feet (lacwne),—
those words which are composed of it, συλλάβῃ, and
the consonants with or without vowels, with long, short,
or doubtful vowels.
The verse is divided into three, or more commonly
into four péda, Sometimes they add a fifth pdéda in
the middle of the verse. The pddas have no rhyme,
but there is a kind of metre, in which the 1 and 2
pdédas end with the same consonant or syllable as if
rhyming on it, and also the pddas 3 and 4 end with
the same consonant or syllable. This kind is called
Aryd. At the end of the pda a laghw may become a
quru, though in general this metre ends with a /aghw.
The different poetical works of the Hindus contain
a creat number of metres. Im the metre of 5 pada,
the fifth péda is placed between pdédas 3 and 4. The
names of the metres differ according to the number of
syllables, and also according to the verses which fol-
low. For they do not like all the verses of a long
poem to belong to one and the same metre. They use
many metres in the same poem, in order that it should
appear like an embroidered piece of silk.
The construction of the four pédas in the four-pdéda
metre is the followmg :—
4:
— | = < paksha—1amdéaka, | = < paksha, Es |
= |< | | parvata. | < || parvata. Ἢ
δ᾽ | | =< jvalana, = < péaksha. =
| | 2. = ee eee
| -- «- paksha, | <= < paksha, |
: : ; ; Ϊ ΗΠ
Ξ ||| =< jvalana. || | -- jralana. } Bs
| A | =< | madhya. |] < | madhya. | Ξ
“f | «|| parvata. |= || parvata, a
ἴων ' c
|< = paksha, | | | = jvalana.
Om the
metre
Page 69.
Page po.
Ari and
Hindi tel
εἴτι of ἢ
ΠΝ ΤΡ
144 ALBERUNI'S INDIA.
This is a representation of a species of their metres,
called Siandie, containing four péda. It consists of
two halves, and each half has eight avigaha.
Of the single aviéaka, the tst, 3d, and 5th can never
be a madhya, ie, <|, and the 6th must always be
either a madhaya ora ghana. Wi this condition is adhered
to, the other emsakas may be anything at all, just as
accident: or the fancy of the poet wills it. However,
the metre must always be complete, neither more nor
less. Therefore, observing the rules as to the formation
of certain aigalas in the single pédas, we may repre-
sent the four piédas in the following manner :—
Kee ee eee [1 =.
Pane π ee 71 ee | aes,
Pada ΠῚ. << | τ
Padi ee ee ΤῊ = Pi ie
According to this pattern the verse is composed.
If you represent an Arabic metre by these signs of
the Hindus, you will find that they mean something
entirely different trom what the Arabie signs mean
which denote a consonant with a short vowel and a
consonant without a vowel. (The Arabic sign | means
a consonant without a vowel; the Hindu sign | means
a short syllable; the Arabic sign O means a consonant.
followed by a short vowel; the Hindu sign < means a
long syllable.) Asan example, we give a representation
of the regular complete hai metre, representing each
foot by derivations of the root , lea.
Metrum Ihe} Uf.
eu αὶ Go GF we Gor ᾿
{1.} οὐδοῦ ὡὐλλλωος will,
represented by derivations of the root ibe.
(2.) loloola loo lolo loloolo,
represented by Arabia signs.
represented by the signs of the Hindus.
CHAPTER XIIi, 45
We give the latter signs im an inverted order, since
the Hindus read from the left to the right.
1 have already once pleaded as my excuse, and do so
here a second time, that my slender knowledge of this
science does not enable me to give the reader a complete
insight into the subject. Still I take the greatest pains
with it, though I am well aware that it is only very
little 1 can give.
The name Vretiae apples to each four-péda metre in
which the siens of both the prosody and the number of
the syllables are like each other, according to a certain
correspondence of the pidas among themselves, so that
if you know one pdda, you know also the other ones,
for they are like it. Further, there isa law that a pada
cannot have less than four syllables, since a péda with
less does not occur in the Veda. For the same reason
the smallest number of the syllables of a pda is four,
the largest twenty-six, In consequence, there are
twenty-three varieties of the Vriita metre, which we
shall here ennmerate :—
1. The pitda has four heavy syllables (guru), and here you can-
not put two laghu in the place of one guru,
+. The nature of the second kind of the pdda is not clear to me,
so 1 omit it.
3. This pdde is built of
ghana + . pakeha.
11Π| =<
4. =2gurn + 2laghu + ἅπαν
<< | | ἘΦ ἘΞ τῷ
Ii would be better to describe this μία as — paksha +
Jeolana + pakeha.
ἐπ νὰ + jrolana + pareska.
κι
<|l<| ll< <<
6. =ghonte + madhya + potsha,
111] |<] <<
η΄. =giana + perrvata + jralone. “
ae | 1 «-
VOL. 1. its
On the
metre
ΕΓ πα.
Pave 71,
146 ALBERCUNIES INDIA,
a. = Adm, kusema, — fuadaner, ΠΕΡ,
-: |-τ \|[< |f= -«-
9. = patsha, heaxtin., “να, rier Mayet, 2 yuri.
a= |= |< ==] =
10, = pata, ptrvata, να, once fey et, Ῥακβὴα,
-- «- < || |< [=] es
11. = pakshe, wercel Liven, 2 jvalane, ἀαδείνι,
-«- |<] -|| αὶ |<<
12, = ghant, jvalane, paksiva, 2 hastin,
Lil |< PERE μ ε|π α
13. = parvata, Aline, ΠΝ nected fkayer , jualana,
<|| xe {l= |< | |<
14. = hestin, pokela, parvate, kusuma, parveta, ἔπη, guru.
sea ee Sl fe “all | <
15. = 2 μάδελα, queria, Rirstenec, 2 hime, ἤπερ,
eat -|} (jee τ|ὺςς τἰς --
16, τῷ pobala, pervata, hime, kusuma, poakshe, loghe, guru.
ee Ὡ}}. ΖΞ ΕΞ [ee ato 7 ς
17. = 2 patsha, parvala, ghana, jealane, patsha, kusuma,
155 εξ ert ὡς ΠΕ ΠΡ τ {7}.
Is. = 2pakeha, parvate, ghana, jvalana, 2himea, guru.
secere= ἘΠ} UR ee ache meer τς
1, = guru, 2 pakske, purvata, ghana, joalana, 2 hima, guru.
tee ese ἘΠῚ NL res eed ee eee
20. = 4 ikeha, jtelone, madiye, paksha, 2 madhya, seri,
ἐξ τ τς te at eee I [Fest {πῆ} τὸ Oran [| Ua |
21. = αὶ pakaha, 3 irate, 2 mewtlye, guru.
See ae Se ee] Pee -
22, = ἡ guubele, isuma, macdhaye, jealona, 2madhya, guru,
See ce eee ile fey ie {3} Ξ] -
23. = Sourw, 1Olaghu, dima, ἡναίαπα, lnghu, gir.
<<<cc<<c< ΠΗ <l< t< -
CHAPTER XIII. [47
We have given such a lengthy account, though it be
only of scanty use, in order that the reader may see
for himself the example of an accumulation of laghus,
which shows that /ayiw means αὶ consonant followed by
ashort vowel, not a consonant withouta vowel. Further,
he will thereby learn the way in which they represent
a metre and the method of their scanning a verse.
Lastly, he will learn that Alkhalil Ibn Ahmad exclu-
sively drew from his own genius when he invented the
Arabic metrics, though, possibly, he may have heard,
as some people think, that the Hindus use certain
metres in their poetry. If we here take so much
trouble with Indian metrics, we do it for the purpose
of fixing the laws of the Sloka, elnce most of their
books are composed in it.
The Sloka belongs to the four-pdda metres. Each
pdéda has eight syllables, which are different in all four
péidas. The last syllable of each of the four pddas
must be the same, viz. a guru. Further, the fifth
syllable in each pdida must always be Jaghw, the sixth
syllable guru. The seventh syllable must be /aghw in
the second and fourth pda, guru in the first. and third
pidas. The other syllables are entirely dependent
upon accident or the writer's fancy.
In order to show in what way the Hindus use
arithmetic in their metrical system, we give In the
following a quotation from Brahmagupta: “The first
kind of poetry 15 géyatri, a metre consisting of two
pddas. If we now snppose that the number of the
syllables of this metre may be 24, and that the smallest
number of the syllables of one pda is 4, we describe
the two pridas by 4 + 4, representing their smallest
possible number of syllables. As, however, their largest
possible number is 24, we add the difference between
these 4 + 4 and 24, i.e. 16, to the right-side number,
and get 4 +20, If the metre had three pddas, it
would be represented by 4 + 4 + 16, The right-side
Theory of
the Blokn,
πο πο
rein Brahh
magupta,
Page 72.
148 ALBFERUNIS INDIA.
pdida is always distinguished from the others and called
by a separate name; but the preceding prides also are
connected, so as to form one whole, and likewise called
by a separate name. If the metre had four pédas, it
would be represented by 4 + 4 + 4 + 12.
“Tf, however, the poet does not use the pds of 4, 1.6.
the smallest possible number of syllables, and if we
want to know the number of combinations of the 24
syllables which may occur in a two-pdda metre, we
write 4 to the left and 20 to the right; we add 1 to ἡ,
again I to the sum, &c,; we subtract 1 from 20, again
t from the remainder, &ec.: and this we continue until
we get both the same numbers with which we com-
menced, the small number in the line which commenced
with the greater number, and the greater number in
the line which commenced with the small number.
See the following scheme :—
db 20
5 9
τ 18
‘i 17
| ὃ Τῷ
| 9 1s
1G 14
[1 3
| ier Iz
[3 iT
ta IO
rs Ω
16 a
17 7
18 6
10] 5
20 Fi
he number of these combinations is 17, tc. the dif-
ference between 4 and 20 plus 1.
“ As regards the three-pdda metre with the presup-
posed number of syllables, i.e. 24, its first species is
CHAPTER XIII, 149
that in which all three pédas have the smallest pos-
sible number of syllables, te. 4 + 4 + 16.
“The right-side number and the middle number we
write down as we have done with the pédas of the two-
péde metre, and we make with them the same calcula-
tion as we have done aboye. Besides, we add the left-
side number in a separate column, but do not make it
undergo any changes. See the following scheme :—
4 ἡ 1
4 5 5
4 6 14
4 7 13
A a 13
4 Ὥ 1
df ΙΌ 1G |
4 ἘΙ 3. |
4 [2 ἢ |
4 13 |
4 4 ὃ |
4 is τ 5
4 16 4
“This gives the number of 13 permutations, but by
changing the places of the numbers forwards and back-
wards in the following method, the number may be
increased sixfold, i.e. to 78 :—
"TY. The right-side number keeps its place; the two
other numbers exchange their places, so that the middle
number stands at the left side; the left-side number
occupies the middle:
1 ed ets aw
ἃ 4 LO
5 4 rs
6 4 14
7 4 1 ὅτε
ΕΠ], -ΠῚ, The right-side number is placed in the
middle between the other two numbers, which first
150 ALBERUNI'S INDIA.
keep their original places, and then exchange them
with each other :—
LE.)
A TO ἡ
4 [8 5
ἡ 14 b
4 13 7 au,
111.:} 2 = ἘΞ
! 4 τῷ 4
5 [ἢ | 4
6 14 4
7 [3 | ἡ de.
]
“TV.-V. The right-side number is placed to the lett,
and the other two numbers first keep their original
places, and then exchange them with each other :—
Ly = a
τῷ A 4
15 4 | 5
| [4 4 6
““-ε-- 7 he.
tI = a
16 4 4 |
15 5 4 |
Ta 6 dt
13 7 fice |
* Because, further, the numbers of the syllables of a
μόδα, vise like the square of 2, for after 4 follows 8, we
may represent the syllables of the three prdas in this
way: 8+848 (=4+4+16). However, their arith-
metical peculiarities follow another rule. The fonur-
pida metre follows the analogy of the three-pride
metre.”
Of the above-mentioned treatise of Brahmagupta I
have only seen a single leaf: it contains, no doubt,
important elements of arithmetic. God affords help
CHAPTER XIII. 151
and sustains by his mercy, ἐκ. I hope one day to learn
those things. As far as 1 can guess with regard to the
literature of the Greeks, they used in their poetry
similar feet to the Hindus ; for Galenus says in his book
κατὰ γένη: “The medicine prepared with saliva dis- page 73.
covered by Menecrates has been described by Damo-
crates in a poem composed in a metre consisting of
three parts.”
Times 11π-
fivourgble
to the
Progress of
acienoe,'
On the
Biddhintag
{ 152 )
CHAPTER XIV.
HINDU LITERATURE IN THE OTHER SCIENCES,
ASTRONOMY, ASTROLOGY, ETC.
ΤῊΝ number of sciences is great, and it may be still
greater if the public mind is directed towards them at
sich times as they are in the ascendancy and in general
fayour with all, when people not only honour science
itself, but also ita representatives. ΤῸ do this is, in the
first instance, the duty of those who rule over them, of
kings and princes. For they alone could free the minds
of scholars from the daily anxieties for the necessities
of life, and stimulate their energies to earn more fame
and fayour, the yearning for which 15 the pith and mar-
row of human nature,
The present times, however, are not of this kind.
They are the very opposite, and therefore it is quite
impossible that a new science or any new kind of
research should arise in our days. What we have of
sciences is nothing but the scanty remains of bygone
better times, ;
If a science or an idea has once conquered the whole
earth, every nation appropriates part-of it. So do also
the Hindus. ‘Their belief about the cyclical revolutions
of times is nothing very special, but is simply in accord-
ance with the results of scienfilic observation.
The science of astronomy is the most famous among
them, since the affairs of their religion are in various
ways connected with 1f. Jf a man wants to gain the
title of an astronomer, he must not only know scientific
CHAPTER ΧΡ. 153
or mathematical astronomy, but also astrology. The
book known among Muslims as Sindhind is called by
them Siddidnia, 1.6. straight, not crooked nor changing,
By this name they call every standard book on astro-
nomy, even such books as, according to our opinion,
do not come up to the mark of our so-called Ziy, i.e.
handbooks of mathematical astronomy. ‘They have five
Siddhantas :—
I. Sdrya-siddidnta, ic, the Siddhanta of the sun,
composed by Lata.
Il. Vasishtha-siddhdanta, so called from one of the
stars of the Great Bear, composed by Vishnucandra.
Ill. Pulisa-siddhdnéa, 30 called from Pauliga, the
Greek, from the city of Saintra, which I suppose to be
Alexandria, composed by Pulisa.
LV. HRomake-siddiinta, s0 called from the Riim, we.
the subjects of the Roman Empire, composed by
Srishena,
V. Brahma-siddhdnta, πὸ called from Brahman, com-
posed by Brahmagupta, the son of Jishnu, from the
town of Bhillamila between Multin and Anhilwira,
16 yojane Trom the latter place (?).
The authors of these books draw from one and the
same source, the Book Patthdmaha, so called from the
jirst father, t.c. Brahman,
Varihamihira has composed an astronomical hand-
book of small compass called Paviea-siddidntikd, which
name ought to mean that it contains the pith and mar-
row of the preceding five Siddhintas, But this is not
the case, nor is if so much better than they as to be
ealled the most correct one of the five. So the name
does not indicate anything but the fact that the number
of Siddhintas is five.
Brahmagupta says: “Many of the Siddhintas are
Siirya, others Indu, Pulisa, Romaka, Vasishtha, and
Yayana, i.e. the Greeks; and though the Siddhantas are
many, they differ only in words, not in the subject-
--
Page 14.
Contents of
the Srehaee-
εὐ εἰ απ,
1:4 ALBERUNTI'S INDIA,
matter. He who studies them properly will find that
they agree with each other.”
Up to the present time 1 have not been able to pro-
eure any of these books save those of Pulisa and of
Brahmagupta, I have commenced translating them,
but have not yet finished my work. Meanwhile I shall
sive here a table of contents of the Srahma-siddhinta,
which in any case will be useful and instructive.
Contents of the twenty-four chapters of the brahme-
std hainta—
1. Onthe nature of the globe and the figure of heaven
and earth,
2, On the revolutions of the planets; on the caleula-
tion of time, 1.6. how to find the time for different longi-
tudes and latitudes ; how to find the mean places of the
planets; how to find the sine of an are.
3. On the correction of the places of the planets,
4. On three problems: how to find the shadow, the
bygone portion of the day and the ascendens, and how
to derive one from the other.
5. On the planets becoming visible when they leave
the rays of the sun, and their becoming invisible when
entering them.
6. On the first appearance of the moon, and about
her two cusps.
7, On the lonar eclipse.
& On the solar eclipse.
g. On the shadow of the moon.
το. On the meeting and conjunction of the planets.
11, On the latitudes of the planets.
12, A critical investigation for the purpose of dis-
tinguishing between correct and corrupt passages in the
texte of astronomical treatises and handbooks.
13. On arithmetic; on plane measure and cognate
subjects.
14. Scientific calculation of the mean places of the
planets.
CHAPTER XIV. 155
15. Scientific calculation of the correction of the
places of the planets.
16, Scientific calculation of the three problems (vy.
chap. 4).
17. On the deflection of eclipses.
18. Scientific calculation of the appearance of the
Dew moon and her two CHsps.
19. On Auttaka, i.e. the pounding of a thing, The
pounding of oil-producing substances is here compared
with tie most minuleand detailed research. ‘This chapter
treats of algebra and related subjects, and besides τῇ
contains other valuable remarks of a more or less
arithmetical nature.
20, On the shadow.
τ, On the calculation of the measures of poetry and
on metrics.
22. On cycles and instruments of observation.
23. On time and the four measures of time, the solar,
the civi!, the funar, and the sidered,
24. About numeral notation in the metrical books of
this kind.
These, now, are twenty-four chapters, according to
his own statement, but there is a twenty-fitth one,
called Dhyina-graha-adhydya, in which he tries to
solve the problems by speculation, not by mathematical
calculation, I have not enumerated it in this list,
because the pretensions which he brings forward in
this chapter are repudiated by mathematics. 1 am
rather inclined to think that that which he produces is
meant to be the ratio metaphysice of all astronomical
methods, otherwise how could any problem of this
science be solyed by anything save by mathematics ?
Such books as do not reach the standard of a Sid-
dhinta are mostly called Jountra or Aarana. The
former means ruling wider « governor, the latter means
following, i.e. following behind the Siddhinta. Under
governors they understand the αἱ τάγμα, i.e. the sages,
anuchorites, the followers of Brahman.
On the
literature of
Tantros nnd
Karamas.
Bae 75s
156 ALBERUNTS INDIA.
There are two famous Tuntras by Aryabhata and
Belabhadra, besides the Raséyana-lanira by Bhdni-
yases (2). About what Rasiyana means we shall give a
separate chapter (chap. xvii.).
As for Keranas, there is one (lacwne) called by his
name, besides the Aarane-khanda-thidyaka by Brah-
magupta. The last word, Akanda, means a kind of
their sweetmeats. With regard to the reason why he
cave his book this title, 1 have been told the follow-
ing :—
Sugriva, the Buddhist, had composed an astrono-
mical handbook which he called Dadhi-sigara, 1.6.
the sea of sour-milk; and a pupil of his composed a
book of the same kind which he called Kvtra-babayd (?),
ie. a mountain of rice, Afterwards he composed an-
other book which he called Lavana-mushti, 1.¢, a hand-
ful of salt. Therefore Brahmagupta called his book
the Sweetmeat—hiddyaka—in order that all kinds of
victuals (sour-milk, rice, salt, &c.) should occur in the
titles of the books on this science.
The contents of the book Karana-handa-Lividyaka
represent the doctrine of Aryabhata. Therefore Brah-
magupta afterwards composed a second book, which he
called UVitara-hhanda-khddyaka, i.e. the explanation of
the Khanda-khdédyakea. And this book is again followed
by another one called Ahanda-liidyahku-tippd (sic), of
which I do not know whether it is composed by Brah-
magupta or somebody else. It explains the reasons
and the nature of the calcnlations employed in the
Khanda-khadyaka, 1 suppose it is a work of Bala-
bhadra’s.
Further, there is an astronomical handbook composed
by Vijayanandin, the commentator, in the city of
Benares, entitled Aawrana-titaka, i.e. the blaze on the
front of the Karanas; another one by Vitteévara the
son of Bhadatta(? Mihdatta), of the city of Nagarapura,
called Awrana-sdra, i.e. that which has been derived
CHAPTER ΑΙ, ret
from the Karana; another one, by Bhénuyasas (?), is
ealled Marana-para-tilata, which shows, as 1 am told,
how the corrected places of the stars are derived from
one another.
There 15 a book by Utpala the Kashmirian called
thunriitarana (7), tc. breaking the Karanas; and
another called Aarana-pdte, i.e, killing the Karanas,
Besides there is a book called Aerane-etiddmani of
which I do not knew the author.
There are more books of the same kind with other
titles, e.g. the great Ménase, composed by Manu, and the
commentary by Utpala; the small Meéncsa, an epitome
of the former by Puiicala (?), from the southern country ;
Dasagitika, by Aryabhata; Arydshtagata, by the same ;
Lokdnanda, so called from the name of the author; Lhaft-
file. (7), so called from its author, the Brahman Bhattila.
The books of this kind are nearly innumerable.
As for astrological literature, each one of the follow-
ing authors has composed a so-called Samhita, viz. :—
Mindavya.. Balabhadra.
Parisara. Divyatattva,
Garga, Varahamihira,
Grahman.
Samiitd means that which is collected, books containing
something of everything, e.g, forewarnings relating to a
journey derived from meteorological occurrences ; pro-
phecies regarding the fate of dynasties; the knowledge
of lucky and unlucky things; prophesying from the
lines of the hand; interpretation of dreams, and taking
auguries from the flight or cries of birds. For Hindu
scholars believe in such things, It is the custom of
their astronomers to propound in their Sarnhitis also
the whole science of meteorology and cosmology.
Each one of the following authors has composed a
hook, Jdfata, i.e. book of nativities, viz, :—
‘Paridara. Jivasarman.
hatya. Man, the Greek,
Manittha. |
im aatrolo-
gical iltern-
ture, the
σα] er]
Bambitae,
The Jit a
AS, τις
books on
παι τά ρα
Paze 76.
MWoadical
literatinne,
158 ALBERUNI'S INDIA.
Varihamihira has composed two Jitakas, a small and
a large one. The latter of these has been explained
by Balabhadra, and the former 1 have translated into
Arabic. Further, the Hindus have a large book on the
science of the astrology of nativities called Sdrévalt,
i.e, the chosen one, similar to the Vazidey (= Persian
guide τὴ, composed by Kalyana-Varman, who gained
igh eredit for his scientiic works. But there is
another book still larger than this, which comprehends
the whole of astrological sciences, called Vavena, ie.
belonging to the Greeks,
Of Varahamihira there are eeveral small books, e.y..
Shat-pefiedsibd, fifty-six chapters on astrology; Hord-
poned-hotriya. (7), on the same subject.
Travelling 1s treated of in the book Fogayitra and
the book Tubani{(?)-ydtrd, marriage and marrying in the
book Fivdhe-patale, architecture in the book ((aeund).
The art of taking angories from the flight or cries
of birds, and of the foretelling by means of piercing a
needle into a book,1s propounded in the work called
Srudhave {Ὁ Srotayya), which exists in three different
copies, Mahideva is said to be the author of the first,
Vimalabuddhi the author of the second, and Bangla the
author of the third, Similar subjects are treated in the
book Giidhimane (?), te. the knowledge of the un-
known, composed by Buddha, the originator of the sect
of the red robe-wearers, the Shamanians; and in the
book Presna Gidhamane (7), {εν questions of the science
of the nnknown, composed by Utpala.
Besides, there are Hindno scholars of whom we know
the names, but not the title of any book of theirs, viz. -—
Pradyumni. mares vata,
Sanaa hile (Srinkhala ἢ. Piruviina (T).
Divikara. Devakirtti.
Paresvara, Prithidaka-svimin.
Medicine belongs to the same class of sciences as
astronomy, but there is this difference, that the latter
CHAPTER XIV. 159
stands in close relation to the religion of the Hindus.
They have a book called by the name of its author,
i.¢. Caraka, which they consider as the beat of their
whole literature on medicine. According to their helief,
Caraka was a Rishi in the last Dvipara-yuga, when
his name was Agmivese, but afterwards he was called
Carake, ie. the intelligent one, after the first elements
of medicine had been laid down by certain lushis, the
children of δα, These latter had received them from
Indra, Indra from Aégvin, one of the two physicians of
the Devas, and Asvin had received them from Prajii-
pati, 1.6. Brahman, fhe first father. This book has been
translated into Arabic for the princes of the house of
the Barmecides,
The Hindus cultivate numerous other branches of
science and literature, and have a nearly boundless
literature. I, however, could not comprehend it with
my knowledge. I wish I could translate the book
Paiicatantra, known among us as the book of Kalila
and Dimna, It is far spread in various languages, in
Persian, Hindi, and Arabic—in translations of people
who are not free from the suspicion of having altered
the text. For instance, "Abdallih Ibn Almukaffa’ has
added in his Arabic version the chapter about Barzéya,
with the intention of raising doubts in the minds of
people of feeble religions belief, and to ain and prepare
them for the propagation of the doctrines of the Mani-
chieans. And if he is open to suspicion in so far as he
has added something to the text which he had simply
to translate, he is hardly free from suspicion in his
capacity as translator.
fn Pawn
ΤΠ εῖπ τς,
The Hindu
system of
woiglita.
( bey
CHAPTER XV.
NOTES ON HINDU METROLOGY, INTENDED TO FACILITATE
ΤΙ UNDERSTANDING OF ALL KINDS OF MEASURE-
MENTS WHICH OCCUR IN THIS BOOK.
COUNTING is Innate to man, The measure of a thing
becomes known by its being compared with another
thing which belongs to the same species and 15 assumed
as a nnit by general consent. Thereby the difference
between the object and this standard becomes known.
By weiching, people determine the amount of gravity
of heavy bodies, when the tongue of the scales stands
at right angles on the horizontal plane. Hindus want
the scales very little, because their dirhams are deter-
mined by number, not by weight, and their fractions,
too, are simply counted as so-and-so many julis, The
coinage of both dirhams and fulis is different accord-
ing to towns and districts. They weigh gold with the
scales only when it is in its natural state or such as
has been worked, ¢.y. for ornaments, but not coined.
They use as a weight of gold the surarna=1} tola.
They use the fola as frequently as we use the mathird/,
According to what I have been able to learn from them,
it corresponds to three of our dirhams, of which 10
equal 7 muthidl.
Therefore 1 tola=2-1, of our mithhdl,
The greatest fraction of a fola is ὅς, called qwedshe.
Therefore 16 mishka = 1 sitvarnd.
CHAPTER X¥, 161
Further,
I méshe = 4 and? {erandw), tc. the seed of a tree
called (rewrc.
land = 4 yard.
Iyer = 6 hebi.
1 kald = 4 piiala.
1 pide = 4 mri {1}.
Arranged differently we have—
I surares = 16 midsha = 64 andi = 256 yore = τόσο kal =
6400 pida = 25,000 mart {1}.
Six méishas are called 1 dranakshana. If you ask
them about this weight, they will tell you that 2 dravis-
shana = 1 mithkél, But this is a mistake "for 1
milhkil= τ ἢ miésha. The relation between a draih-
shone and a mathitd! is as 20 to 21, and therefore 1
draikshana=15, mithkil. If, therefore,a man gives
the answer which we have just mentioned, he seema to
have in mind the notion of a mithkdl as a weight which
does not much differ from a dratkshana; but by
doubling the amount, saying 2 dravkshanas instead of
1, he entirely spoils the comparison.
Since the unit of measure is not a natural unit,
but a conventional one assumed by general consent, if
admits of both practical and imaginary division. Its
subdivisions or fractions are different in different places
at one and the same time, and at different periods
in one and the same country. Their names, too, are
different according to places and times; changes which
are produced either by the organic development of lan-
guages or by accident.
A man from the neighbourhood of Somanith told me
that their miti/dl is equal to ours; that
Ladthkal = 8 ruru,
Torr = 2 ili,
1 pile = 16 yard, 1.8. barley-corn.
Accordingly απ κα = ἃ rutw = τὸ pdit = 256 yore.
This comparison shows that the man was mistaken
VoL. Ἱ- Li
Pare 77.
Varihamite
hira on
Weignta,
Weights
According to
the bens
Caren,
162 ALBERUNITS INDIA.
in comparing the two mithkdls; that what he called
mathiedls is in reality the fola, and that he calls the
mishka by a different name, viz. rut.
If the Hindus wish to be particularly painstaking in
these things, they give the following scale, based on the
measurements which Vardihamihira prescribes for the
construction of idols :—
I reeu or particle of dust = 1 raje.
OF Peja = 1 othigra, i.e. the end of a hair.
δ betleternee = hthyd, te. the egg of a louse,
δ lakhs = 1 yd, te. a lowse.
Sythe = I yave, te. a barley-corn.
*
Henee, Varahamthira goes on to enumerate the measures
for distances. His measures of weight are the same as
those which we have already mentioned. He says:
A. apenvat. = 1 andi.
ἡ andt = I mdf,
τὸ πε = 1 suverna, i.e. gold.
ἡ θη = 1 pola,
The measures of dry substances are the following :—
ἀ pele = | kudara.
4 θα = 1 prastla.
4 prastia = 1 ddhaka.
The measures of liquid substances are the following:
8. paler = 1 kuclerve.
ἢ budava = 1 jvestic.
qoprmatie = 1 celhenkea,
4 idhaka = 1 drone,
The following weights occur in the book Caraka, I
give them here according to the Arabic translation, as
I have not received them from the Hindus vivd ver.
The Arabic copy seems to be corrupt, like all other
books of this kind which I know. Such corruption
must of necessity oceur in our Arabic writing, more
particularly at a period lke ours, when people care
CHAPTER ΧΡ, 163
so little about the correctness of what they copy.
“ Atreya Saye :
6 particles of dust = 1 marie.
6 neertes = 1 mustard-seed {γε 04].
8S mustard-seeds = I red rice-corn.
ἃ τοῦ rice-coms = I pea.
2 pens = I andi.
And 1 andi is equal to 1 diénak, according to the
seale by which 7 ddadak are equal to one dirhen.
Further ;
4 cont = 1 πεελει.
Rmiskt = 1 cane (Th.
te _ |1 fkersha or surarna of the
cakes as { weight of 2 dirhams. ©
ἡ. tuvarne = 1 pelo.
4 pala = 1 kudava.
ἡ κατα = τ praathe.
qd Ῥγαδίδαι = τ ddhake.
4ddkaka = 1 drone.
2arenwt = τ srt.
2sirpa = 1 yeent (7}.”
The weight pele is much used in all the business
dealings of the Hindus, but it is different for different
wares and in different provinces. According to some,
t pale = J. mand ; according to others, 1 pala = 14
mithkdl ἢ but the mané is not equal to 210 mithkél.
According to others, 1 pale = 16 mithkal, but the
mend 15 not equal to 240 mithkdl. According to others,
1 pale = 15 dirham, but the mand is not equal to 225
dirham. In reality, however, the relation between the
pela and the mand is different.
urther, Atreya says: “1 ἀκ ει = 64 pole = 128
dirham = 1 ratl. But if the andi is Ἐπ: to } dinek,
one surerna contains 64 andi, and then a dirhaw has
32 andi, which, as each end is equal to 4 diinesk, are
equal to 4 ¢danak, The double amount of it is 14 dir-
ham” (ate).
puch are the reaults when people, instead of trans-
lating, indulge in wild conjecture and mingle together
different theories in an uncritical manner,
Various
authors on
Wwaights,
The Hindu
Talimee.
184 ALBERUNPS INDIA,
As regards the first theory, resting on the assumption
of one suverna being equal to three of our dirhams,
people in general agree in this—that
I surarad = ὦ pala,
T pole = [2 darhiom.
1 jodie = ἐκ mani.
lmenét = 180 dirham.
This leads me to think that I suvarne is equal to 3
of our mithbdl, not to 3 of our dirham.
Varihamihira says in another place of his Sarnhitii:
“Make around yase of the diameter and height of
one yard, and then expose it to the rain until 10 ceases.
All the water that has been collected in it of the weight
of 200 dirien is, if taken fourfold, equal to 1 ddhake,”
This, however, 1s only an approximate statement,
becanse, as we have above mentioned in his own words,
τ dédhake is equal to 768 either dirhem, as they say, or
mithkdl, as J suppose.
Sripdla relates, on the authority of Varihamihira, that
50 prla=256dirham=rt ddhake. But he is mistaken,
for here the number 256 does not mean dirhams, but the
number of the surarna contained in one ἀπ μι τι, And the
number of pala contained in 1 ddhaka is 64, not 50.
As I have been told, Jivasarman gives the following
detailed account of these weights:
4 pale = 1 Avedon,
4 hudara = 1 prostin,
4prestha = τ defeat,
ἃ ddhaten = 1 drone.
20 dranc = 1 Khuiri.
Wl
The reader must know that 16 midésha are I suvarna,
but in weighing wheat or barley they reckon 4 swrarnet
=] pala, and in weighing water and oil they reckon 8
surarnd = 1 pele,
The balances with which the Hindus weigh things
are χαριστίωνες, Of which the weights are immovable,
whilst the scales move on certain marks and lines,
CHAPTER XY. TDS
Therefore the balance is called ἐμ, The first lines
mean the units of the weight from 1 to 5, and farther
on to 10; the following lines mean the tenths, 10, 20,
30, ἅς. With regard to the canse of this arrangement
they relate the following saying of Vasudeva :—
“7 will not kill Sisupila, the son of my aunt, 11 he
has not committed a crime, but will pardon him wnt
ten, and then I shall call him to account,”’
We shall relate this story on a later opportunity.
Alfaziri uses in his astronomical handbook the word
pale for daiy-manutes (4.0. sixtieth parts of aday). Ihave
not found this use anywhere in Hindu literature, but
they use the word to denote « correction in a mathe-
matical sense.
The Hindus have a weight called bidira, which is
mentioned in the books about the conquest of Sindh.
It is equal to 2000 pale ; for they explain it by 100 x
20 pula, and as nearly equal to the weight of an ox.
This is all I have lighted on as regards Hindu
weichts.
By measuring (with dry measures) people determine
the body and the bulk of a thing, if it fills up a certain
measure which has been eauged as containing a certain
quantity of it, 1t bemg understood that the way in
which the things are laid out in the measure, the way
in which their surface is determined, and the way in
which, on the whole, they are arranged within: the
measure, are in every case identical. If two objects
which are to ba weighed belong to the same species,
they then prove to be equal, not only in bulk, but also
in weight; butit they do not belong to the same species,
their bodily extent is equal, but not their weight,
They have a measure called bist (Ὁ sibt), which is
mentioned by every man from Kananj and Somaniath.
According to the people of Kanauj—
4 bist = 1 prastha,
+ bist = 1 dodo.
Dre
TO CELE LLMs
Page Ts
Meaasiires of
distinecs,
166 ALBERUNTDS INDIA.
According to the people of Somanith—
16 Gist. = 1 panei,
12 ponti = τ mora.
According to another theory—
[2 hist = 1 haleat.
2 bist = I wedned.
From the same source 1 learnt that a mdéna of wheat
is nearly equal to 5 mand. Therefore 1 bist (7) 18
equal to 20 mend. The bis? corresponds to the Khwia-
rizmian measure swiiiieh, according to old style, whilst
the falas? corresponds to the Khwarizmian ghd, for
I ghtir = 12 sufthkh,
Mensuration is the determination of distances by
lines and of superficies by planes. A plane ought to
be measured by part of a plane, but the mensuration
by means of lines effects the same purpose, as lines
determine the limits of planes. When, in quoting
Varithamibira, we had come so far as to determine the
weight of a barley-corn (p. 162), we made a digression
into an exposition of weights, where we used his
authority about gravity, and now we shall return to
him and consult him about distances. He saya—
& barley-corns put together = 1 πῆρα, te. finger.
4 fingers = 1 ιν (7), 408. the fist.
24 fingers = 1 Aaffhe, i.e. yard, also called desire,
q yards = 1 dhenu, ic. are = a fathom.
gO ΠῚ Β = 1 neu.
25 geen! wee 1 bros.
Hence it follows that 1 fre, = 4000 yards; and as
our mile has just so many yards, 1 mile=1 Aroh.
Pulisa the Greek also mentions in his Siddhinta that
1 krok = 4000 yards.
The yard is equal to 2 mikyds or 24 fingers; for the
Hindus determine the gesdu, te. milyds, by idol-fingers,
They do not call the twelfth part of a mikiwisa finger
in general, as we do, but their milyds is always a spen.
The apan, ie. the distance between the ends of the
CHAPTER ΧΡ. 167
thumb and the small finger at their widest possible
stretching, 1s called vitasfi and also Mishlu.
The distance between the ends of the fourth or ring-
finger and the thumb, both being stretched ont, is called
Gokarne,
The distance between the ends of the index-finger
and of the thumb is called kwrabhe, and is reckoned as
equal to two-thirds of a span.
The distance between the tops of the middle finger
anc of the thumb is called fé/a. The Hindus maintain
that the height of a man 15 eight times his ¢dé/a, whether
he be tall or small; as people say with regard to the
foot, that it is one-seventh of the height of a man,
Regarding the construction of idols, the book Saviiatd
says :—
‘The breadth of the palm has been determined as 6,
the length as 7; the length of the middle finger as 45,
that of the fourth finger as the same ; that of the index-
finger as the same minus } (i.e. 44); that of the small
finger as the same ytnus + (2.¢. 34); that of the thumb
as equal to two-thirds of the length of the nniddle finger
(i.2. 34), so that the two last fingers are of equal length.”
By the measurements and numbers of this passage,
the author means iadol-fingers.
After the measure of the /rrosa has been fixed and
found to be equal to our mile, the reader must learn
that they have a measure of distances, called yo/ane,
which is equal to § miles or to 32,000 yards, Perhaps
somebody might believe that 1 Arok is = τ fursath,
and maintain that the jarsukhs of the Hindus are
16,000 yards long. But such is not the case. On
the contrary, 1 krok = 4 yojana. Im the terms of
this measure, Alfaziiri has determined the circumfer-
ence of the earth in his astronomical handbook, He
calla it jam, in the plural ‘awa.
The elements of the calculations of the Hindus on
the circumference of the circle rest on the assumption
Pago 80.
The relation
hetween
yore, mile ,
16 Feral,
Relation
between
αἰ ἐστι fer-
ance and
digmeter,
168 ALBERUNI'S INDIA,
that it is thrice its diameter, So the Matsya-Purdnea
says, after it has mentioned the diameters of the sun
and moon in yojanas: “The circumference is thrice
the diameter.” |
The Aditya-Purdna says, after it has mentioned the
breadth of the Dripas, i.e. the islands and of their
surrounding seas: “The circumference is thrice the
diameter.”
The same occurs alsointhe Vayu-Purdna. In later
times, however, Hindus have become aware of the
fraction following after the three wholes. According
to Brahmagupta, the circumference is 3+ times the
diameter; but he finds this number by a method
peculiar to himself. He says: “As the root of τὸ
is nearly 3}, the relation between the diameter and
its circumference is like the relation between I and
the root of to.” ‘Then he multiplies the diameter
by itself, the product by 10, and of this product he
takes the root. Then the circumference is solid, ie.
consists of integers, in the same way as the root of
ten. ‘his calculation, however, makes the fraction
larger than it really is. Archimedes defined it to be
something between +4 and +4. Brahmagupta relates
with regard to Aryabhata, criticising him, that he
fixed the circumference as 3393; that he fixed the dia-
meter in one place as 1o80, in another place as 1050.
According to the first statement, the relation between
diameter and circumference would be hke 1 : 3,47).
This fraction (j.;) is by 7, smaller than +. Llowever,
as regards the second statement, it contains no doubt a
blunder in the text, not of the author; for according to
the text, the relation would be like 1: 34 and some-
thing over.
Pulisa employs this relation in his calculations in
the proportion of 1 : 3 74,5.
This fraction 1s here by so much smaller than one-
seventh as 10 1s according to A ryabhata, 1.6. by ᾽ν.
CHAPTER XY. 169
The same relation is derived from the old theory,
which Yaktib Ibn Tirik mentions in his book, Com-
posiiio Spherarum, on the authority of his Hindu
informant, viz. that the circumference of the zodiac
is 1,256,640,000 yojanea, and that its diameter is
400,000,000 yarand,
These numbers presuppose the relation between cir-
cumference and diameter to be as 1: 3 ὑπ τι.
These two numbers may be reduced by the common
divisor of 360,000. ‘hereby we get 177 as numerator
and 1250 as denominator. And this is the fraction
(,25) which Pulisa has adopted.
Page Sr.
in various
kinds of
Writing
Tnhaterial,
SIRS eee ἢ
CHAPTER XVI.
NOTES ON THE WRITING OF THE HINDUS, ON THEIR
ARITHMETIC AND RELATED SUBJECTS, AND ON CER-
TAIN STRANGE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THEIRS.
ThE tongue communicates the thought of the speaker
to the hearer, Its action has therefore, as it were, a
momentary life only, and if would have been impos-
sible to deliver by oral tradition the accounts of the
events of the past to later generations, more particularly
if they are separated from them by lone periods of
time. This has become possible only by a new dis-
covery of the hnman mind, by the art of writing, which
spreads news over space as the winds spread, and over
time as the spirits of the deceased spread. Praise
therefore be unto Him who has arranged creation and
created everything for the best!
The Hindus are not in the habit of writing on hides,
like the Greeks in ancient times. Socrates, on being
asked why he did not compose books, gave this reply :
‘1 do not transfer knowledge from the living hearts of
men to the dead hides of sheep.” Mushive. too, used
in the early times of Islam to write on hides, e.g. the
treaty between the Prophet and.the Jews of Khaibar
and his letter to Kisri. The copies of the Koran were
written on the hides of gazelles, as are still nowadays
the copies of the Thora. There occurs this passage in
the Koran (Stira vi. ot): “They make it ἐν {{8,᾿ de,
τυμέρια. The kirfds (or charte) is made in Egypt,
CHAPTER XFIT. 171
being cut out of the papyrus stalk. Written on this
material, the orders of the Khalifs went out into all the
world until shortly before onr time. Papyrus has this
advantage over vellum, that you can neither rub ont
nor change anything on it, because thereby it would be
destroyed. It was in China that paper was first manu-
factured. Chinese prisoners introduced the fabrication
of paper into Samarkand, and thereupon it was made
in various places, so as to meet the existing want.
The Hindus have in the south of their country a
slender tree like the date and cocoa-nut palms, bearing
edible frnits and leaves of the length of one yard, and
as broad as three fingers one put beside the other.
They call these leaves far? (fale or ἐγ = Borassus fla-
beiliformis), and write on them. ‘They bind a book of
these leaves together by a cord on which they are
arranged, the cord going through all the leaves by a
hole in the middle of each,
In Central and Northern India people use the bark of
the faz tree, one kind of which is used as a cover for
bows, It is called δίχα, They take a piece one yard
long and as broad as the outstretched fingers of the
hand, or somewhat less, and prepare it in various ways.
They oil and polish itso as to make it hard and smooth,
and then they write on it, The proper order of the
single leaves is marked by numbers. The whole book
is wrapped up in a piece of cloth and fastened between
two tablets of the same size. Such a book is called
puthé (cf, pusta, pustake), Their letters, and whatever
else they have to write, they write on the bark of the
tue tree.
As to the writing or alphabet of the Hindus, we have
already mentioned that it once had been lost and for-
gotten ; that nobody cared for it, and that in conse-
quence people became illiterate, sunken into gross
ignorance, and entirely estranged from science, But
then Vyisa, the son of Paridéara, rediscovered their
On the
Tindu
alphabet.
Page 8s.
172 ALBERUNIS INDIA.
alphabet of fifty letters by an inspiration of God. A
letter is called aksheara.
Some people say that originally the number of their
letters was less, and that it increased only by degrees.
This is possible, or [should even say necessary. As for
the Greek alphabet, a certain Asidhas (sic) had formed
sixteen characters to perpetuate science about the time
when the Israelites ruled over Egypt. Thereupon
Kimush (sie) and Agenon (sic) brought them to the
Greeks. By adding four new signa they obtained an
alphabet of twenty letters. Later on, about the time
when Socrates was poisoned, Simonides added four
other signs, and so the Athenians at last had a complete
alphabet of twenty-four letters, which bappened during
the reign of Artaxerxes, the son of Darius, the son of
Artaxerxes, the son of Cyrus, according to the chrono-
graphers of the West.
The great number of the letters of the Hindu alpha-
bet is explained, firstly, by the fact that they express
every letter by a separate sign if it is followed by a
vowel or a diphthong or a hamza (visarga), or a small
extension of the sound beyond the measure of the
vowel; and, secondly, by the fact that they have con-
sonants which are not found together in any other
languave, though they may be found scattered through
diferent) languages—sounds of such a nature that ovr
tongues, not being familiar with them, can scareely pro-
nounce them, and that our ears are frequently not able
to distinguish between many a cognate pair of them.
The Hindus write from the left to the right like the
Greeks. ‘They do not write on the basis of a line,
above which the heads of the letters rise whilst their
tails go down below, as in Arabic writing, On the
contrary, their ground-line is above, a straight line
above every single character, and from this line the
letter hangs down and is written under it. Any sign
above the line is nothing but a grammatical mark to
CHAPTER XVI. 173
denote the pronunciation of the character above which
it, stands,
The most generally known alphabet is called Siddia-
miéiptkd, which is by some considered as originating
from Kashmir, for the people of Kashmir use it. But
it 15 also used in Variinasi. This town and Kashmir are
the high schools of Hindn sciences. ‘The same writing
is used in Madhyadeéga, i.e. the middle country, the
country all around Kananj, which is also called Aryi-
varta.
In Malava there is another alphabet called Mégara,
which differs from the former only in the shape of the
characters.
Next comes an alphabet called Ardhandaart, 7.¢. hal/-
nigara, so called because it is compounded of the
former two. It is used in Bhitiya and some parts of
Sindh,
Other alphabets are the Malwdri, used in Malwashan,
in Southern Sind, towards the sea-coast; the Saindhava,
need in Bahmanwi or Almanstira; the Acarndéta, used in
Karnaitadesa, whence those troops come which in the
armies are known as Aannara; the AndAri, used in
Andhradesa ; the Dirwart (Drdvidt), used in Dirwara-
deéa (Dravidadesa); the rz, used in Litradeda (Lita-
desa); the Gauré (Gaudi), used in Pirvadega, te. the
Eastern country ; the Bhatkshuki, used in Udunpiir in
Pirvadega, This last is the writing of Buddha.
The Hindus begin their books with Om, the word of
creation, as we begin them with “In the name of
God.” The figure of the word omis ὧν This ficure
does not consist of letters; it is simply an image
invented to represent this word, which people use,
believing that it will bring them a blessing, and
meaning thereby a confession of the unity of God.
Similar to this is the manner in which the Jews write
the name of God, viz. by three Hebrew yeds, In the
Thora the word is written FAVA and pronounced
On the local
alphabets of
the Hindus,
On the
worl τη.
On their
numeral
sips,
Page 34.
174 ALBERUNIT'S INDIA,
Adonai; sometimes they also say Vah. The word
Adonai, which they pronounce, is not expressed in
writing.
The Hindus do not use the letters of their alphabet
for numerical notation, as we use the Arabic letters in
the order of the Hebrew alphabet. As in different parts
of India the letters have different shapes, the numeral
sions, too, which are called ait, differ. The numeral
signs which we use are derived from the finest forms of
the Hindu signs, Signs and figures are of no use if
people do not know what they mean, but the people of
Kashmir mark the single leaves of their books with
figures which look like drawings or like the Chinese
characters, the meaning of which can only be learned
by a very long practice. However, they do not use
them when reckoning in the sand.
In arithmetic all nations agree that all the erders of
numbers (eg. one, ten, hundred, thousand) stand in a
certain relation to the ten; that each order is the tenth
part of the following and the tenfold of the preceding.
I have studied the names of the orders of the numbers
in yarious languages with all kinds of people with
whom I have been in contact, and have found that no
nation goes beyond thethousand, The Arabs, too, stop
with the thousand, which is certainly the most correct
and the most natural thing to do, I have written a
separate treatise on this subject.
Those, however, who go beyond the thousand in their
numeral system are the Hindus, at least in their
arithmetical technical terms, which have been either
freely invented or derived according to certain etymolo-
ciea, whilst in others both methods are blended tomether,
They extend the names of the orders of numbers until
the 18th order for religious reasons, the mathematicians
being assisted by the grammarians with all kinds of
etymolories.
The 18th order is called Pardrdhea, i.e. the half of
CHAPTER AVI. 17
νι
heaven, or, more accurately, the half of that which 18
above. For if the Hindns construct periods of time out
of Kalpas, the unit of this order is a day of God (1.2. a
half nychthemeron). And as we do not know any body
larger than heaven, half of it (partirdia), as ἃ half of
the greatest body, has been compared with ᾧ half of the
greatest dey. By doubling it, by uniting night to day,
we get the whole of the greatest day. There can be no
doubt that the name Pardrdia is accounted for in this
way, and that pardy means the whole of heaven.
The following are the names of the eighteen orders of The eight.
1 orders
numbers :— Br erate
Dla.
Ι. boat, | 10, Pech.
2. Lier. it. Agri.
3. Sete. 12. Nithearve.
ἡ. Sahagrase. 13. Mafaipadme.
5. Ayutr. r4. Sead.
6. Lakelea, Th. Somud rie.
a. Preyate. 16, JMeecbhayer.
. Malt. 17. Aniya,
Q. Naarhuda, 18. Pardredlia,
I shall now mention some of their differences of
opinion relating to this system.
Some Hindus maintain that fhere is ὦ 190) orede Variations
beyond the Pardrdha, ealled Bharti, and that this is the inthe
limat of reckoning. Butin reality reckoning 15 unlimited ; ee
it has only a technical limit, which is conventionally
adopted as the last of the orders of numbers. By the
word reckoning in the sentence above they seem to mean
nomenclature, as if they meant to say that the language
has no name for any reckoning beyond the roth order.
It is known that the unit of this order, Le, one δι τὶ, 1s
equal to one-fifth of the greatest day, but on this subject
they have no tradition. In their tradition there are
only traces of combinations of the greatest day, as we
shall hereafter explain. ‘Therefore this toth order
is an addition of an artificial and hyper-accurate
nature,
Pape 84.
176 ALBERUN?IS INDIA.
According to others, the Himit of reckoning is /ott ;
and starting from oft the succession of the erders of
numbers would be efi, thousands, hundreds, tenths:
for the number of Devas is expressed in /dfis. Ac-
cording to their belief there are thirty-three hotis of
Devas, eleven of which belong to each of the three
beings, Brahman, Narayana, and Mahadeva.
The names of the orders beyond that of the 18th
have been invented by the grammarians, as we have
said already (p. 174).
Farther, we observe that the popular name of the
sth order is Dasa sahasra, that of the 7th order, Dasa
lakshe ; for the two names which we have mentioned in
the list above (Ayuta Prayute) are rarely used.
The book of Aryabhata of Kusumapnra gives the
following names of the orders from the ten till ΤῸ
ott -—
Ayuda. Katt pads,
Niqnetinii. Poarapiedina,
Prater.
Further, it is noteworthy that some people establish
a kind of etymological relationship between the dif-
farent names; so they call the 6th order Niyuta, ac-
cording to the analogy of the 5th, which is called
Ayuic. Further, they call the &th order Arbuda,
according to the analogy of the oth, which is called
Nyarbuda.
There is a similar relation between Nitharva and
Kherva, the names of the 12th and 11th orders, and
between Sauku and Mahdsanku, the names of the 13th
and 4th orders. Aceording to this analogy Ma/ui-
padma ought to follow immediately after Padme, but
this latter is the name of the roth, the former the
name of the 13th order.
These are differences of theirs which can be traced
back to certain reasons; but besides, there are many
differences without any reason, which simply arise
CHAPTER XVI. "77
from people dictating these names withont observing
any fixed order, or from the fact that they hate to
avow their ignorance by a frank J do not know,—a
word which is difficult to them in any connection
whatsoever,
The Pulisa-siddhinta gives the following list of the
orders of the numbers :— :
ἡ. ἀμ μιτι γα, S. Wot.
Ge fl preteen. Q. A rhachis.
ἃ. Niguetersi. 1G. Aero.
7. Pragadati.
The following orders, from the 11th till the 18th, are
the same as those of the above-mentioned list.
The Hindus use the numeral signs in arithmetic in
the same way as we do. 1 have composed a treatise
showing how far, possibly, the Hindus are ahead of us
in this subject. We have already explained that the
Hindus compose their books in Slokas. If, now, they
wish, in their astronomical handbooks, to express zome
numbers of the various orders, they express them by
words used to denote certain numbers either in one
order alone or at the same time in two orders (e.g. a
word meaning either 20 or both 20 and 200). For
each number they have appropriated quite a great
quantity of words. Hence, if one word does not suit
the metre, you may easily exchange it for a synonym
which suits, Brahmagupta says: “If you want to
write one, express it by everything which is unique, as
the earth, the moon; tieo by everything which is double,
as, eg. black and white; three by everything which is
threefold; the nought by heaven, the twelve by the
names of the sun,”
1 have united in the following table all the ex-
pressions for the numbers which 1 used to hear from
them; for the knowledge of these things is most
essential for deciphering their astronomical handbooks.
VOL. 1. M
Numeril
notation,
178
ALBERUNPS INDIA.
Whenever I shall come to know all the meanings of
these words, | will add them, if God permits!
[-
fimye and bhe, both mean-
iter pone.
qaganed, Le. heaven.
θέν, το, heaven.
fdkiee, te. heaven.
mbar, ἔνε. heaven.
thivn, ἀνε. heaven.
= dt, £2. the beginning.
FES Tha
radu.
ent,
wreerd, dherant.
pildmealhe,
father,
emmdrea, ic, the moon,
#itmen, te. the moon.
rile.
Fits.
the first
bets
went,
agit.
rervineme re.
ἔσονται, ie. the two eves,
ave,
daeri,
σθαι,
potshn, ie. the two halves
of a month.
netrd, 16. the two eves,
trivia, ie. the three parts
of time.
ἐγ ας.
Erceyinat,
pivatea, worteinera, da-
hana, tapane, factdeane,
ναίει, agri, ie. fire,
[triguac, | te. the three first
forces,
foke, ie. the worlds, earth,
heaven and hell,
tribatu,
veda, ie. their sacred code,
because it has four parts.
eee
| ----
J
ll
samidrn, adgara, ie. the
EAEL.,
ἐδελ
etel tet,
di, 1.6. the four cardinal
points.
jolriseaper,
Aerie,
eae,
erties,
ἐπείγέηα,
Senses,
arayenben,
ze the five
ey!
pels.
fivite,
ish,
Pdandave, ie. the five royal
brothers.
pertirin, motrin.
rita.
ἀγα,
ἀπα
apn! {Ὁ μεν the year,
rite (2).
medectid het,
= {18
meahighara,
partala, te
tains.
ac pten,
πίει, ie. the mountains,
mri.
muted.
the monn-
ὃ = ras, ἀλέα,
he, mocaypealer.
eetjit, Meat.
ὐ τη,
9 =a, chidra,
renner, penance,
rand hrc, andare,
Tere ΞΞ ἢ,
Page 8s.
Page 86,
Page 87,
CHAPTER AVI, [70
[Ὁ = des, dient. Τὴ = mon, the lords of the
diet, Aetavene-sireea. fourteen monventarcs.
11 = Rudra, the destroyer of the | 14 — ftfte, te. the lunar days in
each balf month.
world,
Mahidevn, ie. the prince τῷ = αὐ τ, πρέρο, Dike.
of the angels. 7. = wyatt.
‘cece. Ξ is = εἰν εξ,
ΤΏ = αὐτί ἐς
20 = παρα, γέρα,
ἍΠ = uthyeti.
12 = «trya, because there are | 4, —
twelve guns, i
ἰέναι
“rka, ie. the son.
muisa, didn.
aelendr ite.
tkaiouint, we. the army
Kura had.
25 = ἐμένα, we. the twenty-
five things, through the
knowledge of which lib-
[3 = vised, eration is obtained.
As far as I have seen and heard of the Hindus, they
do not usually go beyond twenty-five with this kind
of numerical notation.
We shall now speak of certain strange manners and
customs of the Hindus. The strangeness of a thing
evidently rests on the fact that it occurs but rarely, and
that we seldom have the opportunity of witnessing it.
If such strangeness reaches a high degree, the thing
becomes a curiosity, or even something like a miracle,
which is no longer in accordance with the ordinary laws
of nature, and which seems chimerical as l
Kitab fi Tahqiq ma li'l-Hind — El Libro de la India
Al-Biruni