Leer — History Of Theravada Buddhism In Southeast Asia

History of Theravada Buddhism in South-East Asia with special reference to India and Ceylon by Kanai Lai Hazra M.A., LL.B., Dip. Lang., Ph. D. Lecturer in Pali, Calcutta University Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt • Ltd. To Dr. (Mrs.) Sirima Kiribamune, University of Sri Lanka, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka First published 1982 © 1981 Hazra, Kanai Lai (b. 1932) Published by Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 54 Rani Jhansi Road, New Delhi- 110055 and printed by Radiant Printers, 36-G Old Market, West Patel Nagar, New Delhi- 1 10008. Contents Preface vii Acknowledgements ix Abbreviations xi Chapter 1 Introduction and Sources 1 Chapter 2 India : Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 9 Chapter 3 History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-East Asia Prior to the Eleventh Century AD 49 Chapter 4 Ceylon’s Political Relations with South-East Asia 79 Chapter 5 Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 83 Chapter 6 Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 131 Chapter 7 , Ceylon’s Religious Ties with Cambodia and Laos 175 History of Theravada Buddhism South-east Asia Bibliography 191 Index 205 Map South-East Asia, India and Ceylon facing 1 Preface 'T'he Theravada form of Buddhism exists in Ceylon, Burma, Siam ?. (Thailand), Cambodia and in Laos. Theravada Buddhism is the Ijle that binds Ceylon with all these countries of South-east Asia. ‘Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Siam in the thirteenth % the fifteenth centuries’ by S. Paranavitana , 1 ‘Ceylon’s relations with South-east Asia, with special reference to Burma’ by S. Wickremasinghe , 2 ‘The establishment of the Slhala Sangha in Further India’ by N.A. Jayawickrama , 8 ‘Relations between Burma ..and Ceylon’ by C.E. Godakumbura , 4 ‘King Lodaiya of Sukhodaya |§ftd his contemporaries’ by A.B. Griswold and Prasert na Nagara , 6 fed ‘‘Ven’ble Upali’s Mission in Ceylon’ by Ven. Dr. L. ^-jkhitanonta 8 may well be regarded as important contributions llpvyards the study of this subject. Besides these works, another jgiotable contribution to this subject has been made by Prof. Jaya- tyjekrama, this being an English translation of the JinakdlamalV |is introduction to this book, which contains much historical Serial relating to the establishment of Slhala Buddhism in Siam |i^aluable for the study of Ceylon’s links with Siam. ainent scholars such as D.G.E. Hall , 8 R.C. Majumdar,* Shald Le May , 10 L.P. Briggs , 11 G. Coedes , 12 John F. Cady 18 and flCBRAS, XXXII, no. 85. HI, no. 1, January-June, 1960. m. May, 1964. 9RS, XLI, part II, December 1966. January 1972, 60, part I. WB, 81, May-June 19'73. 1967, London. WiMSEA, 1964, London. V, 1957, Bombay, Sd., 1937-38, Dacca; Kambuja KD., 1944, Calcutta. WCS&4, 1954, London; ACHBAS, 1938, Cambridge. WAKE, 1951, Philadelphia. 1948 > Paris; ™ SEA > 1966 > London. ppFBLC, 1966, New Jersey. viii History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia A.B. Griswold 1 have made fairly detailed studies of the history of South-east Asia. A considerable amount of research has been done on the history of individual countries such as Burma, Cambodia, Siam (Thailand) and Laos. E.T. Aymonier, 2 N.R. Ray 3 and B.R. Chatterjee 4 have made valuable contributions to this study. Some aspects of the religious and cultural history of South-east Asia have been studied in detail, and the study of Ceylon’s religious ties with Burma and Siam has received a certain amount of attention. No attempt, however, has so far been made to show the religious and cultural connections among the countries of South-east Asia as a whole. In this work we shall try to show that Ceylon had strong cultural links with her neighbours in South-east Asia. The period from the eleventh century ad onwards is of special signifi- cance for the mutual help and co-operation these countries afforded each other for the restoration of the Buddhist Sangha and the study of the Buddhist texts. The chief aim of this work is to examine carefully and to evaluate historically the evidence in the primary, sources relating to the religious ties that existed among the Theravada countries. The subject has been discussed under three headings i.e., religious intercourse between Ceylon and Burma, Ceylon and Siam and Ceylon, Cambodia and Laos. The main reason for the special emphasis on Ceylon is because from about the eleventh century ad onwards the Buddhist countries in South and South-east Asia looked on Ceylon as the fountain-head of Theravada Buddhism and modelled their religious institutions on those of Ceylon. From that period onwards the Sihaja Sangha and Slhala Buddhism constitute a strong and vitalising force in the religious history of South-east Asia. This book is a revised version of my thesis ‘Religious intercourse among the Theravada countries from the 1 1th to 16th centuries ad,’ approved for the Ph. D. degree at the University of Ceylon in the year 1 968. Calcutta Kanai Lai Hazra 1 January 1982 l AA, II; PFV, 1965, Ceylon. 1 LC, 3 vols, 1900-4, Paris. S AISTBB, 1946, Calcutta University. 4/C/C, 1928, Calcutta. Acknowledgements | should like in particular to thank Prof. K. Gunawardene and Prof. N.A. Jayawickrama of Sri Lanka for their friendly and effective help at various stages of my work. I express my sense of gratitude to Dr. S. Kiribamune of the Department of History of the University of Sri Lanka, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka, for her guidance, friendly advice and sympathetic help throughout the period of my staying in Ceylon. She not only gave new insight into various pro- blems of Ceylon’s religious history but helped me a lot to learn about Ceylon, its people, its culture and its religions. I express my sincere thanks to Prof. Kalyan Kumar Ganguly, formerly Bageswari Professor and Head of the Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Dr. Sukumar Sen Gupta, Ex- Reader in the Department of Pali, Dr. Haraprasad Chatterjee, Reader in the Department of History of the Calcutta University and Prof. Herambanath Chatterjee, Professor and Head of the Department of Pali, Sanskrit College, Calcutta for their useful informations on various topics. I must thank my friend Dr. Dipak Kumar Das, Lecturer in the Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture of the Calcutta University for assisting me in the publication 'of my work. I must thank my friends Dr: Mrinal Kanti Ganguly, Lecturer in the De- partment of Sanskrit and Sri Dilip Kumar Roy, Reader in the Department of Museology of the Calcutta University, for taking personal interest in my book. My hearty thanks are also due to my sister Mrs. Nirmala Hazra and Mrs. Ramola Kumar, and my brother Sri Subodh Kumar Hazra for their keen interest in the publication of this work. My thanks are also due to the Librarian, Deputy Librarian and X History of TheravSda Buddhism in South-east Asia members of the staff of the Library of the University of Sri Lanka, Peradeniya, the Museum Library in Colombo, the Asiatic Society Library in Colombo, the Calcutta University Central Library and the Asiatic Society Library in Calcutta, who helped me in various ways to utilise books in the libraries. I avail myself of this opportunity to express my deep gratitude to all the authors whose publications I have consulted in my pre- sent work. I also take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to the authors of the works entitled D.G.E. Hall’s A History of South-East Asia, John F. Cady’s Southeast Asia and G. Coedes’ The Indianized States of Southeast Asia from which one map has been drawn for the present work. I like to mention here my special gratitude to the Ministry of Education, Government of India and the Ministry of Culture, Go- vernment of Ceylon for providing me a research grant which enabled me to spend the academic years of 1965-1968 in Ceylon and to carry on my research work to complete the study. I must be thankful to Messers Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, for the publication of this book. Calcutta, 1982 Kanai Lai Hazra Abbreviations A Asoke. AA Artibus Asiae. ACHBAS A Concise History of Buddhist Art in Siam. ADM Asoke and the Decline of the Mauryas. ADPL A Dictionary of the Pali Language. AG Asoke the Great. AGI Ancient Geography of India. AHJL A History of Indian Literature. AHS A History of Siam. AHSC A Historical Survey of Ceylon. AHSEA A History of South-East Asia. AHSHM A Historical Study of the terms Hmayana and Mahayana and the origin of Mahayana Buddhism. AHSI A History of South India. AHSL A History of Sanskrit Literature. AI Ancient India. AIBL Academi des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. AIC Ancient Inscriptions in Ceyloh. AIK The Age of Imperial Kanauj. AIS ' Asokan Inscriptions. AISTBB An Introduction to the Study of Theravada Buddhism in Burma. AM Asia Major. AMBH Aspects of Mahayana Buddhism and its relation to HInayana. AMG Annales du Musee Guimet. AN Anguttara Nikaya. AP Abhidhamma Philosophy. xii APSKID ARASB ARASC ARASI ARBRIMA ASR AV B BBG BCLV BD BEFEO Bg Bgp BHB BI BIIA BE BO BP BRWW BS BSI BSOAS BSS BTLVNI BV BYB CA CB CCC History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia A Preliminary Study of the KalyanT Inscriptions of Dbammaceti. Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of Burma. Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon. Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India. A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago. Archaeological Survey Report. The Ayodhya version of MS of the Jinakalamali in Cambodian script, believed to be copied in 1794. Burma with special reference to the relation with China. British Burma Gazeteer. B.C. Law Volume. The Book of the Discipline. Bulletin de l’Ecole Francaise d’Extreme Orient. Buddhaghosa. Buddhaghosuppatti. Bu-ston, History of Buddhism. Buddhist India. Buddhism in India and Abroad. Buddhist Legend. Buddhism in Orissa. Buddhaghosa’s Parables. Buddhist Records of the Western World. Buddhistic Studies. Buddhist Sects in India. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. Burma Sketches. Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en vol-kenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie. Bhismaparvan. Bapat, 2500 years of Buddhism. Ceylon To-day. Chinese Buddhism. Ceylon’s Coins and Currency. Abbreviations xiii CCE Colonial and Cultural Expansion. CCMT Culture of Ceylon in Mediaeval Times. CDV Camadevivamsa. CHJ Ceylon Historical Journal. CII Corpus Inscriptionnum Indicarum. CJHSS Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies. CJS Ceylon Journal of Science. CLR Ceylon Literary Register. CM Ceylon and Malaysia. CMC Code du Mahayana en Chine. CMS Catalogue of the Museum at Sarnath. CTPE Ceylon, the Portuguese Era. CV Culavathsa. CVg Cullavagga. DB Dialogues of the Buddha. DBU Development of Buddhism in Uttara Pradesh. Dda Dambadenlvaihsa. DEBS Democracy in Early Buddhist Sangha. DN Digha Nikaya. DP Dhammapadam. DPA Dhammapada-atthakatha. DPPN Dictionary of Pali Proper Names. Dpv Dlpavamsa. DV Divyavadana. EA Etudes Asiatiques. EAU Elu Attanagaluvamsa. EB Epigraphia Birmanica. EFEO Ecole Francaise d’Extreme Orient. EHSB Early History of Spread of Buddhism. El Epigraphia Indica. ELLRNT Essays on the Languages, Literature and Religion of Nepal and Tibet. EM Eastern Monarchism. EMB Early Monastic Buddhism. EZ Epigraphia Zeylanica. GB Gaya and Buddhagaya. GEB Geography of Early Buddhism. GPC Glass Palace Chronicle. GS Girasandesa. GV Gandhavamsa. XIV History of Theravada Buddhism ia South-east Asia HAB HB HBC HBT HHB HHV HLF HS HSP IA IAL IC ICIC IIIQ IPPA i • IS ISCC JA JAOS JASB JASBNS JBRS JCBRAS JKM JPTS JRASGBI JRASMB JSEAH JSS KA KD KS LC LCR LEHII Hinduism and Buddhism. History of Burma. History of Buddhism in Ceylon. History of Buddhist Thought. Harvey, History of Burma. Hatthivanagallaviharavamsa. Histoire de Laos Francaise. Hamsas^ndesa. Hakluyt Society Publications. Indian Antiquary. Indian Art and Letters. Inscriptions du Cambodge. Indian Cultural Influence in Cambodia. Indian Historical Quarterly. Inscription *pf« Pagan, Pinya and Ava (Rangoon, „ , . Indologjcal Studies. Inscriptions Sanscrites de Campa et du Cambodge. Journal Asiatique. Journal of the American Oriental Society. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series. Journal of the Burma Research Society. Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Buddhadatta Mahathera, Jinakalamali. Journal of the Pali Text Society. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Malayan Branch. Journal South-East Asian History. Journal of the Siam Society. Kautilya’s ArthaSastra. Kambuja Desa. Kokilasandesa. Le Cambodge. Le Concile de Rajagaha. Le Etats Hindouises d’lndochine et d’Indonesie. Abbreviations xv LHT Life of Hiuen Tsiang. LLG Life or Legend of Gaudama. Lsbpv Les sects bouddhiques du petit vehicule. LV Lalita Vistara. LWB The Life and Work of Buddhaghosa. MBO Modern Buddhism and its followers in Orissa. Mhv. Mahavamsa. Mhv. tr. Mahavamsa (English- Translation). MIB Manual of Indian Buddhism. Mkv. Mahakarmavibhanga. Mlp. Milindapanha. MN Majjhima Nikaya. MP Markandeya Purarta. MRP Manorathapurani. MS Manavulu Sandesaya,, MTP Matsya Purarta. MV Mahavagga. MVT Mahavastu. ORC Obscure Religious Cult. PB Psalms of the Brethren. PES The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea. PED The Pali Text Society’s Pali-English Dictionary. PFV Paranavitana Felicitation Volume. PHAI Political History of Ancient India. PLB Pali Literature of Burma. PLC Pali Literature of Ceylon. PP The Path of Purification. PRC Portuguese Rule in Ceylon, 1594-1612. PS MK Papancasudani Majjhimanikayatthakatha. PTS Pali Text Society. PV Pujavaliya. PY Ponsavadan Yonok. NAGB Notes "on the Ancient Geography of Burma. NBD Nyanatiloka, Buddhist Dictionary. NCP Narendracaritavalokapradipikava. NIA New Indian Antiquary. Nks. tr. Nikayasangraha (English translation). NS Nalaka Sutta. RIS Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam. RK Rajaratnakara. xvi History of Thera vada Buddhism in South-east Asia RPGEA RSASB RV Sas. SBB SBIB Sbn. Sd. Sds. SGAMI SK SL SN Stf'P *■ Spv. sv Svd. TAKE TASMS TB TBLC TBR TBT TCSEA TDFLSH TGBI TGGIS TGK THCPATC TICS TKL TMB TMCS Researches on Ptolemy’s Geography of Eastern Asia. Report of the Superintendent Archaeological Survey of Burma. Rajavaliya. Sasanavamsa. Sacred Books of the Buddhists. Sanskrit Buddhism in Burma. Sihingabuddharupanidana. Suvarnadvxpa. Saddhammasahgha. Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Mediaeval India. Sandesakatha. Sarvastivada Literature. Samyutta Nikaya. Sufta Nipata. * SulupujaV'aliya’i’* Santiparvan. SasanavamsadTpa. The Ancient Khmer Empire. The Asiatic Society Monograph Series. An Introduction to Tantric Buddhism. Thailand, Burma, Laos and Cambodia. The Buddhist Review. The Bhilsa Topes. The Culture of South-East Asia. These pour le doctorat de la Faculte des Lettres et Sciences Humainea de l’Universite de Paris. Taranatha’s Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien, aus den Tibetischen Ubersetzt von A. Schiefner, St. Peters, 1869. The Journal of the Greater India Society. The Golden Khersonese. The History of the Civilization of the People of Assam to the twelfth century ad. The Indian Colony of Siam. The Kamala Lectures. The Mahabodhi. Traites de morales des Cambodgiens du XlVe au Abbreviations xvii TMSEA TPOSS TSCC TSGEC TSS TSSFACP TSSJ TSUL UCHC UCR V VM vv WYC XIXe siecles. The Making of South-East Asia. The Punjab Oriental (Sanskrit Series). Temporary and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon. N.A. Jayawickrama, Pali Text Society, Translation Series, no. 36. The Sheaf of Garlands of the Epochs of the Conqueror, Ratanapapha thera of Thailand with an introductory essay by Dr. Saeng Manavidura. The Siam Society. The Siam Society Fiftieth Anniversary Comme- morative Publication. The Siam Society Journal. Thesis submitted to the University of London. University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, I, 1 959-60. University of Ceylon Review. Vinaya. . Visuddhimagga of Buddhaghosa. Vanaparvan. Watters’ Yuan Chwang. Chapter 1 Introduction and Sources Sources T he main sources on which our work is based may broadly be classified under the following heads: literary and archaeological. Literary sources include both indigenous and foreign sources. Although the local chronicles and other semi-historical literary works are useful, they suffer from chronological and other defects. In this study the archaeological sources proved more useful and reliable than the literary sources. The eleventh century ad is significant in the religious and cultural history of south-east Asia. From this period onwards Buddhist countries in south-east Asia came into close contact with Ceylon, which played an important role in the establishment and develop- ment of the Theravada form of Buddhism in south-east Asia. It is evident from our sources that of all the south-east Asian countries Ceylon’s relations with Burma were the closest. Among the literary sources for this study, the most important is the Ceylon chronicle, the Cfilavamsa. 1 It is traditionally known that the thera Dhammakitti was the author of the first portion of the Culavamsa. The second portion consists of eleven chapters. It gives a history of kings from the reign of Vijayabahu II to that of Parakramabahu IV. Its author is still unknown. The thera Tibbotuvave was the author of the third portion which brings the chronicle down to the reign of Kitti-Siri- Rajasimha (ad 1767-1782), the last independent king of Ceylon. This portion has ten chapters. The Culavamsa affords us valuable information regarding religious and cultural ties between Ceylon and Burma. The statements relating to these ties in this book are 1 CV, PTS. 2 History of TheravSda Buddhism in South-east Asia very often corroborated by inscriptions, proving the Culavamsa a reliable and trustworthy source. Although this book forms the main source for the religious intercourse between these two countries, it is silent on the religious ties between Ceylon and Burma in the reigns of Parakramabahu I (ad 1153-1186), Parakramabahu VI (ad 1412-1468) and Bhuvanekabahu VI (ad 1473-1480). The silence of the Ceylon chronicle is perhaps not surprising as it is mainly interested in developments affecting Ceylon. Perhaps the coming of south-east Asian monks to Ceylon seeking the valid ordination and other assistance from the Sinhalese monks was of such common occurence that the chroniclers did not consider them to be of special significance. The Sinhalese text, the Pujavaliya, 1 a work attributed to the reign of Parakramabahu II (<vd 1236-1276), refers to Ceylon’s religious intercourse with Burma in the reign of Vijayabahu I (ad 1065-1120). The Nikayasahgrahava , 2 * another Sinhalese text, was written by the Mahathera Jayabahu surnamed Devarakkhita during thereign of king Virabahu II (ad 1391-1397). It throws some light on religious links between Burma and Ceylon in the eleventh century ad. The Manavulu Sandesaya or Mahdnagakula Sandesaya s , a Pali fragmentary poem, proves an interesting source. It is addres- sed to Kassapa Mahathera of Burma by Nagasena of Rohana in Southern Ceylon. It is an important testimony to the close cultural and religious ties between Ceylon and Burma in the thirteenth cen- tury ad. The references in the Manavulu Sandesaya to Kassapa Mahathera and ftana, a Burmese minister, are corroborated by several inscriptions found in Burma. 4 There are several Burmese sources which afford us information regarding Burma’s religious and cultural ties with Ceylon The most important of these are the Glass Palace Chronicle, 5 the Sasanavamsa , 6 the Hmannan Yazawin Dawgyi 1 and the KalyanT inscriptions. 8 Several references to religious contact between Ceylon and Burma in the Glass Palace Chronicle are corroborated by the Sasanavamsa 1 PV, pp. 33-34. '-NX'S, Eng. trans. pp. XXXII and 19. s MS, JRASGBI, 1905, p. 265. 4 A list of inscriptions found in Burma, Part I (Rangoon, Superintendent Government Printing, Burma), 1921, p. 41; IPPA, III, No. 6, p. 101; IV, No. 3, p. 117; VII, No. 16, p. 184; X, No. 15, p. 243. a GPC. « Sas. 7 TSS , V, 1959.' *IA, XXII. Introduction and Sources 3 and Burmese inscriptions. Although it is one of the main sources . for the study of Burma’s religious history and its connections with Ceylon, certain statements in it prove confusing and of doubtful authenticity. The details regarding Anuruddha’s dealings with Ceylon are not very clear and such information has to be studied in conjunction with other sources. The Sasanavamsa of Pafinasami, attributed to the second half of the nineteenth century ad, is a general history of Buddhism in Burma. Many important events mentioned in the Sasan'avamsa are corrobo- rated by the Kalyanl inscriptions. But certain details regarding the religious intercourse between Burma and Ceylon are rather confused. For example, the Sasana vamsa refers to the four great warriors who went from Burma to the island of Lanka to bring the copies of the Tipitaka duringthe reign of Anuruddha. 1 This episode does not find any support from any other source. In another place, the Sasanavamsa mentions that the king in the Ramanna country did not allow two Sinhalese Mahatheras from Ceylon to land at Kusima in Lower Burma in the first half of the fifteenth century ad . 2 This seems doubtful when the religious history of both Burma and Ceylon shows that close religious ties existed between the two countries at this time. The Hmannan Yazawin Dawgyi, which was compiled in ad 1829, 3 gives the history of Burma down to ad 1752. 4 We have utilised this source in connection with Burma’s cultural relations with Ceylon in the sixteenth century ad. According to this chronicle, Dharmapala of Ceylon (ad 1551-1597), was a zealous Buddhist and he played an important role in the development of Buddhism in Ceylon with the help of the Burmese king Bayin Naung. The Cdlavamsa makes no mention of Dharmapala. It is known that Dharmapala was a convert to Christianity, 8 and that his actions did not further the cause of Buddhism. Therefore it is very difficult to say whether the facts relating to Dharmapala’s dealings with Burma are very accurate. Apiart from indigenous sources the work of the two Portuguese writers Joao de Barros and Diogode Couto 6 refers to Burma’s cultural ties with Ceylon. But the confused nature of the record regarding Dharmapala’s dealings with the Burmese king and the Kandyan king’s claim as the possessor 1 Sas, p. 64. a ibid, p. 90. *TSS, V,p. 3. i AISTBB, p. 95. SPRC, p. 11. SJCBRAS, XX, 1908. 4 History of TheravSda Buddhism in South-east Asia of the genuine tooth relic throws a great deal of doubt on the historical value of the statements in the Portuguese sources. Several Sinhalese inscriptions provide us with important evidence relating to Ceylon’s cultural ties with Burma. The Polonnaruva Slab inscription of the Velaikkaras 1 and the Polonnaruva inscription of Vijayabahu I 2 refer to Ceylon’s connections with Burma in the eleventh century ad. Two inscriptions of the reign of NiSSamkamalla found at Polonnaruva 8 mention that there were friendly relations between Ceylon and Burma during this time. An ola leaf manuscript, 4 the Kadadora Grant found in Ceylon, refers to . religious intercourse between Rakkhangapura (Arakan) in Burma and Ceylon during the sixteenth century ad. This information is corroborated by the Culavamsa, the Su\upujavaliya and the Narendracaritavalokapradipikdva. Among the Burmese inscriptional sources, the Kalyani inscriptions of Dhammaceti (ad 1472-1492) are of great importance. These inscriptions were set up under the instructions of king Dhammaceti to record the "re-establishment of the valid f orm of the Upasampada ordination throughout Burma with the help of the Sinhalese monks. Although they belonged to the second half of the fifteenth century ad they trace the history of Buddhism in Burma f rom a much earlier period and give us a fairly ' comprehensive picture of Burma’s religious and cultural ties with Ceylon up to the fifteenth century ad. The evidence in them relating to the religious intercourse between the two countries from about the eleventh century ad onwards appears to be based on trustworthy tradition. Siam is the next important country with which Ceylon had a fair amount of cultural intercourse. Nothing, however, is known of Siam’s relations with Ceylon before the secorid half of the thirteenth century ad. The Siamese source, the Jinakdlamalx , 8 which was written in Pali by Ratanapanfia thera, a native of Northern Siam in the first half of the sixteenth Century ad, refers to Siam’s contact with Ceylon in the reign of Rocaraja of Sukhodaya in the second half of the thirteenth century ad . 6 It presents a valuable information relating to religious intercourse between Ceylon and Siam and the establishment of Slha}a Buddhism in Northern Siam. !£Z, II, p. 252. 2 El, XVIII, p, 331. 3 EZ, II, p. 151; EZ, II, p. 155. *JCBRAS, II, New Series, 1952. 3 BEFEO , XXV, 1925; TSGEC. Sibid p 46 Introduction and Sources 5 The main points of the Jinakalamali relating to Siam’s cultural relations with Ceylon are corroborated by the Sdsanavamsa and by Siamese inscriptions. Although this book forms the main source for the study of Siam’s religious intercourse with Ceylon, certain details mentioned in it are matters of great' controversy. The visit of Anuruddha to Ceylon to copy the Tipitaka, the arrival of one of his ships with two Pitakas in Mahanagara (Angkor Thom in Cambodia), the attribution of Anuruddha’s reign [to the seventh century ad and the miraculous element in the account of Anuruddha’s reign 1 lead us to doubt the historical value of this particular section. The Camadevivamsa 2 or the history of Camadevi is another important chronicle for the study of Siamese Buddhism. It was written by a monk named Bodhirarhsi whose centre of activities was either at Nabbisipura (Xieng Mai) or at Haripunjaya (Lampoon). It is a mixture of prose and verse. It is not dated. G. Coedes places its date in the first quarter of the fifteenth century ad . 3 According to Saeng Manavidura , 4 Bodhirarhsi and Ratanapanna thera, the author of the Jinakalamali belonged to the same period. Prince Damrong is of opinion that it was composed between the second half of the fifteenth century ad and the first half of the sixteenth century ad. Because this period is significant from the religious, literary and cultural history of Northern Siam. From this period onwards Nabbisipura and other regions of Northern Siam came into close contact with Ceylon, which made an important contribution to the introduction and establishment of Theravada Buddhism and its language Pali there. Under royal patronage and with the help of the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon Nabbisipura became famous as an important centre of Buddhism and Pali literature flourished there. Though the Camadevivamsa is neither a work of character nor a historical one it proves an interesting source for the study of Buddhism in Northern Siam. The [Mulasdsafta , 5 a history of Buddhism, was written at Nabbisipura in the fifteenth century ad. The colophon to the 1 BEFEO, pp. 54-55. 3 ibid, p. 12; TSGECJXXV., p. XUI. 5JSS, January, 1972, vol. 60, part 1. 2 ibid, XXV, pp. 12ff. 4 ibid, p. XLVI. History of Therav3da Buddhism in South-east Asia Mulasasand refers to Brah Buddhanana and Bral? Buddhabukama as the two authors of the Mulasasana. Buddhanana was the fourth abbot or the Sangharaja (ad 1418-1429) of the Flower-Garden Monastery at Nabbisipura. It is said that while he was holding the office of the Sangharaja he composed' some portions of the Mulasasana. He was the main author who wrote it first and continued it up to 1429 ad. Buddhabukama, the second author composed the last portion of the book. According to some scholars, he was the twelfth Sangharaja of the Flower-Garden onastery and has been identified with Mahakukamanaijasara. lthough, in passing, the Mulasasana narrates accounts connected with neighbouring countries of Sajjanalaya, Ayuthia, Luang Pra ang, Nan, Son Gve, it is of considerable value as a book of religious history of Sukhodaya. It throws much light on the religion at Sukhodaya in Lodaiya’s (Lothai’s) reign. For this reason !i has * ts im P°™nce in the history of Buddhism in Northern Siam, inis bock which deals with the introduction and establishment of uddhism in Siam in the fourteenth century ad refers to the Sinhalese monk Anumati, who was known as Udumbarapuppha Mahasami. He was the disciple of a reputed SinhaleseMahathera Mahakassapa, the Sangharaja of the Udumbara Arannnavasi Fraternity (Forest Monastery) of Ceylon. It is possible to treat the story of the u asasana relating to Udumbarapuppha Mahasami as fairly accurate. The Sangitivamsa or the Sahgitiyavamsa 1 or the History of the Recitals, was written at Bangkok of the kingdom of Siam in 1789 I “ T 0rder t0 commemorate the cremation ceremony of His Royal Highness Prince Chiidhadhajadhartiloka Kromkhum Bejboon n rajaya, a son of king Rama V, Maha Vajiravudh or king Rama VI of the dynasty of Bangkok, published it in 1923 / ' D ' Vimaladhamma, the Thai royal teacher, was the author of this book. He wrote it during the reign of Chao Phaya Chakkri (ad -1809) who was known in Thai history as Rama I, the founder o the dynasty of Bangkok. The Sangitivamsa is a valuable source or the study of both political and religious history of the kingdom o Ayuthia in Siam. It gives the history of the establishment of t e kingdom of Ayuthia, its rulers, its fall, its political importance 1 BEFEO, XIV, pp. Iff. i BYB, p. 44 fn. 1. Introduction and Sources 7 in Siam and its relation with the neighbouring countries. It also mentions the important contributions made by the kings of Ayuthia in the development of Buddhism in Siam. It has a more or less complete record of Ayuthia’s social, political, cultural and religious history. It has its importance in the history ©f Buddhism in south- east Asia . . . From about the eleventh century ad onwards Ceylon played a great role in the history of Buddhism in south-east Asia. Whenever the Buddhist countries in this region were in trouble regarding religious affairs they sought Ceylon’s help and the latter offered maximum assistance to solve their problems. But in the eighteenth century ad. Buddhism suffered in Ceylon. With the help of the Siamese monks Ceylon established its religion. This was no doubt a significant event in the history of Buddhism of both Ceylon and Siam. The Sangiiivamsa presents valuable informations relating to the religious intercourse between Siam and Ceylon and the development of Buddhism in the regions of south and south-east Asia. Dhammakitti thera , 1 a native of Ayojjhapura (or Ayuthia) in Southern Siam, was the author of the Saddhammasangha. It was written in the fourteenth century ad. It provides us with valuable information relating to Siam’s religious and cultural ties with Ceylon in the fourteenth century ad. A Sinhalese manuscript belonging to the eighteenth century ad was written by Vilbagedara Nayida, an envoy from Ceylon who went to Siam in the middle of the eighteenth century ad . 2 It refers to Siam’s cultural ties with Ceylon in the sixteenth century ad. It is corroborated by an inscription found in Siam . 3 Inscriptions are the most important and trustworthy source of our study. Several Siamese inscriptions such as Nagara Jum inscription , 4 the Sumanakutaparvata inscription , 5 the Wat Mahadhatu inscription of Sukhodaya , 8 the Khau Kap inscription , 7 the Buddhapada inscription of the Wat Pavaranivesa 8 and two inscriptions found at the monastery of the Mango Grove to the west of Sukhodaya,® help us in this study. Inscriptions which relate to Siam’s cultural ties with Ceylon date from the middle of the thirteenth century ad onwards. It is noteworthy that even !Sds, JPTS, 1890, P. 90. 2 CJHSS, 2, No. 1, 1959, pp. 37-80. 3 RIS, I, pp. 157ff. 4 ibid, I, pp. 84ff. 5 ibid, I, pp. 123ff. 6 ibid, pp. 49ff. 7 ibid, pp. 145ff. 8 ibid, pp. 151ff. ®ibid, pp. 97-109. 8 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia the literary sources do not shed any light on the period prior to the thirteenth century ad. The more important evidence of the literary sources is very often corroborated by the inscriptions referred to above. They also provide us with supplementary evidence relating to Siam’s relation’s with Ceylon. The literary sources and inscriptions relating to Cambodia’s cultural and religious ties with neighbouring Buddhist countries are meagre and the evidence for this study is of an indirect nature. There are occasional references to Cambodia’s relations with Ceylon in the Culavaihsa, 1 the Glass Palace Chronicle, 2 the Jinakalamali, 3 the KalyanI inscriptions, 4 the inscriptions of Nissamkamalla (ad 1 189-1 198) 5 and the Wat Keo inscription found at Laos. 6 From them a certain amount of information is forthcoming but definite conclusions are not always possible. The religious history of Cambodia shows that Saivism and Mahayanism pre-dominated there in the eleventh and twelfth centuries ad. But at the end of the thirteenth or at the beginning of the fourteenth century ad there is evidence of Theravada Buddhism. At this time Ceylon played an important role in the religious and cultural history of south-east Asia. SIhala Buddhism had already made a strong impact on both Burma and Siam. It is perhaps this new wave of Buddhism which swept into Cambodia as well. The influence of Theravada Buddhism might have been felt directly from Ceylon or indirectly through Siam. However, one cannot escape the feeling that Ceylon was the ultimate source of Theravada Buddhist inspiration in Cambodia as was the case in Burma and Siam. l CV, LXXVI, vv. 20-25. 2 GPC, p. 143. »BEFEO, XXV, p. 49. *IA, XXII, p. 29. SEZ, Ik p_p. A 152, 156 and 70. «BEFEO, XVII, pp. 165ff. * * :j m- . Chapter 2 India : Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India T he sixth century bc was an age of far reaching religious reforming activity over the whole of the ancient world. Greece in this period witnessed the rise of Parmenides and Empedocles. China saw the appearance of Laotse and Confucius, and there was a remarkable intellectual and religious ferment in India in this period. This century is an important landmark in the history of the religion of India. Brahmanism was the leading religion of the country upto this period, and Brahmin priests took the leading parts in all religious ceremonies. People also used to worship the Yakjas, the Gandharvas, the Vriksas, Devatas, the Nagas etc. But the rise of Buddhism in the sixth century bc marked the end of the pre- dominance of the Brahmanic period. The Buddha introduced his religion in this century. His father was Suddhodana, the chieftain of a Sakya clan. He ruled from Kapilavastu (Kapilavatthu) over a small kingdom in the north-east part of the United Provinces and the neighbouring Districts of Southern Nepal. His wife was Maya or Mahamaya of the Sakya clan. It is said that she, in her sleep, saw a dream about her arrival in the Anotatta lake in the Himalayas by four Catummaharajika gods. There she saw that the Bodhisattva appeared in the shape of a white elephant from the north and after encircling her rightwise three times entered her womb on the final day of the Asadha (Asalba) festival in Kapila- vatthu. 1 Then she conceived. Next day she narrated her dream to l LV, p. 63; MIB, p. 63. 10 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia the king who sought the advice of the astrologers for interpretations of her dream. They told him that she would give birth to a son who would be either a Universal Monarch or he would leave this world to become a Buddha, an Enlightened One. After ten months she wanted to visit her parents at Devadaha. While she was on her way to her parents’ place she gave birth to a son under the shade of a Sala tree in Lumbinf near the ancient town of Kapilavatthu. Mahamaya died when the prince was seven days old. He was then brought up by his aunt and stepmother Mahaprajapat! Gautami (Gotam!). The prince was known as Siddhartha (Siddhattha ) 1 after fi ve days of his birth . 2 He was also called Gautama (Gotama ). 3 He was also known as Sakyasimha as he was born in a Sakya family. Under the able guidance of his teacher ViSvamitra the young prince performed marvellous feats of strength. When he was sixteen years old, he married YaSodhara, the daughter of king Dandapani of the Koliyan republic. He lived with her in luxury for several years and they had a son named Rahula. When he heard the news of his son’s birth he uttered these words ‘Rahula (hindrance) has been born, a bond has come into being ’. 4 He gave his son’s name Rahula. King Suddhodana took all measures to prevent his son from leaving the world. He did all possible arrangements for Siddhartha’s enjoyments in order to retain his affections and prevent him from undertaking a vow of solitariness and poverty. For him he built three beautiful palaces— one for the summer season, one for the rainy season and another for the wifiter season. He also appointed dancing girls for his enjoyment and worldly pleasures. He endea- voured to keep away from him the ‘four sights— an old man, a sick, a corpse, a monk’ — the sight of which, it had been announced, would move him to enter upon the ascetic life. He engaged heavy guards at the palace gates. He did not allow anybody to come iThe meaning of Siddhartha is ‘he who has achieved his object’.— HAB, I, p. 133 Siddha in Pali means accomplishment or fulfilment. Attha has the meaning of benefit or advantage.; TKL, p. 9. »MVT, II, p. 26. 3‘This was the name of his gotra or gens and roughly corresponds to a sur- name, being less comprehensive than the clan name Sakya. The name Gotama is applied in the Pitakas to other Sakyas such as the Buddha’s father and his cousin Ananda .'—HAB, I, p. 133* ♦Rahulo jato, bandhanaii) jatajn. India : Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 11 into the palace without permission so that nothing could happen in the mind of the prince on seeing anything. One day the prince expressed his desire to go to the pleasure garden. The king made all arrangements for it. While the prince was on his way to pleasure garden he saw an old man on the first day. He asked the chario- teer, Channa about this man. He told him that he was an old man and every living being was destined to become like him. The prince felt very much at this sight and returned to the palace. On the second day he saw a sick man. On the third day he saw a corpse. On the fourth day he saw a person with yellow robe. He knew from the charioteer that he was an ascetic who had left his home and had no bindings and was trying to make himself free from the cycles of Existence. On seeing these four sights he moved so much that he felt a strong inclination to leave the world. He realised the impermanence of all worldly things and made up his mind to leave the world and wanted to go to the forest for meditation and to attain the highest immortality. His determination was strengthened by a woman of the palace whom he found asleep in all manners of uncomely attitudes. He determination was further strengthened by the utterance of a lady named Kisa Gotam! who on seeing him from the balcony of her palace expressed her feelings: “Happy, indeed, is the mother, Happy, indeed, is the father, Happy, indeed, is the wife, Who possesses such a husband.” 1 After her speech, the prince became very glad and gave her his necklace and he said to himself that I will search for the peace of Nirvana. He then paid a final visit to his wife and child in the inner chamber of the palace and on the full moon day of Asatjha Siddhartha left the palace and the city on horseback with Channa, the charioteer. He then crossed the regions of the 6akyas, the Koliyas and the Mallas in the night and came to the Anuvaineya town of the Maineyas in the morning. 2 Here he told 1 Nibbuta nuna sa mata, Nibbuto nuna so pita, Nibbuta nuna sa narl, Yassayam ldiso pati. 2 MVT, 11,‘pp. 164ff; LV, p. 227. 12 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Channa, “Take my ornaments, and return with horse. I am going to become an ascetic.” 1 He then cut off his hair, took the yellow robe and became a monk. Siddhartha then visited the city of VaiSali (Vesali). Here he came to the hermitage of Arada Kalama (A}ara Kalama), a renowned philosopher, 2 who had attained the seventh stage of meditation (samapatti) called akincanyayatana in which one’s mind seeks nothing.3 He accepted Alara Kalama as his teacher and spent some days with him at his hermitage. But he did not like his philosophy and left him soon. From there he went to Rajagaha (Rajagrha, modern Rajgir), the capital of Magadha. Here he met the king Seniya Bimbisara who obtained from him a promise that after attaining enlightened he would again come to his kingdom and give him instruction in true knowledge. He then came to the hermitage of Rudraka Ramaputra (Uddaka Ramaputta), another famous philosopher in Rajagaha. 4 He had reached the eighth stage of meditation (samapatti), called naivasamjnanasam- jnayatana in which the sense-perception is neither active nor dead. 6 From A]ara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputta he knew the successive stages of ecstatic meditation (samapatti). 6 But he soon understood that this was not the path leading to enlighten- ment. He then came to Uruvela (Uruvilva, modern Bodh Gaya, six miles south of Gaya town) and stayed at the GayaSlrsa (Gayaslsa) hill. 7 Here he met the Pancavaggiyas, i.e., the five mendicants. 8 From there he reached Uruvilva-Senapatigrama or Senanigrama (Uruvela-senapatigama) where he engaged himself in rigorous ascetic practices. He gave up his food and became so thin that he was reduced to a skeleton. But he then understood that rigorous asceticism was not the path to enlightenment. He then wanted to change his path and intended to take food. Here he met Sujata, daughter of the landowner Senani, who offered him the bowl of milk-rice. He ate that after a fast of fortynine days. He then sat down under the Bodhi tree for his attainment of final liberation. With a strong determination he uttered these words: ‘Let my skin, my nerves and bones waste away, let my life-blood dry up, I will not leave this seat before attaining perfect miB, p. 17. 2 MN, I, pp. 8 Off. 3 DBU, pp. 58-59- ‘Af/V, I, pp. 80ff. &DBU, I, pp. 58-59. *MIB, p. 18. 1 LV, pp. 248 ff; MN, I, pp. 77ff. 8 Annata-K.on<Janna, Bhaddiya, Vappa, Mahanama and Assaji, — DBU, p. 74. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 13 enlightenment.” 1 In the first watch of the night in meditation he acquired the knowledge of his former states of existence (purvanivasa, pubbenivasa). In the second watch of the night he saw the nature of all beings through his divine eyes (divyacaksu, dibbacakku). In the last watch of the night he acquired the knowledge which uprooted the mental impurities consisting of greed, anger and delusion, and the knowledge of the law of dependent causation (pratltyasamutpada, paticcasamuppada). He understood that ignorance (avidya, avijja) of the truth was the root cause of all worldly sufferings and the removal of it was the orily way to achieve goal. He further acquired the knowledge of the four truths (aryasatyas, ariyasaccas): suffering (dukkha), its origin (samudaya), its decay (nirodha) and the path to its decay (magga). 2 At dawn he attained the highest knowledge, the Bodhi and became known as the Buddha, the fully Enlightened One. After his enlightenment the Buddha under the Bodhi tree sat for seven days thinking the paticcasamuppada dhamma or the law of dependent causation. 3 Then he sat for seven days under the foot of Ajapala Nigrodha experiencing the happiness of emancipation (vimutti sukha). 4 During this time he narrated the virtues of a true Brahmin to a Brahmin of Huhumka tribe. 8 Then he sat down under the Mucalinda tree for seven days and enjoyed the bliss of Nirvana (Nibbana). 6 On the final’day of the seventh week after his enlightenment, the Buddha, under the Tarayana (Rajayatana) tree, met two merchants, Tapussa and Bhalluka who were at that time coming from Utkala (Orissa) to MadhyadeSa (Savatthi) with 500 carts. 7 They offered him the food and became his first lay devotees. The Buddha at first hesitated to preach his new doctrine to the people. But at the request of Brahma Sahampati he agreed to preach his Dhamma to the people who were spiritually advanced. 8 He wanted to preach his doctrine to A]ara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputta. But they were dead. At that time the Pancavaggiyas were living at the Deerpark called Rsipatanamrgadava (Isipatana- migadaya) near Benares. 9 The Bilddha in order to preach them his new religion, left Uruvala for Benares. 10 At the Deerpark he met them l LV, V, p. 362. 2 AMBH, p. 206. W, I, 1. 4 ibid, I, 2. sjbid, I, 2. «ibid, I, 3. 7 ibid, I, 4. ®ibid, I, 5. 9 Modern Sarnath. l0 MVT, III, pp. 324-329; LV, p. 406. 14 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia and his first discourse known as the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta or ‘Turning of the Wheel of the Law’ was delivered by him to them. 1 In this discourse he mentioned that the easy-life as well as the life of rigorous asceticism were the two extremes and these should be avoided and every body should follow a middle path. He then explained to them the middle path or the noble eightfold path which consisted of right speech, right actions, right livelihood, right exertion, right mindfulness, right meditation, right resolution and right view. Then he expounded the four noble truths i.e., suffering, origin of suffering, cessation of suffering and the path leading to the cessation of suffering. 2 This discourse describes the perfection in the sllas, way leading to the restrainment over citta and dhyana and the true knowledge. 3 After this discourse he also delivered to them the Anattalakkhanasutta, in which he mentioned the basic doctrine of his religion. 4 It deals with the doctrine of anatta. The Pancavaggiyas realised the true knowledge through these discourses and wanted to become his disciples. The Buddha ordained them by addressing them with the words “come in, oh Bhikkhus.”* They also attained arhathood, the final stage of spiritual insight. Immediately after their conversion Purna Maitrayanlputra, Nalaka and Sabhiya, who were all recluses, became Buddhist monks. Yasa, the son of a rich merchant of Benares and his four friends- Vimala, Subahu, Purna (Punnaji) and Gavampati, a.nd sons of rich merchants and fifty others became Buddha’s disciples'. 6 The Buddha then at Uruvela first converted Uruvela Kassapa, Nadi Kassapa, Gaya Kassapa and their followers by performing a series of miracles. 7 They were fi reworshippers (Jatilas) and hermits with matted hair. Here he explained to them the Fire Sermon or the Adittapariyayasutta. 8 In it he mentioned the doctrine of the abandonment of the objects of tlie senses and these were compared to the fire which destroyed everything it touched.* The Jatilas* were fireworshippers. That is why the Buddha took the example of fire to explain to them. He converted them according to the ‘Etha Bhikkhavo’ form of address. 10 The ordination ceremony was then conferred by a very simple way. The Buddha used to address the W, I, 6; MN, I, pp. 79ff, 2 DBU, pp. 175.181. 3 EMB, p. 137. ®ibid, I, 6. «ibid, I, 7-10. 8 ibid, I, 21 . 3 DEBS, pp. 1 8-1 9. 4 MF, I, 6; S7V, III, p. 66. »ibid, I, 14-21- WMF, I, 20. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 15 bhikkhu or bhikkhus with the words ‘come in, oh Bhikkhus’ (Ehi Bhikkhu or Etha Bhikkhavo) according as the number of converts was singular or plural. With these disciples numbering over one thousand the Buddha made his first Sangha . 1 The first Sangha was formed but for the accommodation of the bhikkhus of the Sangha there was no vihara at that time. The Buddha then came to the Latthivana (Yastivana)near Rajagaha where he met king Bimbisara of Magadha and his ministers and courtiers . 2 Here he gave discourse on the transitoriness (anicca) and essencelessness (anatta) of the five khandhas (constituents of being ). 3 The king presented the BamboogrovefVenuvana, Veluvana) to the Buddhist Sangha and became his lay devotee. The Buddha accepted it and stayed there with his followers. This was the establishment of the first Buddhist vihara. Sariputta and Moggallana who were originally followers of a heterodox wandering ascetic, Sanjaya , 4 became the Buddha’s disciples. They within a very short time became arahats and played an important role in Buddhism. While the Buddha came to Kapila- vatthu for his begging round he met his father Suddhodana, wife Yasodhara and his son Rahula. Here he converted Nanda, the son of. Suddhodana to his religion . 5 He then asked Sariputta to ordain Rahula as a novice . 6 But Suddhodana was not happy to hear this news. The Buddha also converted Anuruddha, Bhaddiya. Ananda, Bhagu, Kimbila. Devadatta and Upali, the barber. The Buddha in order to preach his religion sent his disciples to different places and they in their turn used to bring many people for Pabbajja or admission of persons to the Sangha as novices and Upasampada dr admission of novices to the Sangha as bhikkhus before the Buddha who personally used to confer them. He then gave permission to his disciples to confer Pabbajja and Upasampada on persons on behalf of the Buddha under the Tisarana formula i.e., in the name of the Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha. Then the rule was issued that a person under t&p age of twenty would not be able to receive the Upasampada and at the sametime, a person below the age of fifteen was not in a position to receive the Pabbajja. But under certain circumstances boys below the age of fifteen got admission into the Sangha. A samanera W, I, 20. sibid, I, 21. W, 1, 24. «ibid, I, 54. «DP, p. 351; AMB, p. 307; JT, V, p. 412. 3 MIT, p. 441. 10 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia observed ten precepts called Dasa Sikkhapadani,* after pabbajja and a monk observed four parajikas and other rules of the Patimokkha after Upasampada. He after Upasampada was informed about the four great resources (nissaya). 2 Then certain rules were introduced into the Sangha regarding its admission. People who were immoral or people who had any liability to the society or to the state were not allowed to join the Sangha. The Buddha also did not give permission to join the. Sangha who were suffering from bodily defects or diseases etc. The Buddha introduced the Uposatha ceremony into his Sangha at the suggestion of king Bimbisara. He also gave order that on the Uposatha day his disciples should recite the Patimokkha sutta and the Uposatha ceremony was to be held only once in a fortnight either on the 14th or 15th. At the request of Anathapindika, a wealthy merchant, the Buddha visited Savatthi (Sravasti) where Anathapindika presented the Jetavana monastery to him for the Buddhist Sangha. During his stay at Vesali (VaisalT), the capital of the Licchavis, a quarrel took place between the two tribes, the Sakyas and the Koliyas for water of the river Rohin!. But the Buddha managed the situation tactfully. He converted many Sakyas and Koliyas to Buddhist monks. Here he met Mahaprajapat! GautamI (Mahapajapat! Gotami) and many Sakyan and Koliyan ladies who asked the Buddha to give them permission for formation of the Sangha of Nuns. The Buddha at first refused to give permission for it. But at the request of Anandahe gave permission on the condition that nuns should follow eiglit duties of subordination J The ten precepts are as follows: Refraining from killing life; refraining from taking thing what is not given; refraining from sex life; refraining from telling lie; refraining from drinking liquors, wines etc; refraining from eating food in the afternoon; refraining from going to see the places of entertain- ments; refraining from taking ointments, flowers, garlands, scents etc; refraining from high and comfortable beds and refraining from receiving gold and silver. — MV, I, 57; DEBS, pp. 42-43. *It consisted of Pindiyalopabhojanam (the bhikkhus should live on alms), Pamsukulacivaram (the bhikkhus should wear rugs as their robes collected from dust-heaps), Rukkhamulasenasanam (the bhikkhus should live under the trees) and Puttimuttabhesajjam (the bhikkhus should use urine of cows as their medicine). India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 17 (garudhamma). 1 Mahapajapatl GotamI agreed with the Buddha and then became nun and formed theSangha of nuns. While the Buddha was dwelling at Benares, he met Mahakaccayana or Mahakatya- yana, a son of the royal priest of king Canda Pajjota (Pradyota) of Avanti. He became a Buddhist monk. He made Ujjeni, an important centre of Buddhism, and converted many Brahmins of this region. When the Buddha was seventy-two years old, Devadatta revolted against the Buddha in the Sangha. He was a cousin and brother-in- law of the Buddha and joined the Sangha along with Ananda, Upali etc. He bore enmity towards the Buddha for his influence and popularity and was jealous of him. 2 H e requested the Buddha several times to mention his name as his successor. But the Buddha refused it, Devadatta anyhow earned the confidence of king AjataSatru (Ajatasatthu) of Rajagaha who helped him to kill the Buddha. But the king realised his mistake and prayed before the Buddha and became his follower. But Devadatta tried to bring schism in the Sangha by disapproving the life of the monks permitted by the Buddha. He became angry when the Buddha refused to agree with him He won the hearts of 500 Vrjian (Vajjian) monks from Vesali who left the Sangha with him and went to Gayaslsa. At the age of eighty the Buddha expressed his desire to enter into Mahapaririibbana at Kusinara (Kusinagara). ' For this purpose be intended to leave Rajagaha. At that time king Ajatasattu wanted to declare war against the Vajjians of Vesali. For this purpose he sent Vassakara Brahmana, the Governor of Pataliputta iThe eight duties of subordination are: “A nun, however, old, must show respect to a monk, but never a monk to a nun; a nun must not pass vassa in a monastery where there w as no monk-, every fortnight a nun was required to ascertain from a monk the date of uposatha and the date fixed for monk’s exhortation (oyada) to the nuns; a nun must perform pavarana first in the Order of monks and again in the Order of monks; a manatta discipline must be taken by a nun first from the Order of monks and then from the Order of monks. a nun after training in the six pacittiya rules (63-68) of Bhikkhunj-pStl- mokkha, should seek upasampada from both the Sanghas the one after another; a nun must not revile a monk; and a nun must not admonish a monk or fix for the monks any date for uposa- tha or pavarana.” DBU, p. 101, fn. No. 1; Cvg, X, 1; EM, p. 167. 2 Cvg, VII, 1-4. 18 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia to the Buddha seeking his help to conquer them. But the Buddha told him that because of certain practices and noble virtues of the Vajjians it would be difficult for the king to conquer them. He then left Rajagaha and after passing through Ambalatthika , 1 Nalanda, Pataligama, Kotigama, Nadika he reached Vesall. Here he stayed at the Mango grove of Ambapali and delivered discourses to his disciples. The Buddha then left Vesall and reached Bhoganagara. Here he gave instruction to his disciples regarding the observance of moral precepts (£Ila), meditation (samadhi), acquisition of knowledge (patina) and attainment of emancipation (vimutti). He then came to Pava where at the Mango garden of Cunda, the blacksmith’s son, he stayed with his followers. He fell seriously ill after taking meal. He then came to Kusinara and took shelter under a tree. He, inspite of his ill health, performed the ordination ceremony of Subhadda (Subhadra), a heretical monk. He then gave instructions to his followers, “Now, monks, I have nothing more to tell you but that all that is composed is liable to decay. Strive after salvation energetically .” 2 He also told Ananda that after him his teachings and his rules would be their teacher and guide. These were last speeches delivered by the Buddha to his disciples, After that he engaged himself into several stages of meditation and entered into Mahaparinibbana which was marked with earthquake and thunderstrokes. Spread of Buddhism During the time of the Buddha Buddhism flourished in several important places in India. Dr. N. Dutt mentions that “During the life-time of the Master, the religion spread all over the central belt of India from Kajangala and Campa on the east to Veraftja and Avanti on the west, and from Rajagaha and Varanasi to KusambI, SravastI and Saketa on the north, as also to the various tribes inhabiting the Himalayan foothills .” 3 Dr. A.C. Banerjee also writes that “Buddhism during Buddha’s life-time was not confined to the between Rajagaha and Nalanda, MIB, p. 42 fn. 2. Z MIB, p. 44. s A IV, p. 370. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 19 limits of Majjhimadesa . 1 It travelled outside its boundary. It had thus a rapid progress. Towards the east it had spread to Kajangala, to the west to Verafija close to Madhura (Mathura) and to the north to the land of the Kuru .” 3 Before the advent of Buddhism Brahmanism was the leading religion of the country. But the Buddha’s com- manding personality, his simple method of preaching, his miraculous power and new ideas in his religion played so significant role in the minds of the people of the then India that they gave up their old religious and philosophical ideas and embraced the new religion of the Buddha. They accepted his religion and contributed to its development. Here is given below the names of several places where in the time of the Buddha Buddhism prevailed. Kasi Kasi occupied an important place in the time of the Buddha. At Isipatana near Benares, the chief city of Kasi, the Buddha, just after his enlightenment, not only visited but delivered his first and second discourses the. Dhammacakkapavattana and the Anat- talakkhana to the Paficavaggiyas who became his first disciples. After the conversion of the Paficavaggiyas the Buddha was able to attract the attention of the common people and he became very popular there. He then converted Yasa, his four friends, and fifty others who belonged to this place. Several laymen and women became his upasakas and upasikas. He also came to Kitagiri near Benares. Here he gave a talk against taking food in the night (vikalabhojana). Another place named Khemiyambavana was asso- ciated with Buddhism . 4 Here Udena, a Buddhist monk gave a discourse after the Mahaparinibbana of the Buddha. '“The boundaries of Majjhimadesa are: “To the east is the town Kajafigala, and beyond it Mahasala. Beyond that is border country; this side of it is the Middle country. To the south-east is the river Salalavatl. Beyond that is , border country; this side of it is the Middle country. To the south is the town Setakannika. Beyond that is border country; this side of it is the Middle country. To the west is the Brahmana district of Thuna. Beyond that is border country; this side of it is the Middle country. To the north is the mountain range called Uslradhaja. Beyond that is border country} this side of it is the Middle country.” B1IA, p. '48 fn. 20; SBE, XVII, pp. 38-39. s Cunningham has identified it with the modern town of Kankajol, eighteen miles south of Rajmahal. s BIIA, p. 48 fn. 20. 4 MW, II, p. 157. 20 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Rajagaha In the kingdom of Magadha Rajagaha, Gaya, Uruvela and Nalanda were the most important places where the Buddha carried on his missionary work vigorously. Rajagaha, the capital city of Magadha, was a place where he visited several times to propagate his teaching. King Bimbisara of Magadha, who gave him a very warm welcome at the time of his arrival in the city, worked for the spread of Buddhism in his kingdom. He offered his Bambu grove pleasure-garden to the Buddha for the establishment of the first Buddhist vihara. He gave order that anyone in his kingdom must not do any harm to the Sakyaput- tiya Samanas. 1 At his request several rules were framed for the welfare of the Sangha. It was because of Bimbisara Buddha was so successful in his missionary work here. King Bimbisara along with his ministers and courtiers became his lay devotees. He then converted Sariputta and Moggallana with their companions numbering about two hundred and fifty. He also converted pari- bbajakas (wandering teachers) and householders. At that time existed two classes of paribbajakas— Brahmanical and non-Brahma- nical. in Rajagaha. The Buddha converted mostly from the latter group * Nigrodha, Dlghamakha, Potaliputta, Anugara(Annabhara), Varadhara, Sakuludayi, Moliyasivaka, Upaka, Mandikaputta and Susima were the noted paribbajakas who were converted by him. He could not convert many Brahmins. He converted Ajatasattu, the king of Magadha and Jivaka, the noted physician of the royal family as well as of the Buddha’and his Sangha. The Samannapha- lasutta of the Digha Nikaya 3 mentions that at the request of Jivaka he had a meeting with Ajatasattu, and he gave a sermon on the merits of asceticism. Gaya and Uruvela At the time of the Buddha, Gaya became famous as an important centre of Buddhism. Here the thirty Bhaddavaggiya youths met the Buddha while they were enjoying their time in a forest near Gaya. The. Buddha gave them a discourse on dana, Slla etc., and they embraced the lif e of the Buddhist monks. The Buddha also converted the Jatilas at Uruvela. 1 MV, I, 42, 1. *EMB, I, p. 144. 3 DN, I, pp. 48-86. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 21 Nalanda Nalanda was a suburb of Rajagaha. During the time of the Buddha it was not a very big place. Although it was a small place it was influential and prosperous. People were worshippers of the Buddha. The monastery Pavarika Ambavana was the place where the monks used to stay. The Buddha also stayed here while on a visit to Nalanda. Here Sariputta, his famous disciple, met him and they had a talk on the subject of the lineage of faith. Sariputta told here: “There is nobody whether a monk or a Brahmin who is greater than the Exalted One as regards the higher wisdom and this is the faith which I cherish in my mind.’’ The Buddha had a talk on the three wonders of the gods withKevaddha, a young householder. He told Asibandhakaputta, a village headman that everyone must sow seeds according to the fertility of soil. Rahula also visited Nalanda and stayed at the monastery Ambala(- thika . 1 From all these evidences it is clear that after the enlighten- ment of the Buddha Nalanda became one of the important Buddhist centres and the Buddha and his disciples visited here several times to preach his doctrine. Kosala The kingdom of Kosala was another country where the Buddha did his missionary work for the spread of Buddhism. Pasenadi, the king of Kosala, patronised Buddhism. Before his conversion to it he was a worshipper of the Brahmanic religion. But under the influence of Mallika, his queen and Soma and Sakula, his two sisters, king Pasenadi took keen interest in Buddhism, and became a lay devotee , of the Buddha . 2 Here he delivered a discourse on ' the merits and demerits of good and evil deeds. Savatthi At the invitation of Anathapindika, a great magnate and the high treasurer of the kingdom of Kosala, the Buddha came to Savatthi. The former gave him the pleasure-garden of prince Jeta for the residence of the Buddhist monks and it became known as the Jetavana vihara or Jetavanarama. Here he converted many people and spent nineteen vassavasas (rain retreat) and gave discourses l MN, I, p. 414. *SN, I, p. 70; AN, V, pp. 65ff. 22 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia consisting of eight hundred and forty-four suttas . 1 Visakha, daughter of a setthi of Saketa and wife of Punnavaddhana, the son of a rich setthi of Savatthi, was a pious lady who furthered the cause of the religion in Kosala. At her request her father-in-law Migara and other members of the family became lay devotees of the Buddha. She also built a monastery called Pubbarama Migaramatupasada. Here the Buddha spent six vassas. Several rules of the Pati- mokkha sutta were framed here at the request of Visakha . 2 The Buddha converted Angulimala, a robber to Buddhism. He became a bhikkhu and also attained arhatship. Vekhanassa 3 and Potthapada , 4 the paribbajakas of Kosala also accepted the religion of the Buddha. At first the Brahmanas in the kingdom of Kosala were not very friendly towards the Buddha. But he was able to convince them and converted many of them to Buddhism. Wealthy householders like JanussonI , 5 Aggika-Bharadvaja,® Dhananjani 7 becamehis lay devotees. Even Brahmana teachers like Pokkharasadi of Ukkaftha , 8 Lohicca of Salavatika 8 and Canki of Opasada embraced his religion. Many rich as .well as poor Brahmanas became Buddhist monks and played their important roles for the spread of Buddhism in the kingdom of Kosala. Kapilavatthu At the invitation of king Suddhodana", the Buddha paid a visit to Kapilavatthu after his enlightenment. At first the king and the Sakyas were unwilling to welcome him and his disciples. They even did not give alms to his followers. They behaved with so rudely that they refused to' gi/e -him accommodation at night and that is why he ^thyfecl at *the hermitage of Bharandu-Kalama. But they soon changed their minds when they saw his miraculous power 10 and they understood his greatness. He then won the hearts of the king as well as of the Sakyas. Within a very short time he converted Nanda, Rahula, Mahapajapati, Yasodhara ofthe royal family. Many Sakyan youngmen and ladies also embraced his religion and they also helped to popularise Buddhism there. Kala- Khemaka and Ghataya, two Sakyamen, offered monasteries to the WPPN, pp. 965, 1 127. *DN, I, p. 178. 7 MN, II, p. 209. 1(1 MVT, III, pp. lOlff. S MN, II, p. 40. a SNP, p. 21. ®ibid, I, p. 224. 2 MV, V, pp. 144-145. 5 MN, I, p. 175. S DN, I, p. 87. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India . 23 monks in the Nigrodharama . 1 During the life time of the Buddha Kapilavatthu as an important centre of Buddhism occupied a place in the history of Buddhism. Vesall Vesali, the capital of the Licchavis, was another important city which was closely connected with the early history of Buddhism. Once the Licchavis faced a great famine and pestilence. When they were unable to remove them they sought the help of the Buddha and requested him to come to Vesall to save them. As soon as the Buddha arrived in this city the famine and pestilence that had hung over them disappeared and he recited the Ratana sutta. The people of Vesall became happy. He won the hearts of the Licchavis and carried on his missionary work successfully. The Licchavis constructed the kutagarasala monastery for his residence, They also built the Saptamra caitya, Bahuputra caitya. Gautama caitya, Kapinalya caitya, Markatahrada-tlra caitya, Sarandada caitya and Udena caitya for the purpose of his meditation. The Buddha converted Mahali, Mahanama, Uggagahapati, Nandaka, Pingiyani, Bhaddiya and also many distinguished Licchavis. He also- praised them and spoke about their seven conditions of national wel- fare (satta aparihaniyadhamma ). 3 He felt for them so much that he told his followers, “Whoever, my disciples, among you hath not seen the divine host of the thirty-three gods, let him gaze on the host of the Licchavis, let him behold the host of the Licchavis, let him view the host of the Lie i»»C- Kusindrd and Pdvd At the time of the Buddha The°Mallas were divided info tv i MN, III, pp. 109-110. 2 EMB, I, p. 177. 3(i) “The Licchavis held frequent public meetings of their tribe which they all attended, (ii) They met together to make their decisions and earned out their undertakings in concord, (iii) They upheld tradition and honoured their pledges (iv) They respected and supported their elders, (v) No women or -girls were allowed to be taken by force or abduction, (vi) They maintained and paid due respect to their places of worship, (vii) They supported and fully protected the holy men (arhants) among them” DN, II, PP- 73ff ; AN, IV, pp. 15ff. mi A, pp. 42-43. 24 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia groups. Kusinara, a small town, was the capital of one group of the Mallas and the other group ruled from Pava which was a centre of Jainism. Kusinara and Pava were the places where the Buddha visited to preach his doctrine. The Mallas received him with great honour and the Assembly of the Mallas of Kusinara issued order on his arrival in the city that a citizen would be fined 500 kahapanas if he showed any disrespect to the Buddha. 1 At Kusinara he delivered several discourses regarding the results of the spiritual practices of a Buddhist monk who by these virtues would be able to keep himself away from the pleasures of worldly life. 2 He converted Dabba Mallaputta, the distributor of food, Pukkasa, Khapclasumana, Bhadraka, Rasiya, Siha and Cunda Kammaraputta ofPava. 3 Kosambi Kosambi, the country of the Vatsas, was another important city where the Buddha visited several times and established the Buddhist faith on a strong foundation. During the time of the Buddha Udena was the king of this country. At first he did not take any interest in Buddhism and showed his unfriendliness towards it. But afterwards he became an admirer of Buddhism under the influence of one of his queens Samadevi 4 and the Bhikkhu Pindola Bharadvaja. 6 Samadevi was the daughter of Ghosaka, the lord treasurer of the kingdom. She was an upasika of the Buddha and played a role for the spread of Buddhism in Kosambi. Her attending maiden* was Khujjutara who was an Upasika also. The Buddha passed his ninth v'assa here. During the time of his tenth vassa a quarrel tobk place between the twq sections of bhikkhus Dhammadharas and the Vinayadharas. 8 He was so disgusted with their behaviour that he left the city and went to stay in a neighbouring forest known as Parileyyaka. 7 The three setthis, viz., Ghosaka, Pavariya and Kukkuta who became lay devotees of the Buddha built three hermitages called Ghositarama, Pavarika-ambavana and Kukkutarama. The Buddha and his disciples spent much time at Ghositarama. 1EMB, p. 183. 2 AN, V, p. 263. 3 DN, II, pp. 126-128. 4 BL, I, p. 84. S SN, IV, pp. 1 10ff i AN, I, p. 25; PB, pp. 1 10-111; SN, V, p. 224. 3 MV, X; DBA, I, pp. 44ff. ’ 7 EMB, 1 , p. 1 88. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 25 Ay anil During the life-time of the Buddha, Mahakaccayana, the son of the royal priest of king Canda Pajjota and the nephew of hsl (Isi) Asita, brought Buddhism from Benares to Avantl . 1 According to the advice of Asita, Mahakaccayana and his friends went to Benares to meet the Buddha and became Buddhist monks . 2 After coming back to Avantl they not only introduced Buddhism but also made an effort to popularise Buddhism by building monasteries at Kururagharapapatapabb^ta and Makkarakata. They converted Punna, Abhayakumara, Sonakutikanna, Isidasi, Dhammapala, Isidatta, Kandarayana and Lohicca Brahmanas to Buddhism . 3 King Pajjota who was the ruler at that time became a follower of Buddhism at the request of Mahakaccayana . 4 The Buddhist texts refer to him as a cruel king. Apart from these places there were the Videha country, the Bhagga country, the Koliya country, the Kuru country and the Madra country where the Buddha did his missionary work for the introduction of Buddhism. In the Majjhima Nikaya there is a reference to Buddha’s visit to the Bhagga country at the request of Bodhirajakumara, son of Udena of Kosambi. Here the Buddha gave a discourse known as the Bodhirajakumara Sutta to Bodhira- jakumara It deals with the necessary qualities of head and heart of a monk. He also delivered a discourse to the Bhagga people. The Koliyas, who were related to the Buddha on his mother’s and wife’s sides, helped him in many ways for the development of Buddhism in their country. The First Buddhist Council ' </v Just after the Mahaparinibbana of the Buddha, Subhadda, who became a monk in his old age, openly told other monks in Kusinara: “Do not grieve, do not lament. We are happily rid of the Great Sramana. We used to be annoyed by being told: ‘This beseems you, this beseems you not.’ But now we shall be able to do what we like, and what we do not like, we shall not have to do .” 6 On hearing his speech Mahakassapa, the chief disciple of the Buddha, felt sorry and was anxious about the 1 EMB, I, p. 193. 2 MVT, II, p. 30; III, p. 382. 3 AN, I, p. 68; SN, IV, pp. 1 17 and 288. 4 Pfi, pp. 238-239. miB, pp. 101-102. 26 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia discipline in the Sangha. That is why he gave a proposal that a council of five hundred arhats should meet to rehearse the teachings of the Buddha . 1 He proposed it in order to establish a canon of the Dhamma and of the discipline of the Sangha. Rajagaha was selected for the place of this council. Most of the arhats except Gavampati 2 and Purana 3 co-operated with Mahakassapa in every way for the progress of this council. Ananda, who was not an arhat upto this time, became an arhat just before the starting of the session of the council and was permitted to join the group of five hundred arhats selected for this council. Upali, who had been mentioned by the Buddha as the foremost of the Vinayadharas, recited the Vinaya rules and the Dhamma (or the Sutta) was recited by Ananda. Mahakassapa himself asked all questions relating to the Vinaya and the Dhamma both to Upali and Ananda. This council was held about seven months in the Sattapanna or Sattapanni cave of the Vebhara (or Vaihara) hill near Rajagaha. Ajatasattu, who was the king of Magadha at that time, helped the session of the council and made arrangements for seats and accommodation of the monks who attended the council. Ajatasattu in his early days was hostile towards Buddhism but later on he patronised it and gave his full support to its develop- ment. Mahakassapa and Ananda died in the feign of Ajatasattu. Before his death Ananda converted five hundred hermits who were Brahmanas. Their leader was Madhyantika , 4 who, at the request of Ananda, went to Kashmir to introduce Buddhism there. After Ajatasattu several kings like Udayibhadda, Anuruddha, Muncja and Nagadasaka 5 ascended the throne of Magadha and they ruled simultaneously for fifty years. But we do not hear anything about the progress of Buddhism in the reigns of these kings who were neither religious nor made any contribution to its propa- gation. It failed to gain any support from any quarter, It is probable that it had lost its popularity and was on the decline during this period. With the death of Nagadasaka, SiSunaga, his minister, took the throne and Vesall was his capital.® After him KalaSoka, his son, became king. He was the king of Magadha for about twenty-eight years. It was during his reign the Second Buddhist Council was held at Vesall. 2 ibid, I, p. 335. 5 ibid, II, pp. 1-4. 'EMB, I, p. 335. 4 ibid, II, p. 3. 3 ibid, I, p. 335. ®ibid, II, p. 22. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 27 The Second Buddhist Council According' to tradition, one hundred years after the Mahapari- nibbana of the Buddha, the second Buddhist Council was held at Vesall in order to examine and to suppress the practices of ten un-Vinayic acts 1 of a group of the Vajjian or Vesalian monks. Yasa of Kosambi, who was at Vesall at that time, saw their wrong practices and made a protest against them. They became angry and expelled Y asa from the Sangha. He then appealed to the laity of Vesall and returned to Kosambi. 2 At his request some monks went to Patheyya in Western country and AvantI to tell the monks there about the behaviour of the Vajjian monks. King KalaSoka took the side of th4 Vajjian monks and he wanted to do something for them. But afterwards at the request of his sister Nanda, a BhikkhunI, he changed his mind and supported the orthodox. monks. 8 At the proposal of Revata, a council with seven hundred monks was held at Vesall to discuss the ten rules of the Vajjian monks and to settle the disputes between the Vajjian monks and Yasa thera and his party. Probably it took place in the Valikarama in Vesall in the eleventh year of the reign of king KalaSoka. The eight members of the selected committee of the council discussed the problem and tried to settle the dispute. Revata asked the questions and SabbakamI answered them. After discussion they gave a decision against the Vajjian monks. They concluded that the ten rules followed by the Vajjian monks were unlawful and were not permissible. J (i) “The practice of carrying salt in a horn for use when needed. (ii) The practice of taking food after mid-day. (iii) The practice of going to a neighbouring village and taking a second meal there the same day, committing thereby the offence of over- eating'. (iv) The observance of uposathas in different places within the same sima. (v) The practice of doing an ecclesiastical act and obtaining its sanction afterwards. (vi) The practice of use of precedents as authority. (vii) The practice of drinking milk-whey after meal. (viii) The drinking of fermenting palm-juice which is not yet toddy. (ix) The use of a borderless sheet to sit. (x) The acceptance of gold and silver. EMB, II, pp. 35-36. 2 ibid, II, p. 32. 3 ibid, II, p. 33. 28 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia The Ceylon chronicles refer to another council. They mention that all Vajjian monks did not agree with the decision of the council. Another council was held by them. They discussed the matter and gave a decision what they wanted in their favour. This council was known as the Mahasangha or Mahasanghika . 1 Just after the Second Buddhist Council some Vajjian monks did not want to remain in the Sangha of the Theravadins or Sthavira- vadins and they formed a new Sangha known as the Mahasangha and .they were known as the Mahasanghikas 2 or the ‘monks of the great congregation’. The Second Buddhist Council marked the first division in the Sangha. This was due to differences of opinion relating to the practice of ten rules of discipline by monk. Thus there arose in the Sangha at that time two sects — orthodox and unorthodox. After some time these two sects were divided into several sects. The total number of sects existed at that time was eighteen. The Theravadins or the orthodox monks who had firm faith in Hlnayanism upto their last existence were divided into eleven sects known as the MahiSasaka, Dharmaguptika, Sarvastivada, Kasyaplya, Haimavata, Sankrantika (Sautrantika) and Suttavada, Vatslputrlya, SammitJya, Dharmottariya, Bhadrayaniya and Sannagarika or Channagarika . 3 The Mahasanghikas or the unorthodox monks were also divided into seven sects 4 known as the Gokulika, Pannattivada (Prajnaptivada), BahuSrutiya, Cetiyavada (or Caityika), Ekvyavaharika, PurvaSaila and Aparasaila. They were at first Hlnayanists. But after some time they discarded their doctrines and developed inclinations towards Mahayanism. According to Bhavya and Vasumitra , 6 the Sarvastivadins came into existence in the first quarter of the third century bc. After them Vatsiputrlyas, Dharmottariyas, Sammitiyas, Channagarikas, MahiSasakas appeared in the history of Buddhism in India. The appearance of the Dharmaguptas, Kasyaplyas and Sautrantikas took place at the close of the third century bc. The second century bc saw the rise of the Ekavyavaharikas, Lokottaravadins, Gokulikas and Prajnaptivadins. The Caityakas and the Saila sects appeared at the end of the second century bc. 1£MS, II, p. 33. 2 ibid, II, p. 44. 4 ibid, II, p. 44; ibid, p. 283. 3 ibid, XI, p. 44; BCLV, I, p. 283. 6 ibid, I, p. 283. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 29 The Theravadins or Sthaviravadins Theravada was not only the most primitive but was also the most conservative school of Buddhism and its doctrines were in Pali. This sect had a Tipitaka which consisted of Sutta, Vinaya and Abhidhamma in Pali. According to the Tibetan traditions , 1 Mahakaccayana who belonged to Ujjain (Ujjeni) founded the Theravada sect. But the Pali tradition refers to Upali . 2 The Theravadins had their first centre at Pataliputta. Then they gradually settled in Kosambi, AvantI, Ujjeni and in other places of western India . 3 The Sarnath inscription mentions that there were Theravadins in Sarnath in the early periods . 4 The Nagarjunikonda inscriptions also refer to the Theravadins . 6 From western India they began to settle in South India. They also became very popular in KancI in South India.® After some time it became an important educational centre of the Theravadins. Mahinda in the third century bc introduced Theravadism in Ceylon where it firmly established itself. Mahavihara in Ceylon became its chief centre . 7 The Theravadins were known in Ceylon as the Theravadins-Vibhajjavadins . 8 But the Kathavatthu applies the term Sakavada instead of Sthaviravada or Vibhajjavada. They were later split up into three sects known as the Jetavaniyas, the Abhayagirivasins and the Mahaviharavasins. t According to the Theravadins, the Buddha was a human being. He attained knowledge and realized the truth after hard labour . 9 He had many super-human qualities. The Theravadins admitted that an arhat was a perfect person. He reached the stage of Nibbana and had no chance of fall from arhathood. The fundamental doctrine of this sect was to remain aloof from all sorts of evil, to do everything what was good and. to purify the mind . 10 All these things could be possible only by observance of sila, samadhi and panfia. The Theravadins held that all worldly things were subject to decay and they were anicca, dukkha and anatta. According to them, the majjhimapatipada which was known also as the ariyatthangikamagga was the real path and they 1 BSJ, p. 229. 2 ibid, p. 229. 3 ibid, p. 229. 4 ibid, p. 229. s ibid, p. 229. 6 ibid, p. 229. ’ibid, p. 229. *BCLV, I, p. 286. 9 ibid. i ODP, BV, V, 5. 30 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia followed this path. They also held that the realisation of the four, stages of the truth took place all at once , 1 and pratisamkhya- nirodha, apratisamkhya-nirodha and aka§a were the three asamskrtas . 2 The Mahisasakas Some Theravada monks after leaving Pataliputta went towards south and stayed in ancient Mahisamandala. They were known to the Buddhist world as the Mahisasakas . 3 They made their homes in Vanavasi (North Kanara) and Mysore. They also went to Ceylon. Fa-hien, the Chinese pilgrim, states that he saw the Vinaya of the MahiSasakas in Ceylon . 4 The MahiSasakas were also popular in Avant !. 5 There were two groups of the MahiSasakas— the earlier group and the later group . 6 The MahiSasakas who belonged to the earlier group accepted most of the doctrines of the Theravadins while the MahiSasakas of the later group agreed with the Sarvastivadins. In the eyes of the MahiSasakas an arhat had no chance of fall and he had not done any meritorious deed. They refer- red to the existence of nine unconstituted dhammas and stated that the realisation of the four stages of sanctification would be possible all at once and at the same time. The latter MahiSasakas agreed fully with the doctrines of the Sarvastivadins . 7 According to them Khandhas, dhatus, ayatanas and anuSayas remained permanently . 8 They believed that past and future always existed. They admitted the existence of antarabhava . 9 5 The Dharmaguptas or Dharmaguptikas Some Theravada monks went towards north and used Sanskrit as the medium of their Pitaka. They were known as the Dharmaguptas or the Dharmaguptikas . 10 According to Prof. Przyluski 11 the followers of this school most probably took this name from the founder Dharmagupta who had been identified with Dharmarakkhita, the Yonaka missionary wh$ went to north-western countries during the reign of ASoka. According to some, it was a sub-sect of the l BSI, p. 233; BCLV, I, p. 290. 2 ibid, p. 233; ibid, p. 290. 3 ibid, I, p. 286. *BSI, p. 130. Sibid, p. 131. 6 ibid, p. 129. 7 ibid, p. 134. 8 ibid, p. 134. 9 ibid, p. 134. 1( >BCLV, I, p. 286. nibid, p. 286. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 3 1 MahiSasaka. The Dharmaguptikas played an important role in the religious history of Central Asia and China. Their Pratimoksa sutra was very popular in China . 1 They had their own Tripitaka which had Sutra, Vinaya and Abhidharma. Prof. Przyluski opines that their influence was found in north-western India . 2 They also extended their influence in Iran even. According to them, gifts offe- red to the Sangha were more meritorious than those to the Buddha . 3 Gifts offered to a stupa were also meritorious. They believed that heretics would not be able to conquer the five supernatural powers. They also agreed that the body of an arhat was pure and the realisation of the truth could be possible all at a time.* The Sarvastivadins The Sarvastivadins were the branches of the Theravadins, the monks of the most orthodox school of Buddhism. Some Thera vada monks from Magadha went towards Northern India and settled in Mathura, Gandhara and KaSmira. They were known as the Sarvastivadins because of their fundamental doctrine of ‘sarvam asti’ ‘all things exist ’. 6 The meaning of the term Sarvastivada, Pali Sabbatthivada (Sarva, ‘all’ + asti, ‘exist’ + vada, doctrine) is all exist . 6 The Sarvastivadins were also known as the Mulasarvastivadins and the Aryasarvastivadins. KaSmlra was the chief centre of the activities of the Sarvastivadins. They used Sanskrit as the language of their sacred scriptures. During the reign of Kaniska the Sarvastivadins became very popular in Northern India . 7 He patronised them in his kingdom/ It was because of him they were able to attain popularity in Northern India. Their influence also reached Central Asia. Dr. N. Dutt observes, “The Sarvastivadins had its sphere of activity in Northern India extending from Kashmir to Mathura and was responsible for the propagation of Hlnayana Buddhism in Central Asia whence it was carried to China .” 8 According to a tradition, the Mulasarvastivadins, theDharmaguptas, the MahlSasakas and the KaSyapIyas were the offshoots of the Sarvastivadins . 9 According to another tradition, the Mulasarvasti- 1 BSI, p. 184. 2ibid, p. 184. 4 ibid, p. 185; BCLV, I, p. 287. &SL, pp. 7-8. 7 ibid, p. 5; BCLV, I, p. 287. 8 ibid, p. 5. 3 ibid, p. 184. 6 ibid, p. 7. 9 ibid, p. 4. 32 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia vadins, the KaSyapIyas, the MahaSasakas, the Dharmaguptas, the BahuSrutlyas, the TamraSatlyas and the Vibhajjavadins were the seven divisions of the Sarvastivadins. From the Chinese and Tibetan translations, manuscripts discovered in Central Asia, Nepal and Gilgit in Pakistan and from several passages referred to in the Lalitavistara, Mahavastu, Divyavadana, and AbhidharmakoSa it is clear that the Sarvastivadins had their own canon in Sanskrit or in Mixed Sanskrit . 1 It had three divisions — Sutra, Vinaya and Abhidharma. The Sarvastivadins agreed with the Theravadins in their doctrinal points. They held that the five dharmas i.e., citta (mind), caitasika (mental states), rupa (matter), citta- viprayukta (states independent of the mind) and asainskrtas (the unconstituted), which could be sub-divided into seventy-five, remained intact in their subtlest forms in the past, present and future . 2 They believed in the doctrine of Karma and Nirvana, According to them, the.Buddha was a human being. But he reached the stage of enlightenment and realised the truth. All arhats did not receive anutpada-jnana , 3 and were ruled by pratltyasamutpa danga and had chance of retrogression . 4 According to them, the four stages of sanctification should be realised gradually and the second and the third stages could be reached all at once . 5 The Kasyapiyas The Kasyapiyas were also known by the Sthavirlyas, Saddharma- varsakas or Suvarsakas . 6 Prof. Prayluski has identified them with the Haimavatas. Dr. N. Dutt did not accept this view . 7 The KaSyapIyas had their own Tripitaka which consisted of Sutra, Vinaya and Abhidharma. They believed that arhats had ksayajnana and anutpadajnana , 8 Samskaras were subject to decay, and the past, the present and the future existed. The Stmkdntikas or the Sautrdntikas and the Suttavadins The pali tradition records that the Samkantikas were the branches of the KaSyapIyas or the Kassapikas . 9 From the mi A, p. 88. 2 BSI, p. 162. 3 ibid, p. 170. 4 ibid , p. 170, ZBCLV, I, p. 289. *BS1, p. 185. 7 EMB , II, p. 170. 8 BSI, p. 186. »EMB, II, p. 166; BSI, p. 186. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 33 Samkantikas came the Sautrantikas. But Vasumitra opines that the two sects were one and the same. The Suttavadins came into existence from the Samkrantikas. Vasumitra mentions that the Samkantikas believed the transmigration of substance from one birth to another. 1 According to them, the body of an arhat was pure. They denied the existence of past and future and there was no real existence of the unconstituted dharmas. 2 The Haimavatas Most probably the Haimavatas took their origin in the Himalayan region and that is why they were called the Haimavatas. Vasumitra, the great Buddhist teacher, believe that it was a branch of the Sthaviravada. But Bhavya and Vinitadeva,the two great Buddhist philosophers, state that they came out from the Mahasan- ghikas. The Haimavatas believed that the Bodhisattvas were like ordinary beings and had no extraordinary powers. The arhats had ignorance and doubts and it was possible for them to attain spiritual knowledge with the help of others. The Vatsiputriyas or Yajjiputtakas or The Sammitiyas The Vatsiputriyas or the Vajjiputtakas were also known as the Sammitiyas. 3 They were the branches of the Theravadins and'their original home was Avantl. Because of Jl they were also called Avantakas or Avantlkas. 4 From the two inscriptions dated the 2nd and 4th centuries ad 5 it is clear that Mathura and Sarnath were the places where the Sammitiyas became very prominent. The fifth stone-slab inscription of Mathura 6 'refers to the establishment of an image of a Bodhisattva and its consecration to the Sammitlya monks. I-tsing mentions that the Sammitiyas became very prominent in Lata and Sindhu in Western India and they were also in Magadha and in southern and eastern India. 7 In the reign of Harsavardhana (606-647 ad) they came into prominence, RajyaSrI, the sister of Harsavardhana entered the Sangha of the nuns of the Sammitiyas. 8 According to the Vatsiputriyas or the Sammitiyas, there was a 1 EMB , p. 166; BS1, p. 187. 3 BCLV, I, p. 287.. S BSI, p. 194. TBCCV, I, p. 287. 2 BIIA, p. 97 fn. 47. 4 ibid, p. 287; BSI, p. 195, mi, VIII, p. 172. msi, p. 194. 34 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia pudgala (a self, a personality) which passed through several exis- tences before it arrived at the stage of Nirvana. It moved and changed along with the khandhas (skandhas) and it also vanished when the khandhas vanished in Nirvana. 1 The Vatslputrlyas held the view that an arhat had a fall from religious life and the Ajlvikas were not in a position to achieve miraculous powers. The Mahasahghikas The original home of the Mahasahghikas was Magadha. One group of the Mahasahghikas after leaving Magadha went tp settle in northern and north-western India. This branch was split up into five sects — the Ekavyavaharika, the Kaukulika, the BahuSrutlya, the Prajnaptivada and the Lokottaravada. 2 Another group of the Mahasahghikas went to South India and made its home at the Guntur district in Andhra Pradesh. 3 Its branches were the PurvaSailas, the AparaSailas, the UttaraSailas, the Caityikas, etc. Vesall and Pataliputta, the two important cities of the kingdom of Magadha, were the places where the influence of the Mahasahghikas was very prominent. Fa-hien (414 ad) refers to the existence of the Vinaya of the Mahasahghikas at Pataliputta. 4 I-tsing, 6 the Chinese traveller, states that the Mahasahghikas were in Magadha, in Lata and Sindhu and in some places in northern, - southern and eastern India. The stupa at Andarab (Afghanistan) 4 and the cave at Karle (Bombay) 7 were given to the monks of this sect. According to Hiuen Tsang, this sect had three monasteries at Andaraba. 8 The Amaravat! and Nagarjunikonda inscriptions mention that the Mahasahghikas had a canon of their own and it was composed in Prakrit. 9 According to the Mahasahghikas, 10 the Buddhas were Lokottara (supra-mundane) and were composed of pure dharmas. Their body, span of life and powers were unlimited. They had ksaya Jfiana (knowledge of decay) as well as anutpadajnana (knowledge of non- origination) up to the time of the attainment of their Mahaparinib- bana. Their birth took place not like ordinary beings. They entered iBCLV, I, p. 292. 2 AS 1 /, p. 68. 3 ibid, p. 68. lARBIIMA, p. XX. Sibid, pp. XXXII-XXXIII. 6 EI, XI, p. 211. 7 ibid, VII, pp. 64ff. s BSI,p. 65. *BHB, II, p. 100; BIIA, p. 98. 10 BCLV, I, p. 289. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 35 ' the wombs of their mothers in the shape of white elephants and came out from the womb at the time of birth from the right side of their mothers. The Mahasanghikas believed that arhats had no chance of fall from arhathood. But some Mahasanghikas who considered Mahadeva as their leader stated that arhats could receive knowledge with the help of others, they had doubts and were ignorant on certain affairs . 1 The Caityikas or Caityakas Mahadeva, the Buddhist teacher, was the founder of the Caityavada sect. It came into existence about two hundred years after the Mahaparinibbana of the Buddha. Mahadeva used to live in a caitya on the top of a hill and for this reason this sect had received the name of Caityavada. Some believed that the Caityikas used to worship the caityas and that is why they were called the Caityikas. They were also known as the Lokottaravadins . 2 According to them, the construction of caityas, worship of caityas and a circumambulation of caityas were meritorious deeds and one could acquire merits by doing all these pious works . 3 They held that the Buddhas had no attachment, delusion and ill-will. The Bahnsrutiyas The BahuSrutlyas agreed with the Sarvastivadins in many doctrinal points. TheBahuSrutlya sect had received its name because its founder was a learned Buddhist teacher. According to the BahuSrutlyas, the Buddha’s doctrines which related to anityata (transitoriness), dukkha (suffering), §unya (non-existence of objects), anatman (absence of soul) and nirvapa (the final bliss) were lokkottara (supramundane ). 4 They held that the Buddha had ten balas (powers), four vaiSaradyas (confidences) and other powers . 5 The Ekavyavaharikas had their main centre at Pataliputta. According to them, all dharmas were not real and the absolute was rare and accidental. “The Prajnaptivada came into existence after the BahuSrutlya. The PurvaSaila, the AparaSaila and the UttaraSaila or the Saila sects most probably took their names from ‘BCLV, I, p. 290. 2 ftS7, p. 60; EMB, II. p. 57. •BHA, pp. 100-101. 4 ibid, p. 101. 8 ibid, p. 102 fn. 62. 6 BSI, p. 74. 36 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia hill and made their homes in Amaravatl and Nagarjunikonda in the Guntur district in Andhra Pradesh . 1 The reign of KalaSoka was significant in the religious history of India. It was because of the Second Buddhist Council his reign was memorable in the history of Buddhism. The next important king who ascended the throne after KalaSoka was Nanda or Mahapadma or Mahapadmapati . 2 He patronised Buddhism. The ManjuSnmulakalpa mentions that his spiritual teacher was Kalyanamitra. At his request the king made several gifts to the caityas which were constructed on the relics of the Buddha. After him Candragupta came to the throne of Magadha and he ruled for twenty-four years. Then he was succeeded by his son Bindusara. Though he did not show any interest towards Buddhism yet the progress and 'development of Buddhism continued. At that time several sects shifted their centres to different places in India. Avant! was the centre of activities of the Theravadins . 3 The Sarvastivadins moved to Mathura and afterwards to Gandhara. The MahiSasakas went towards south and selected Mysore as their place . 4 The Mahasanghikas established themselves in the Andhra country . 6 After Bindusara his son ASoka took the throne of the Maurya empire in the third century bc. He was one of the greatest figures in Indian history. H-G. Wells in his Outline of History refers to him “as ‘the greatest of kings’ and that not because of the physical extent of his empire, extensive as it was, but because of his character as a man, the ideals for which he stood, and the principles by which he governed .” 6 He was a’great patron of Buddhism and his reign proved to be the most inspiring period for Buddhism in the country. Buddhism, upto the middle of the third century bc, flourished in the Middle country of the Buddhists, Andhra country andUjjeniand Mathura . 7 But Buddhism, under king ASoka, flourished beyond its limit. After his Kalinga war he came under the influence of Buddhism and became a Buddhist, The Kalinga war which took place in the ninth year after his coronation brought a complete change in his mind. ‘The sight of the misery and bloodshed in that sanguinary campaign made a deep impression on him and awakened in his breast feelings of anuSochana, “remorse, profound l EMB, II, p. 49. *PHAI, p. 231 ; EMB, II, p. 25. *ibid, II, p. 242. ‘ibid. II, p. 242. 6 ibid, II, p. 242. «AIU, p. 71. 1EHSB, pp. 82& jyfj& : pp. 1 16ff. • - - u-- * India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 37 sorrow and regret ." 1 It marked a turning point in his career. After his conversion to Buddhism he showed his great devotion to it and played a great role to propagate the teachings of the Buddha not only within the borders of his kingdom but also outside. He was the only Indian king who made Buddhism an international religion. From his several inscriptions we learn that he extended the influence of Buddhism in North Bengal in the east, Nepal and Kashmir in the north, Gandhara and Kamboja in the north-west, Saurashtra in the west and Tamraparni or Tambapanni (Ceylon) in the south. He also sent religious missions to Egypt and Syria in the west and Burma in the south-east . 2 King A§oka established his contact with Upagupta, the famous Buddhist monk of Mathura . 3 The former told him that he was ready to give up his life, son, wife, palace, wealth and kingdom for the sake of the religion of the Buddha . 4 He visited the holy places and built many stupas there. He took out the relics distributed after the Mahaparinibbana of the Buddha and then re-distributed them with an idea that relic-thupas (or relic-stupas) could be erected in different places of India . 8 During king Anoka’s time the quinquennial assemblies of Buddhist monks were held . 6 In these assemblies he used to give presents to monks of all quarters which included Tamasavana (in Kashmir), Revataka (in Mahavana), §airlsaka(in Anavataptahrada) and Gandhamadana mountains. At the instance of the oldest Buddhist monk, Pindola Bharadvaja, he introduced the ceremony of bathing the Bodhi-tree . 7 It is said that towards the end of his reign he stayed for some time in a monastery. The Third Buddhist Council The Third Buddhist Council was held in the reign of king ASoka. Many non-Buddhists who had no orthodox views in matters of both doctrine and discipline became Buddhist monks and entered the Sangha. But the Theravadins or the orthodox monks separated themselves from them and did not agree to perform the uposatha ceremony with them. Owing to this disagreement no uposatha 1PHAI, p. 324. 2 A, pp. 159ff. S EMB, II, p. 245. *DV, pp. 388ff. 57XL, p. 110. 6 DV, p. 398. 7 EMB, H, p. 246. 38 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia ceremony was performed at Pataliputta, for about seven years. ASoka sent one minister at ASokarama to request the orthodox monks there to do the uposatha ceremony with other monks. But they refused to do it and many monks were beheaded by the king’s minister. But the king felt sorry for it and asked Moggaliputta Tissa, the oldest and the most learned of the monks, regarding this matter. With his help the king expelled many unorthodox monks from the Sangha and suppressed their heretical views. He did his best to bring discipline in the Sangha and tried to purify it as far as possible. This Council was held by the orthodox monks only at Pataliputta under the leadership of Moggaliputta Tissa. ASoka patronised it and supported the orthodox monks. It was held for nine months. After its conclusion Moggaliputta Tissa under Anoka’s patronage sent religious missions to nine different countries for the introduction, development and spread of Buddhism . 1 Here is given below the names of the monks and the countries of Moggaliputta Tissa’s mission : Majjhantika (Madhyandina) Mahadeva Rakkhita Dhammarakkhita (a Yonaka) Mahadhammarakkhita Maharakkhita Majjhima to KaSmfra and Gandhara 2 3 to Mahisamandala 8 to VanavasI 4 to Aparanta 5 6 to Maharattha* to Y ona countries 7 to Himavanta 8 l MHV, XII, 3-8. 2 Gandhara comprises the districts of Peshawar and Rawalpindi in the nor- thern Punjab. KaSmira is the modern Kashmir.: ibid, XII, p. 82 fn. 2. 3 A district south of the Vindhyan mountains: ibid, XII, p. 84 fh. 5. 4 North Kanara: ibid, XII, p. 84 fa 7. s Aparanta comprises the territories of northern Gujarat, Kathiawar, Kacch and Sind: ibid, XII, p. 85 fn. 1. 6 Mahara?tra, the country of the Marathi: ibid, XII, p. 85 fn. 3. 7 The clans of foreign race on the north-western frontier: ibid, XII, p. 85 fn. 5. 8 The Himalayan region: ibid, XII, p. 85. •>. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 39 Sona and Uttara to Suvannabhumi 1 Mahinda to Tambapanni 2 The Ceylon chronicles 3 refer to these Buddhist missions to nine different countries under the patronage of king A§oka. The king himself in his Rock Edicts V and XIII 4 mentioned the names of several countries where he sent his religious missions though he omitted some names referred to in the Ceylon chronicles. The omission of these names does not prove or disprove the authenticity of the facts of the Ceylon chronicles. The discovery of several inscriptions at Sanchl confirms the historicity of the religious missions of the Ceylon chronicles. The inscription on the inner lid of the relic-urn which was unearthed in Tope no. 2 of the Safich! group refers to Sapurisa(sa) Majjhimasa ‘(relics) of the pious man Majjhima.’ 5 The inscription on the outer lid of the relic-urn mentions about Sapurisa(sa) Kasapagotasa Hemavatacariyasa ‘(relics) of the pious man Kassapagotta (i.e., of the Kassapa clan), the teacher of the Himalaya. ’ 6 From these two inscriptions it is clear that Majjhima and Kassapagotta were the two prominent figures who definitely 'played an important role in the history of Buddhism of this region. There is a reference to in the Mahavamsa about Majjhima who was sent by Moggaliputta Tissa to the Himalayan countries to propagate the teachings of the Buddha. 7 The Dipavaipsa 8 states that Kassapagotta went to the Himalayan - region with Majjhima. So these two inscriptions mentioned above clearly prove the story of Majjhima and Kassapagotta who went to the Himalayan countries to preach the doctrines of the Buddha and the historicity of the Buddhist mission as related in the Ceylon chronicles. 'According to some, Suvatjpabhumi ‘the gold-land’ is lower Burma with adjacent districts. Fleet is of opinion that Suvannabhumi might be the country in Bengal called by Hiuen-tsang ‘Ka-lo-na-su-fa-la-na’— Karpasuvarpa or else the country along the river Son, a river in Central India, and tributary of the Ganges on its right bank, which is also called Hiranyavaha ‘the gold-bearer’: MHV, XII, p. 86 fn. 2; AIU, p. 84; JR AS, 1910, p. 428. z The island of Lanka or Ceylon : ibid, XII, p. 82. 3 ibid, XII, 3-8; DPV, VIII, 1-3. UI, pp. 21-29, 63-76. MBT, p. 287; BI, pp. 299-301. 6 ibid, p. 287; BI, pp. 299-301. 7 MHV , XII, 6,41. S DPV, VIII, 10. 40 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia The session of the Third Buddhist Council and the sending of the religious missions to nine different countries by Moggaliputta Tissa after this council were the most important events in the history of Buddhism. This was for the first time in the history that the Buddhist monks went to foreign countries to propagate the teachings of the Buddha. India and the countries, belonging to the region now known as South and south-east Asia, were familiar with each other from the time of the Buddha. Several Jatakas refer to sea voyages of merchants from India to this region. So from very ancient times trade relations were established between these two regions and it is very probable that through traders Buddhism was also introduced there. The Third Buddhist Council was an important landmark in the history of Buddhism. It produced important results in Ceylon, Burma and other places of south-east Asia. The Theravada form of Buddhism was introduced into Ceylon and south-east Asia by Buddhist monks sent by king A§oka in the second half of the third century bc. In course of time after its introduction Ceylon became the headquarter of Theravada Buddhism and from there it flourished in south-east Asia. After its disappearance from India, Ceylon, as an important centre, took the leading part for the spread of this form of Buddhism. Buddhism continued to flourish in northern India after the reign of ASoka. But it is said in the Buddhist texts that it had suffered a set-back in' north-east India during the reign of Pushyamitra (or Pusyamitra), the founder of the Sunga dynasty, who after assassinating Brihadratha , 1 the last *king of the Maurya empire, ascended the throne and ruled for thirty-six years (c. 187-151 bc). According to the Buddhist tradition , 2 Pusyamitra destroyed monasteries and killed many monks on his journey to Sialkot in the Punjab. Here he announced a prize of one hundred gold coins on the head of each Buddhist monk. Buddhism flourished in north-western India in the region of Indo-Greek rulers. Of all the Greek rulers of India, Menander alone occupied an important place in the Buddhist world for his love towards Buddhism and his scholastic approach.® He has been identified with king Milinda of the Milindapanha, ‘Question f of Milinda,’ a Buddhist book composed in the M/17, p. 90. 2 DV, pp. 429-430; IHQ, XXII, pp. 8Iff; AIU, p. 97; MIB, p. 118. 3 MU, pp. 112-113. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 41 form of questions and answers between king Milinda and Nagasena, the famous Buddhist monk. It is said that king Menander after his meeting with Nagasena took Buddhism as his religion and helped to spread Buddhism in his kingdom. He joined the Sangha as -a monk and became an arhat. The Fourth Buddhist Council The progress of Buddhism continued in north-west India during the rule of the Kushanas who were followers of Buddhism and did a splendid job for its progress. Kaniska, who is regarded as the greatest of the Kushana emperors, occupied the throne in 78 ad. 1 His empire extended f rom Bihar in the east to Khorasan in the west and from Khotan in the north to the Konkan in the south. 2 He was one Kushana emperor whose fame went beyond the borders of his kingdom,, not only as an able statesman, but also as one who by his piety and enthusiasm carved out a place for himself in the history of Buddhism. A great Buddhist council was held under his patronage. 3 The king in order to bring unity in the Sangha convoked a council which was known as the Fourth Buddhist Council. Some traditions mention that this council took place in the vihara at Kundalavana in KaSmlra. 4 But other traditions refer to it in the vihara of Kuvana near Gandhara or Jalandhar a. 6 In this council sacred books were commented according to the opinion of all sects. The SarvastivSda sect and its many sub- sects took active part in this council and they organised it. Vasumitra wasthe President and ASvaghosa was the Vice-President of the council. 6 The chief aim of this council was to collect manuscripts and to compose new commentaries on the Sutra, Vinaya and Abhidharma texts. The most significant fact of this council was that the Mahayana form of Buddhism appeared in Northern India at that time. The term Mahayana or ‘the Great Vehicle’ must have originated from the term Mahasanghika or ‘member of the Great Council’. 7 According to some scholars, Mahayana Buddhism was founded by Nagarjuna. 8 But the latter in his works the Prajnaparamita Sastra and the Da^abhumi-vibhasa- M/C/, p. 144. 2 ibid, p. 141. *ibid, p. 147; ibid, p. 121. «ibid, p.147. 1TKL, p. 123. 3 ibid, p. 147; MIB, p. 121. 5 ibid, p. 147; ibid, p. 121. » AHSHM, p. 90. 42 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia sastra 1 referred to many Mahayana sutras which were most probably existing before the arrival of Nagarjuna. 2 So it is possible that Nagarjuna was not the founder but he made a significant contribution to the development of Mahayana Buddhism. Most of the scholars agree that the Mahasanghikas were the real founder of Mahayanism and they first invented the terms Mahayana and HInayana 3 and “they coined the term ‘Mahayana’ to be applied to themselves.” 4 The basic principles of both Mahayana and HInayana are identical. Both of them accepted the Four Noble Truths, the Noble Eightfold Path, the theory of Kamma, the non-existence of the soul and the gradual stages of spiritual advancement. 5 But they differed on certain points regarding their attitude to the words of the Buddha and their conception of the Buddha. 6 The Mahayanists held that the Buddha was lokuttara and was made of anaSrava' dharmas. His body, length of life and powers were unlimited. Under the patronage of the Kushana emperors Mahayana Buddhism flourished. But with the fall of their dynasty in the third century ad Buddhism lost a line of great admirers. The fourth century ad witnessed the rise of the Imperial Guptas who played a prominent role in the political history of Northern India. The age of the Gupta rulers was also highly remarkable in the religious and cultural history of India. These rulers became famous for theii; religious toleration. During their rule several religions existed side by side and Buddhism, as one of the religions of the age, also continued. In the reign of Candragupta II, Amrakardava, son of Undana of SukulideSa, gave a plot of land and twenty five dlnaras for feeding five Buddhist monks and providing a lamp in the Jewel House. 7 The Mankuwar stone image inscription of Kumara Gupta I of the year 129 (448-449 ad) refers to Buddhamitra who was a Buddhist monk. 8 He installed the image of the Buddha. Another inscription 9 also mentions that in the reign of the above mentioned ruler a Buddhist monk named Abhayamitra made an image of the Buddha for worship. From the ‘‘The former is a ‘commentary on the Mah5prajniiparamita sutra and the latter is a commentary on the first two of the ten Bhumis in Dasabhumika chapter of Avatamsaka sutra’. AHSHM, p. 10 fn. 1. 2 ibid, p. 10. 3 ibid, p. 11. 4 ibid, p. 142. b TKL, p. 123. «ibid, p. 123. ’’IHQ, XIII, p. 326; CII, III, p. 5. 9 ibid, p. 327. 8 ibid, p. 327; ibid, p. 2. 43 India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India inscriptional evidences it is clear that Buddhism was prevalent during the rule of the Gupta rulers. Though the Gupta rulers were tolerant of Buddhism and some of them even patronised Buddhism during their rule but it did not help the spread of Buddhism which at that time slowly but silently began to decline in India. Fa-hien, the Chinese pilgrim, visited India in the first half of the fifth century ad. He referred to the four philosophical schools — the Vaibhasikas, the Sautrantikas, the Yogacaras and the Madhyamikas . 1 The first two schools were followers of Hlnayana Buddhism and the other two showed their leanings towards Mahayana Buddhism. Here is given a brief survey of the philoso- phical ideas of these four schools: The Vaibhasikas were originated from the Vibhasas or commentaries . 2 They believed in the existence of the world. They held that the organs of sense perceived directly and not by their perceived faculty (vi jnana ). 3 They refused to accept the existence of atma (soul) and pudgala (personality). They denied the authority of the Sutra altogether but held the Abhidharma’s authority. According to them, the Buddha was a human being who entered into nothing- ness after reaching the stage of Nirvapa by his Buddhahood and another Nirvana by his death . 4 Vasumitra refers to the existence of the Sautrantikas or Samkrantivadins in the fourth century ad . 8 The founder of this sect was Acarya-Kumaralata. The Sautrantikas rejected the authority of the Abhidharmapitaka but accepted that of the Sutras. They did not accept the existence of past and future but believed in the existence of the present only. According to them, mental and external objects remained permanently. All dharmas were impermanent and Nirvapa was not a real object. They held that the body of an arhat was pure and there were many Buddhas simultaneously. 1ARBRIMA, p. 15; MIB, p. 126. 2 Hiuen Tsang refers in Kanishka’s council in KaSmira. He states that all the Northern Buddhists attended this council. But uo Southern Buddhist was invited and no body was present in this council. Five hundred Northern Buddhists who took part in the session of the council prepared a commen- tary entitled Vibhaja. They made it in copper plates and placed these inscriptions under a huge stupa which was kept near the place of the council. It is generally believed that the Vaibha?ika sect took its cue from the vibhaja -IHQ, I, 209. a MIB, p. 126; BSI, p. 100. 4 ibid, p. 126. 5 AM, II, p. 17. 44 History of Thera vsda Buddhism in South-east Asia The followers of the Madhyamika school were known as the Madhyamikas because they followed the middle view and laid much stress on it. “They abvocate neither the theory of absolute reality nor that of total unreality of the world but merely realitivity .” 1 They were known as the Sunyavadins because they held that sunyata was the absolute. According to them, samvrti (conventional truth) and paramartha (transcendental truth) were two kinds of truth. Nagarjuna or Arya Nagarjuna, a brahmin of South India, was the founder of this school which came into existence towards the end of the second century ad. Maitreyaor Maitreyanatha was, the founder of the Yogacara sect. It was known as the Yogacara because it gave more emphasis on the practice of yoga (meditation). Its followers were called the Yogacaras or the Yogacarins. They believed that one reached the highest stage of bodhi (truth) after passing, through alltheten stages of spiritual progress (da§a bhumi) of Bodhisattvahood . 2 According to them, all external objects were unreal and accepted the real existence of vijnana consciousness. They believed that pudgalanai- ratma (non-existence of self) and dharmanairatma (non-existence of the things of the world) were two kinds of nairatma . 3 The realisation of these two nairatmas could be possible only by the removal of passions and of the veil covering true knowledge . 4 During the time of Fa-hien’s visit both HInayana and Mahayana Buddhism existed side by side in many parts of India. The Chinese pilgrim visited several places of India, He saw scholars, monasteries and other establishments of these two forms of Buddhism at Mathura, Pataliputra, Udyana, Punjab, SravastI and Sarnath.* Buddhism flourished in Kabul, Kashmir and north-western parts of India at that time . 6 Karli, Nasik, Amaravatl, Jagayyapeta, Goli, Nagarjunikoijda in Western and Southern India were the important centres of Buddhism in the fifth century ad . 7 The Ik$avakus, who belonged to Eastern Deccan, made an important contributions to the development of. Buddhism in India. Buddhagho$a and his teacher who played a great role for the development of Buddhism in the fourth and fifth centuries ad had some connections with the Pallava-Cola country of South India. The latter was an important *5JM P- 105. 2jbid, p. 107. *ibid, p. 108. 4 ibid, p. 108. WM II, p. 697. «ibid, p. 697. 7 ibid, p. 697. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism in India 45 centre of Buddhism in the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries ad and was closely connected with the Buddhist centres in Burma, Several Pali inscriptions, which belonged to the fifth and sixth centuries ad, were found at Hmawza in Lower Burma. 1 All these inscriptions were written in characters similar to the Andhra-Kadamba or Kannada script of South India of about the fifth and sixth centuries ad. It shows that in the fifth and sixth centuries ad. Amaravatl, Nagarjunikopda, Kanclpuram, Kaveripattanarp, Negapataqi and Uragapurarp of the Deccan and South India were important centres of Theravada Buddhism and they helped the development of Buddhism in Lower Burma. The Huns, who were Mahomedans by faith, invaded north-west India f rom the north at the end of the fifth century ad and the beginning of the sixth century ad. They were anti- Buddhists and they killed Buddhist monks, scholars and destroyed many monasteries. 2 Their invasion gave a death-blow to Buddhism and it brought its downfall in north-west India. The beginning of the seventh century ad marked the arrival of Har$a or Har$avardhana. His reign was an important period in the political, social and religious history of Northern India. 3 He uni- fied the whole Northern India into one empire. He patronised Bud- dhism and popularised Buddhistic learning at the Buddhist University of Nalanda. Under his patronage many religions flourished in his dominion. Hiuen-Tsang, the Chinese pilgrim, who visited India from 630 ad to 644 ad refers to the flourishing condition of Buddhism from Taxila and further west to Pundravardhana and Samatata in the east, and from Kashmir and Nepal to the Cola country in the South. 4 But I-tsing, another Chinese pilgrim, who came to India after Hiuen-Tsang, mentions that Buddhism was in a state of decay. 6 The reign of the kings of the Pala dynasty was a great epoch in the history of Buddhism in India. The Pala- kings ruled in Eastern India from about the second half of the eighth century ad and gave a new life to Buddhism. The founder of the dynasty was Gopala 6 who was a Buddhist. The next king was Dharmapala (c. ad 770-810) who was azealous patron of Buddhism and played a l EI, V, pp. lOlff; XII, pp. 127-132; I A, XX, pp. 121ff; AISTBB, p. 38. *TKL, pp. 120-121. 3 ibid, p. 121. 4 A475, p. 130; NIA, II, p. 698. &TKL, p. 122. •AIU, p. 44, 46 History of Thera vada Buddhism in South-east Asia great role for the re-establishment of Buddhism. He established the VikramaSila monastery 1 at Patharghata near Bhagalpur. It became an important centre of Buddhist learning and culture. The great Buddhist vihara at Somapuri in the Rajshahi district in Bangla Desh was also constructed by him.® Devapala, the worthy son of Dharmapala, ascended the throne of the Pala dynasty after his father.” The reigns of Dharmapala and Devapala constitute the most brilliant chapter in the history of Bengal. Never before or since, till the advent of the British, did Bengal play such an important role in Indian politics. ” 3 Devapala reigned f or about forty years (c. ad 810-850). Under him the Pala empire reached the height of its glory. His empire extended from the Himalayas to the Vindhya mountains and from the eastern to western seas. 4 He, too, like his father, occupied an important place in the history of Buddhism for his important contribution to the spread of Buddhism ip, India as well as in the Buddhist countries of south-east Asia. About this time the Sailendra dynasty of the kingdom of Srivijaya in Sumatra was ruling over an extensive empire in south-east Asia. 5 Balaputradeva, a king of this dynasty, was a devout follower of the Buddha. He despatched a mission to Devapala, asking for a gr^nt of five villages for the upkeep of the monastery built by him at Nalanda. Devapala granted his request. The Sailendra rulers were followers of Mahayana Buddhism. Under the patronage of the P5la$ Mahayana Buddhism flourished in Bengal and Magadha in Bihar. If was a Mahayana tinged with Tan trayana. At that time Hlnayana Buddhism disappeared from the land of its birth and made its home in Ceylon. Tantric Buddhism, which was originated from the Mahayana school of Yogacara, and which played a great role in the history of Buddhism in India during this period, flourished in Bengal from about the middle of the seventh century ad and Nalanda became the impQrtant centre of this form M IU, p. 49; JASB, NS, V, pp. Iff. 4 ibid, p. 50. 2 ibid, p. 49. 6 ibid, p. 52. 3 ibid, p. 52. India: Introduction, Development and Decline of Buddhism India 47 of Buddhism. Several schools viz. Vajrayana 1 Kalacakrayana , 2 Mantrayana 3 and Sahajayana 4 came into existence. The Sailendra dynasty established its close contact with Bengal and Magadha and most probably this dynasty received its Mahayana Buddhism from these regions. Thus under the patronage of the Pala ruler®, there was a revival of missionary zeal and the Buddhist monks of Bengal and Magadha visited many Buddhist centres of south-east Asia and helped to spread Mahayana Buddhism there. After the Palas, the kings of the Sena dynasty reigned in Eastern India. They were followers of Brahmanism but they were not inimical to Buddhism. Even then Buddhism declined at that time. After some time the Muhammedans invaded the country and brou- ght the downfall of Buddhism in north-east India. Ikhtiyar- ud-Din Muhammad who was known as Muhammad Bakhtiyar, destroyed Odantapuri and VikramaSila monasteries and killed many i‘The word Vajrayana literally means the Adamantine path, but in its technical sense it means the path of perfect void though which the immuta- ble void nature of the self, as well as, of the Dharma can be realised*. (BO, pp. 131-132). In this system Vajra was the principal means for attainment of salvation. The followers of the Vajrayana often chant ‘all the Dharmas are of the void nature. I am also of the void nature’. Those who had achieved the state of Vajra were called the Vajrasattvas or the Vajradharas. A guru of this sect was known as Vajradharl. — BIIA, p. 115; BO, pp. J31-132. 2 Waddel, one of the great authorities on Tantric Buddhism, writes, ‘Kalacakrayana is a hideous Tantric system, professing monstrous and polydemonist doctrine, in which the demonical Buddhas are represented with their dreadful consorts, the Dakin! fiendesses, for propitiation of whom wild orgiastic rites are recommended.’ (BO, p. 135). According to some scholars, the word kala means time; death and destruction and kalacakra is the wheel of destruction and kalacakrayana means the vehicle for protection against the wheel of destruction (MBO, p. 8). The main object of the followers of the Kalacakrayana was to obstruct the everchanging kalacakra and to keep themselves above the kalacakra . Practically, it is not a distinct school of Tantric Buddhism, but a particular name of the Vajrayana school.— BOA, p. 136; TB, pp. 75-76. 8 The Tattva-ratnavall, collected in the Advaya-vajra-samgraha, refers to the division of Mahayana into two schools viz., the Paramitanaya and Mantranaya and the latter school, after sometime, became known as the Mantrayana. The Mantrayanists gave more emphasis on the mantras than on any other thing.— BO, p. 130; BIIA, p. 115. 4 The Sahajayana is a branch of the Vajrayana. N.K. Sahu writes, ‘the word Sahaja literally means that which accompanies with the birth and manifests 48 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Buddhist monks. 1 ; Mahy monks fled to neighbouring places. The learned Buddhist iponk SakyaSrI first took hfs shelter in Orissa and from there he, went to Tibets . 2 Ratnaraksita Bhikkhu went to Nepal . 3 Buddhamitr&'along with other monks fled to South India . 4 So after the Muhammedan. invasion Buddhism practically disap- peared from north-east India. Many Buddhist monks, who went to south from Magadha, established their centres in Vijayanagara, Kalinga and Konkan 5 and made Buddhism popular there. Buddhism also flourished in Kashmir. Most of the rulers patronised it and gave their full support to its development. But when Shah Mir became the ruler after the second half of the fourteenth century ad Islam was the religion of the people. Buddhism lost its popu- larity and except Ladak it totally disappeared from there . 6 According to Taranatha , 7 a prince from Bengal repaired the monasteries and the terrace of the Bodhi-tree at Gaya in the middle of the fifteenth century ad. It shows that Buddhism had some follo- wers in Bengal at that time. Buddhism flourished in Orissa in the second of the sixteenth century ad in the reign of Mukunda — Deva HariScandra. But when the Muslim governor of Bengal conquered Orissa it lost its influence there . 8 After its disappearance from the land of its birth it took shelter in Nepal 9 where the Hindu rulers gave a warm welcome and under their patronage it began to flourish in this new land. itself as the primitive and natural propensities in man. The path that helps man to realise the truth through satisfying .these inborn and fundamental propensities is therefore, the most natural and easiest of all paths and hence it is called the Sahaja path or Sahajayana’ (BO, p. 137). Dr. S.B. Dasgupta also observes that ‘ the nature of Sahaja cannot be defined, it can only somehow be described. It will be evident that this Sahaja is the Brahman of the Upanishads and the Vedanta. It is the Nirvaijadhatu of canonical Buddhism, it is tathata (thatness) of Asvaghoja It is again the Vajradhatu or Vajrasattva of the Vajrayanista. It is the Bodhicitta in the form of the unity of SunyatS and Karun&, it is the mahasukha or supreme bliss. All these ideas have emerged in the idea of Sahaja of the Sahajias.’ (ORC, pp. 94-95). The Sahajias gave more emphasis on the objects of satisfying all needs of the physical body which is the place of all the tattvas, pithas and deities, and it is not possible for any body to attain siddhi without it. BO, p. 139. 1 M1B , p. 133. 2 ibid, p. 133. . s ibid, p. 133. 4 bid, p. 133. 6A//B, p. 134; IA, X, p, 185. «ibid, p. 134. ’ibid, p. 134; TGBJ, p. 256. *ibid, p. 134; ibid, p. 256. 9 ibid, p. 134. Chapter 3 History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-East Asia Prior to the Eleventh Century ad "Duddhism arose in India in about the sixth century bc and ^ soon began to play a vital role in the religious history of that country. The spread of Buddhism to countries outside India can be dated from the third century bc onwards and India played a very vital role in disseminating the message of the Buddha in the neighbouring lands. Buddhism underwent many changes in India, the Mahayana replacing the Hlnayana as the major school of Buddhism from about the first century ad. By the seventh century ad Buddhism was no longer a dynamic force in India and the Hlnayana school (the Theravada is a sect of the Hinayana school) had all but disappeared. By this time Ceylon where Buddhism had had an enthusiastic reception and, rapid expansion, became the main centre of the orthodox form of Buddhism. Hlnayana Buddhism had spread from India to south-east Asia as well and these countries began to look to Ceylon for religious inspiration. The eleventh century ad begins a very significant period in the history of Theravada Buddhism. The common bond of Theravada Buddhism brought together Ceylon and Buddhist south-east Asia, Ceylon playing a leading role in the exchange of ideas between them. The earlier history of Buddhism in Ceylon and the Theravada countries of south-east Asia would f orm a useful background in order to introduce the subject “Ceylon’s relations with south-east Asia and Theravada Buddhism from the eleventh to the eighteenth centuries ad.” 50 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Ceylon Buddhism was introduced to Ceylon by the thera Mahinda in the third century bc in the reign of Devanampiyatissa. 1 The arrival of the sacred relics, the alms-bowl of the Buddha, the Buddhist texts and the Bodhi tree from India 2 and the establishment of the Mahavihara at Anuradhapura 3 in the third century bc were im- portant events associated with the introduction of Buddhism to Ceylon. It is generally accepted that at the time of the introduction of Buddhism, there was no organised religion in Ceylon.' 1 In addition to Brahmanism brought across by the Aryan settlers, there were numerous local cults such as Yaksa cults, animistic cults, ancestor worship etc. 5 With royal patronage and popular enthusiasm Buddhism became the accepted religion of the country. According to the Mahavamsa, 8 many Buddhist monks from foreign countries attended the foundation-laying ceremony of the Mahathupa (Ruvanvalisaya) during the reign of Duttha GamanI (101-77 bc). This perhaps indicates that Ceylon was fast becoming a popular centre of Buddhism. The Buddhist texts were committed to writing for the first time in the first century bc . 7 Inspired by Buddhism and under the able guidance of the Buddhist clergy, Ceylon developed her art, literature and other aspects of culture. The Mahavihara, the seat of Theravada Buddhism and the citadel of orthodoxy, played an important role in the history of Buddhism in Ceylon. Its conflict with the Abhayagirivihara 8 (built by Vattagamanl-Abhaya (29-17 bc ). 9 and other rival sects of i Dpv, ch. VIII, v. 13; MHV, ch. XII, vv. 7-8. 2 ibid, ch. XVII, v. 21; ch. XIX, vv. 29-30; PSMK, p. 1. 3 ibid, ch. XV, vv. 24-25; HBC, p. 52. ' *HBC, p. 34. 5 ibid, p. 34. «MHV, ch. XXIX, v. 29. 7 ibid, ch. XXXIII, v. 101. 8 “The Abhayagiri fraternity, like the Mahavihara, is listed among the followers of the Theravada by the Chinese traveller Itsing. Their scriptures were the same as those of the Mahavihara but we are informed by the commen- tator of the Mahavamsa, that in certain sections of the Vinaya Pitaka for example the Khandhaka and the Parivara, the Canon, as studied in the Abhayagirivihara, had readings different from the corresponding text of the Mahavihara, and in interpretation, too, the two communities had different views ”. UCHC, I, Part I, p. 246. 9 MHV, ch. XXXIII, v. 81. History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 51 Buddhism forms the main theme of the religious history of Ceylon. Almost all the kings patronised either the Abhayagirivihara or the Mahavihara. Although the Ceylon chronicles and other religious texts often refer to the rise of new sects opposed to the Theravada and inspite of the patronage offered to the Abhayagirivihara by a few rulers and occasional disagreements between the Mahavihara and the state regarding religious matters, the Mahavihara and its tradition remained pre-eminent throughout the religious history of Ceylon. In the third century ad Voharika Tissa by suppressing the Vetulyavada 1 purified the religion. 2 The suppression of the Vetulyavada by king Gothabhaya took place in the first half of the fourth century ad.s Saiighamitta, a Mahayana Buddhist monk, arrived in Ceylon during this time and was patronised by Mahasena (334-362 ad) after his accession. 4 Due to Mahasena’s hostile attitude towards the Mahavihara many monks belonging to this sect fled to Rohana in Southern Ceylon and to the Malay hills. 5 Many buildings including the Lohapasada of the Mahavihara were demolished by the ruler. 6 But Meghavanna Abhaya, a minister of Mahasena, restored the Mahavihara. 7 The Jetavanarama (Jetavana Vihara) was constructed by king Mahasena within the precincts, of the Mahavihara inspite of the protests of the latter vihara, 8 and it was dedicated to Tissa,® a friend of the king who dwelt in the Dakkhinarama. 10 But the chief minister (mahamacco) inspite of the king’s opposition, disrobed Tissa. 11 This shows that Mahasena towards the end of his reign was quite helpless to do anything against the followers of the Mahavihara. . The Chinese traveller Fa-hsien, 12 who visited Ceylon in the reign of Buddhadasa at the beginning of the fifth century ad, stayed at the Abhayagirivihara. He states that there were 5000 monks at the 1 Theterm Vatulyavada is used to refer to the Mahayana ( CJHSS , vol. 9, No. 1 (January-June 1966), p. 55 fn. 1). According to Dr. Paranavitana, the Vetulyas or Vetullas (Sk. Vaitulyah or Vaipulyah) were a Mahayanist sect of Northern India. CCMT, p. 208. 2 MHV, ch XXXVI, v. 41. 3 ibid, ch. XXXVI, w. 111-112. 4 ibid, ch. XXXVI, vv. 1 1 2- 1 1 3 . 6 ibid, ch. XXXVII, v. 6. «ibid, ch. XXXVII, v. 11. 7 ibid, ch. XXXVII, v. 29. 8 ibid, ch. XXXVII, v. 33. 9 ibid, ch. XXXVII, v. 38. Wibid, ch. XXXVII, v. 32. t'ibid, ch. XXXVII, v. 39. ^HBC, p. 97. 52 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Abhayagirivihara and 3000 monks at the Mahavihara. 1 The Chinese traveller’s account indicates that the Abhayagirivihara was flourish- ing at this time. But it is doubtful whether the Mahavihara had lost its popularity to the extent indicated by the Chinese traveller. It was about this time, in the reign of Mahanama (409-431 ad), v that Buddhaghosa, the great commentator, on hearing of the fame and the scholastic activities of the monks of the Mahavihara, came to Anuradhapura and stayed at the Mahavihara 2 and translated the Slhala commentaries on the Tipitaka into the Pali language. 8 At the beginning of the sixth century ad a further purification of the Buddhist Sahgha took place during the reign of Moggallana l. 4 His son, Kumara Dhatusena (513-522 ad) also purified the Buddhist Sangha. 6 Towards the end of the sixth century ad the followers of the Vetulyavada were defeated by Jotipalathera in a public controversy. 6 The Nikayasangrahava states that after the defeat of this sect in a public controversy, the Vetulyavada had lost its popularity and the monks of the two Nikayas— the Abhaya- girivihara and the Jetavanavihara dismissed pride and lived in submission to the Mahavihara.? This indicates the importance of the Mahavihara in the sixth century ad. From the Chinese records and several Sanskrit inscriptions belonging to this period we learn that there was frequent religious intercourse between Ceylon and India and many Ceylonese monks visited the Buddhist shrines at Bodha Gaya. The Chinese text, Hing-tchoan of Wang Hiuen ts’e refers to the erection of a monastery at Bodh Gaya by a ruler of Ceylon for the accommodation of monks from Ceylon. 8 Two Sanskrit inscriptions, belonging to the sixth century ad found at Bodh Gaya, mention the erection of a Buddhist monastery and the presentation of a statue of the Buddha to the Bodh Gaya monastery by Mahanama, a Ceylonese monk of the sixth century ad . 9 Another inscription, belonging to the sixth or seventh century ad found at Bodh Gaya, refers to Prakhyataklrtti, a Sinhalese monk, who erected a dwelling place at Bodh Gaya. 10 He is said to have i BRWW, pp. LXXIII and LXXVI. 2 O', ch. XXXVIII, vv, 231-232, and 244. sibid, ch. XXXVII, v. 244. 6 ibid, ch. XLI, w. 1-2. INKS, p. 15. HA, XV, pp. 356-359; GB, pp. 184-186. 4 ibid, ch. XXXIX, v. 49. e ibid, ch. XLII, v. 35. OJCBRAS, XXIV, p. 75. MARASI, pp. 156-157. History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 53 belonged to the royal family of Ceylon. 1 In the seventh century ad the king of Kalinga visited Ceylon and became a monk under Jotipalathera. 2 He was followed by his wife and minister who entered the Sangha. 3 A recital of the Tipitaka was held under the patronage of Dali Moggallana III (611-617 ad ), 4 and an impetus was given to Buddhist literary activity. 5 King Silameghavanna (619-628 ad) in order to ensure the unity among the monks in the Sangha invited the monks of the Mahavihara and other fraternities 6 (very probably monks of the Abhayagirivihara and the Jetavanarama)and asked them to observe the uposatha ceremony in one place. 7 He thought that the religion would progress if. the monks of the different fraternities worked together, but he was refused. 8 The Mahavihara monks did not agree to hold the uposatha ceremony with the others and the king was powerless to do anything against the monks of the Mahavihara. Dathopatissa II (659-667 ad) wanted to erect a vihara for the Abhayagirivihara. 9 But the monks of the Mahavihara protested against the king’s idea. 10 But the latter carried out his plan. 11 The monks of the Mahavihara applied the pattanikkujjanakamma ‘turning down of the alms-bowl’ on king Dathopatissa II. 12 It would seem that the monks of the Mahavihara were powerful enough to openly criticise the acts of the king. These facts clearly signify the important position occupied by the Mahavihara in the seventh century ad. During this period all the three Nikayas 13 of Ceylon flourished under royal patronage. 14 Maintenance of villages was sanctioned by the king for the dwellers of the three Nikayas. 16 Aggabodhi VII (766-722 ad) purified the Buddhist Sangha and 2 CF, ch. XLVI, vv. 44-45. 4 ibid, ch. XLIV, v. 47. 5 ibid, ch. XLIV, v. 7 ibid, ch. XLIV, v. 80. 9 ibid, ch. XLV, vv. 29-30. “ibid, ch. XLV, v. 30. 1 ARAS1 , p. 156. 3 ibid, ch. XLII, v. 46. e ibid, ch. XLIV, v. 80. 8 ibid, ch. XLIV, 80. mibid, ch. XLV, v. 30. l2 ibid, ch. XLV, v. 31. 13 “The three Nikayas referred to in the chronicles were the Mahavihara, Abhayagirivihara and the Jetavana. There were two other sects known as Dhammaruci and Sagaliya, but they were included in the Abhayagiri and the Jetavana sects respectively — though sometimes they are referred to by their former names.” HBC , p. 195. U CV, ch. XLVI, v. 16. isjbid, ch. XLVI, v. 16. 47. the 54 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia patronised the three Nikayas. 1 The Jetavanarama Sanskrit inscription of the ninth century ad found in the precincts of the Abhayagirivihara refers to the foundation of a vihara for one hundred monks comprising twenty- five monks from each group of the four great Nikayas. 2 There was also provision for forty monks for the study of the sastras without affiliation to any of the Nikayas. 3 These Nikayas do not represent the traditional Nikayas of Ceylon, which were the Mahavihara, the Abhayagirivihara and the Jetavanavihara. The four Nikayas of the Jetavanarama Sanskrit inscription represent the four leading Nikayas of the Buddhist Sangha of India. 4 It has been suggested that the four principal Nikayas are the Mahasanghikas, Sarvastivadins, Sthaviravadins and the Sammitiyas. 5 The monks of the Abhayagirivihara were probably the Sthaviravadins here. 6 The Culavamsa refers to the construction of the VIrankurarama at the Abhayuttara (Abhayagiri) vihara by Sena I (831-851 ad) and the offering of this vihara by the king to the Mahasanghika monks and the Theriya monks. 7 It has been pointed out that the term Theriya although generally used for the monks of the Mahavihara could be applied to the monks of the Abhayagirivihara and the Jetavanarama as well. 8 Indian and Tibetan lists of Buddhist sects mention all the three fraternities under the Sthaviravadin school. 9 Thus it is argued that both the terms Theriya and Sthaviravadins could be used for all three or any one of the main Buddhist fraternities in Ceylon. 10 If the reference to the Theriya monks , in the Culavamsa in the reign of Sena I is to the monks of the Mahavihara, then it is very strange that the monks of the Mahavihara, who always regarded themselves as the orthodox group and who, as mentioned earlier, did not agree to hold the uposatha ceremony together with the monks of the other 1 CV, ch. XLVIII, vv. 71 and 73. 2 EZ, I, pp. 1-9. D.M. de Z. Wickremasinghe is of opinion that the script of this inscription is like the script used in the Magadha area in Northern India in about the middle of the ninth century AD. On palaeographical grounds it belongs to the first half of the ninth century AD and it possibly belongs to the reign of Sena I (833-853 AD). 3 ibid, I. p. 5. 4 CJHSS , vol. 9, No. I (January-June 1966), p. 62. Sibid, p. 63. 6 ibid, p. 63. 7 CV , ch. L, w. 58 and 69. %CJHSS, vol. 9, p. 62. 9 Lsbpv, pp. 25-26. 10 CJHSS, vol. 9, No. 1 (January-June 1966), p. 62. History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 55 fraternities, agreed to live within the precincts of the Abhayagiri- vihara with the monks of the other sects. 1 The Vajiriyavada was introduced to Ceylon during the reign of Sena I. 2 The Vajiriyas or Vajiriyavadins 3 seem to be identical with the Vajrayanists, the followers of the Tantric school which flourished in North-Eastern India at this time. During this period the Vikramasila monastery, 4 as a centre of Tantric teaching, played an important role in the propagation of Mahayana Buddhism not only within the borders of India but also outside and its repercussions were felt in Ceylon too.® In the reign of Sena I, Sutras like the Ratanakuta were introduced to Ceylon. 6 At this time a sect known as the NUapatadarSana appeared in the religious history of Ceylon. 7 The followers of this sect wore blue robes and preached indulgence in wine and love. A recital of the Abhidhamma was held under the patronage of Sena II (853-887 ad ). 8 He caused the whole of the Rattanasutta 9 to be written on a golden plate 10 and a sacrificial festival was held in its honour. He is known to have purified the Sangha and unified the three fraternities. Not very long after, Kassapa IV (898-914 ad) found it necessary to purify the Sangha by expelling indisciplined monks from the three fraternities. 11 He erected a Parivena 12 called the Samuddagiri in the Mahavihara and gave it to the Pamsukulikas. 13 Rev. Walpola Rahula while discussing sects or iCF, ch. XLIV, v. 80. 2 NKS, p. 18. 3 CjS, II, Section G, p. 39. ^JASBNS, V, pp. 1-13. &CJHSS, vol. 9, No. 1 (January-June 1966), p. 65. B NKS, p. 18. The Ratanakuta Sutra is the second of the seven classes into which the Mahayana Sutras of the Chinese Canon are sub-divided. (CIS, II, p. 39). The Ratanakuta or Pao-chi is one of the seven categories of the Mahayana class of the Sutra Pitaka in the Chinese Buddhist Canon (ibid, vol. 9, p. 64.) 7 NKS, p. 18. The followers of the Nllapatadarsana practised extreme forms of Tantrism (ibid, II, p. 40.) 8 CP, ch. LI, v. 79. 9 ibid, ch. LI, p. 155, transl. fn 3: The Ratanasutta is the Sutta I in the Culavagga of the Suttanipata. icibid, ch. LI, v. 79. U C V, ch. LII, v. 10. i 2 Parivena (Sinhalese Pirivana) denotes a building intended for the instruction of the monks, (ibid, ch. XXXVII, transl. p. 4 fn 1). i3“The word Pamsukula means rags found in dust-heaps and pamsukulin is a bhikkhu who wears garments made of such rags patched together. But the name must not be taken too literally; it is merely a symbol of the utmost poorness” (CCMT, p. 202). The Pamsukulins were those who used only rag-robes (HBC, p. 195). 56 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Nikayas in Ceylon states that there were Pamsukulikas belonging to the Mahavihara as well as to the Abhayagirivihara . 1 According to the Culavamsa, the Paipsukulikas separated themselves from the Abhayagirivihara and formed a group in the reign of Sena II . 2 This shows that there were Paipsukulikas who belonged to the Abhayagirivihara. Possibly the Pamsukulikas referred to in the Culavamsa in the reign of Kassapa IV were followers of the Mahavihara. This would explain how it was possible for Kassapa IV to build a Parivena for the Paipsukulikas within the precincts of the Mahavihara. Although the Dhammarucika 3 and the Sagalika 4 sects were also patronised by Kassapa IV , 6 he seems to have assisted the Mahavihara a great deal. He purified the Buddhist Sangha by expelling indisciplined monks from the three fraternities.® He erected a dwelling in a f orest and granted it to the arannavasl (forest dwellers) monks in the Mahavihara . 7 Even the king’s general Rukkha and the grand scribe Sena offered their services to the Mahavihara . 8 Kassapa V (929-939 ad) reformed the whole Sangha . 9 A recital of the Abhidhamma was held under the patronage of Mahinda IV (956-972 ad ). 10 Two tablets of Mahinda IV found at Mihintale refer to this king’s contribution towards the popularisation of the study of the Abhidhamma . 11 Sena V who, ascended the throne in the last quarter of the tenth century ad also followed the traditional policy of the rulers of this period in protecting the Buddhist Sangha . 12 The evidence cited in the preceding pages shows clearly .that the Mahavihara played an important role in the development of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon during the period up to the tenth X HBC , p. 196. acr, ch. LI, v. 52. 8 The Dhammaruci or the Dhammarucika belonged to the Abhayagirivihara (HBC, p. 195). 4 The Sagaliya or the Sagalika sect was formed in the reign of Gothabhaya (309-322 AD). When the Dhammarucikas or the residents of the Abhayagirivi- hara accepted the Vetulyavada, a Mahathera named Ussiliya-Tissa with about three hundred monks separated themselves from the monks of the Dhammaru- cikas and came to stay at the Dakkhinagiri from the Abhayagirivihara. A Mahathera named Sagala belonging to this group taught religion there and from that time this new group was known as the Sagalika. ibid, p. 92. SCT, ch. LII, v. 17. "ibid, ch. LH, v. 10. ’ibid, ch. LII, v. 22. 8 ibid, ch. LII, vv. 31-33. »ibid, ch. LII, v. 44. 10 ibid, ch. LIV, v. 36. H£Z, I, pp. 75-113. 12 CV, LTV, v. 68. History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 57 century ad. The rise of the Abhayagirivihara was an important phenomenon in the history of Buddhism in Ceylon. Although it received favoured treatment from a few rulers like Mahasena, it was not able to overshadow the Mahavihara ultimately. The Ceylon chronicles and other religious texts make many references to the rise of new sects, which were opposed to the Mahavihara. But inspite of this it would seem that under royal patronage the Mahavihara, the citadel of orthodoxy, remained pre-eminent as the main centre of Theravada Buddhism during this period. Burma The Ceylon chronicles refer to the introduction of Buddhism to Suvapnabhumi by the thera Sona and the thera Uttara under the patronage of the Buddhist king ASoka of India . 1 Several scholars like Vincent Smith, Kern have doubted about the authenticity of Anoka’s mission to Suvannabhumi . 2 Asoka himself in his Rock Edicts V and XIII gave a list of countries where he sent his religious teachers to popularise the religion of the Buddha . 3 But there is no reference to his mission to Suvannabhumi in this list. But the silence of ASoka’s Rock Edicts relating to this mission mentioned in the Ceylon chronicles does not throw any doubt about the authenticity. The Ceylon chronicles give in detail the list of all the countries where ASoka’s missionaries visited. But Asoka’s Rock Edicts do not mention the name of all of them where ASoka’s missions were sent. We know that the Rock Edicts do not .refer to the missions to several places, namely, KaSmira and the Himalayan countries, but the DIpavamsa and the Mahavamsa mentions them, and it has been accepted by most scholars about the historicity of the missions to the Himalayan countries referred to in the Ceylon chronicles. Most probably A§oka did not like to mention the name of all countries in his Rock Edicts but only he referred to those which he wanted to give by name. Therefore, the omission of mission of Sena and Uttara to Suvannabhumi in ASoka’s Rock Edicts does not prove or disprove the historicity of the facts referred to in the Ceylon chronicles. Wpv, VIII, v. 12; ch. Mhv, ch. XII, vv. 5-6. 2 Asoka, pp. 43 and 55; MIB, p. 117. 3 AS, pp. 21-29, 63-76. 58 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Raman iladesa or Lower Burma is referred to as Suvannabhumi in the KalyanI inscriptions . 1 It is generally accepted by most scholars that Suvannabhumi is Lower Burma . 2 Suvannabhumi or the land of gold as an important centre of commerce was very familiar to Indian people from a very early period. Several Buddhist Jataka stories of the late centuries Be., old Sanskrit works like the KathakoSa and the Brhatkatha, and several other books mention many sea-voyagesbetween Indian ports and Suvannabhumi. These sources give us an idea about the established trade between India and Suvannabhumi. The Mahajanaka Jataka refers tp the visit of prince Mahajanaka with a group of merchants to Suvanna- bhumi . 3 The Supparaka Jataka gives the story of a sea-voyage of several merchants between Bharukacca (Broach in Gujrat) and Suvannabhumi . 4 The Brhatkatha-Sloka-samgraha records the story of Sanudasa, who went to Suvannabhumi with a group of adventurers . 5 The Milindapanha refers to Suvannabhumi . 8 The Divyavadana describes the region of the earth where the soil is gold . 7 The Mahakarma Vibhanga records the story of merchants who used to visit to Suvannabhumi from Mahakosall and Tamralipti . 8 It refers to the conversion of Suvannabhumi to Gavampati . 9 The Sasanavamsa refers to Gavampati’s voyage to Suvannabhumi . 10 The Niddesa, a Buddhist canonical work, while narrating a sailor’s experiences in high seas, gives the name of Suvannabhumi and several other countries . 11 The Purana mentions that outside Bharatvar$a there is a country whose soil and mountains are gold . 12 Kautilya’s AuthaSastra refers to Suvanna- bhumi . 13 Even Greek, Latin, Arabic and Chinese writings mention the name of Suvannabhumi. There is a reference in Ptolemy’s 14 account to two countries in Further India, i.e., Chryse Chora or iSuvanijabhumi ratta-samkhata Ramannadesa, l A, XXII, p. 151. 2 SAS, p. 4; AHSEA, pp. 132-133; HB, III, p. 50; JA, XIX, p. 121; LLG, II, pp. 142-143; AHS, p. 43; JBRS, XIV, p. 153. 3 Jataka , VI, p. 22. *The Jatakamala, SBB., I, pp. 1 24ff; Jataka, III and IV, pp. 124, 86. 3 SD, Part I, p. 37. «MLP, p. 359 7 DV, p. 107 Mahantarb Sauvarnabhumim prithivipradecam, ” *MKV, p. 39. 9 ibid, p. 39. i°Sas, p. 37 UNiddesa, I, p. 155. 13 MB, ch. XIII, w. 12, 42; SD, p. 45. 13 KA, Bk. II, ch. XI, p. 91. ll AI, 1927; AISTBB, p. 3. History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 59 Khryse &hora— Golden Land and Chryse Chersonesus or Khryse Khersonese— Golden Peninsula. The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea also refers to them. 1 According to Gerini, Chryse Khora was situated just above the maritime region of the Gulf of Martaban. 2 According to R.C. Majumdar, Ptolemy’s Chryse Chersonesus is the Malay Peninsula and his Chryse Chora is a region to the north of it and that is Suvannabhumi. 3 If the identification of Suvannabhumi with Lower Burma is accepted, Buddhism would have been introduced to that country during the reign of ASoka. But no archaeological evidence exists in Lower Burma regarding the prevalence of Buddhism as early as the third century bc. The Pali inscriptions found at Sirikhetta now Hmawza in theProme district in Central Burma dates from the end of the fifth century ad or from ad 500. 4 Therefore, the identifica- tion of Suvannabhumi with Lower Burma is not conclusive. There is a reference in the Ceylon chronicles to the propagation of Buddhism in Aparantaka by Yonakadhammarakkhita in the reign of ASoka. 6 According to the author of the Sasanavamsa, Aparantarattha is none other than the Sunaparanta of the Burmese, i.e., the region lying to the west of the Upper Irrawaddy 6 Taw Sein Ko identifies Aparantaka with Sunaparanta, a region on the right bank of the Irrawaddy river near Pagan in Upper Burma. 7 The Po-U-Daung inscription (ad 1774) of Burma refers to a region called Suvannaparanta, which means the western end or extremity of Suvannabhumi. 8 In the British Burma Gazetteer Thoonaparanta (Sunaparanta) has been identified with the upper portion of the Thayet district on the west bank of the Irrawaddy river. 9 It is generally accepted by most scholars that Aparanta is in Western India. The kingdom of Aparanta is generally identified with the Northern Konkan with its capital at Surparaka or Supparaka. 10 Surparaka is identified with Supara or Sopara in the Thana district in Bombay in Western India. 11 The Mahabharata, which may have been compiled between 500 bc and 400 ad refers to Aparanta. 12 Aparanta finds mention in the Markandeya Purarta i PES, paras 52 and 63. Z RPGEA, pp. 65-66. 3 SD, p. 46. * AH SEA, pp. 35 and 133. *DPV, ch. VIII, v. 7; MHV, ch. XII, w. 5-6. 6 Sas, p. 9 HA, XXIII, p. 103. s AISTBB, p. 3. 9 BFG, III, p. 746. io IS, part I, p. 53 ;GEB, p. 58; NAGB, p. 14. n ibid, part I, p. 53. nAHSL, p. 309; BV, IX, p. 335; W, CCXVII, 7885-6; SV, XLIX, 1780-82. 60 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia as the region lying north of the Sindhu country in Western India . 1 RajaSekhara’s Kavyamlmamsa makes a reference to the five-fold divisions of India: Madhya- desa (Central India), Udlcya (Northern India), Pracya (Eastern India), Dakshinapatha (Deccan) and Aparanta (Western India ). 2 The Bhuvanakosa section of the Puranas refers to this same division . 8 According to Cunningham, Sindhu and Western Rajputana with Cutch and Gujrat, and a portion of the adjoining coast on the lower course of the Narmada river are included in Aparanta or in Western India . 4 The above arguments show that Aparanta identified as Western India is often mentioned in the earlier historical literature in India. But the tradition regarding the identification of Aparanta as a region in Burma is rather late. There is no reference to Aparanta in the Burmese literature and inscriptions belonging to the early centuries of the Christian era. Even the Burmese inscriptions belonging to the eleventh and twelfth centuries make no mention of Aparanta . 5 Therefore the location of Aparanta in Upper Burma is doubtful. There is evidence to show that Theravada Buddhism flourished in Lower Burma in the sixth century ad. Several inscriptions in Pali have been found at Hmawza. The discovery of these inscriptions clearly indicate that Theravada Buddhism existed at that time. Two gold plates were found at Maunggan, a small village near Hmawza . 6 Each of the two Maunggan gold plates contains three lines and each plate begins with “ye dhamma hetuppabhava — ” in Pali. The two plates are given below: First Plate Line I. Ye dhamma-hetuppabhava tesam-hetum-Tathagata laha tesan-cha-yo-nirodho evamvadi-mahasamano-ti . 7 mp, ch. 58. 2 THCPATC , pp. 12, 517; SGAMI , p. 73. Rajasekhara flourished during [the ninth century AD. 3 ibid, p. 73. *AGI, pp. 13-14. *NAGB, p. 14. 6 JA, XIX, pp. 130fT; JA, XX, p. 193. 7 “A11 these phenomena which are born of causes, Tathagata has preached of those causes, and he has also preached of their cessation. The Great Sramana is the holder of such he has a doctrine.” BD, IV, transl., pp. 73-74. History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 61 Line 2. Catvaro-iddhipada 1 catvaro-samappadhana 2 catvaro- satipatthana 3 catvari-ariyasaccani 4 chatuvesarajjani 6 pafichin-driyani 6 paficha-chakkuni 7 chha. Line 3. Asaddharanani 8 satta-bhojjhang a ilddhipada means roads to power. They are called the four following qualities for they, as guides are indicating the road to power connected therewith; and because they are forming, by way of preparation, the roads to the power consti- tuting the fruition of the path, namely, concentration of intention (Chanda), energy (viriya), consciousness (citta) and investigation (Vimamsa). ... NBD, p. 56. 2 Samappadhana means right exertion. There are four, exertion to prevent sinful conditions arising, exertion to put away sinful states already existing, exertion to produce meritorious states not yet in existence and exertion to retain meritorious conditions already existing, ...ADPL, p. 435. 3 Satipatlhana means fixing the attention or applications of attentive- ness (lit.' awarenesses of attentiveness). The four satipatthanas are: contemplation of body, contemplation of feeling, contemplation of mind, and contemplation of mind-objects NBD , p. 143, ibid, p. 466. 4 Ariyasaccani means sublime truths. The four Noble Truths are: the truth of suffering, the origin or the cause of suffering, the extinction or cessation of suffering and the path leading to the cessation of suffering, ibid, pp. 73 and 132; ibid, 56; DEBS, p. XII. BVesSraj jani means confidence. A Buddha has four vesarajjas or subjects of confidence or fearlessness. They are the consciousness that he has attained omniscience, that he has freed himself from human passion, that he has rightly described the obstacles to a religious life, and that he has rightly taught the way to obtain salvation.. ..ADPL, p. 564. Hndriyam means an organ of sense, a power or faculty. The five indriyas are— faith, energy, recollection, contemplation and wisdom ibid, p. 159; MIB, p. 69. 7 Pancacakkhu means the five sorts of vision. They are— the human eye, the divine eye, the eye of wisdom, the eye of universal knowledge and the eye of a Buddha. By the last is meant the knowledge of the four truths, the discovery of which is the distinguishing feature of a Buddha. ...ibid, pp. 326-327. 8 The six ‘Higher Spiritual Powers’ consist of five mundane (lokiya) powers attainable through the utmost perfection in mental concentration, and one supermundane power attainable through penetrating insight, i.e., extinction of all biases, in other words, realization of Arhatship or Holiness. They are: magical powers, divine ear, penetration of other’s mind, divine eye, remembrance of former existences and extinction of all biases NBD, p. 2. 9 Bhojjhanga or Bojjhafigo means a member or constituent or link of Bodhi or Enlightenment. There are seven Bojjhatigas, or requisites for attaining the supreme knowledge of a Buddha. They are: attentiveness or recollection or mindfulness, investigation of the Law, energy, rapture or joy, tranquility or calm or repose, concentration or contemplation and equanimity or indifference. NBD, p. 29; ADPL, p. 93. 52 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia magga 1 nava-lokuttara dhamma 2 dasa-balani 3 cuddasa Buddha- koni 4 attharasa-Buddhadhammani . 5 It is clear from the first plate that apart from this well-known Buddhist formula there are ref erences to several categories of Saddhamma from the Abhidhamma. The Vibhanga, one of the seven books of the Abhidhamma, explains in detail some of these categories. 1 Ariyo-atthahgiko magga or the ‘noble or holy eightfold path’ is the way pointed out by the Buddha for escape from the misery of existence or it consists of eight gradually developed stages culminating in the realisation of supreme knowledge. These are: right view, right resolve or right thought, right speech, right action, right living, right exertion, right recollection and right meditation. ......ibid, p. 81; ibid, p. 67; DEBS, p. XII. 2 Nava-lokuttara dhamma lokuttara means supermundane. They are nine. They are-the four supermundane paths, and the four supermundane fruitions of the paths and nirvana. The four patha are the one realizing the path of stream-winning, the one realizing the path of once-return, the one realizing the path of never-return and the one realizing the path of Holiness. The four supermundane fruitions are. ..the one realizing the fruition of stream-winning, the one realizing the fruition of once-returri, the one realizing the fruition of never-return and one realizing the fruition of Holiness. The last one is Nirvana. It means extinction. “Extinction of greed, extinction of hates. extinction of delusion: this is called Nirvana ibid, pp. 17 and 93; ibid, p. 222. 3 Dasa-balani or the ten powers or the one possessed’of the ten, i.e„ the Buddha. The Perfect One understands according to reality, the possible as possible and the impossible as impossible; the result of past, present and future actions; the path leading to the welfare of all; the world with its many different elements; the different inclinations in beings; the lower and higher faculties in beings; the defilements, purity and rising with regard to the trances, deliverances, concentration and attainments; remember- ing many former rebirths; perceiving with the divine eye how beings vanish and re-appear again according to their*ad?tibn^#n'd> gaining through extinction of all biases possession of ‘Deliverance of v mii$d ‘and’ Deliverance through wisdom ...NBD, p. 37; MIB, p. 62. 4 Difficult to explain it. 5 Attharasa-Buddhadhammani .. .The eighteen avenika dharmas, otherwise termed Buddha-dharmas or qualities of a Buddha, are, shortly stated, the following: the seeing of all things past, of all things future, of all things present, propriety of actions of the body of thought, firmness of intention or intuition, of memory, of samadhi, of energy, of speed, of emancipation, of wisdom, freedom from fickleness or wantonness, from noisiness, fromconfused- ness, hastiness, from heedlessness, from inconsiderateness... MIB, p. 63; FED, p. 113, part I (A). History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 63 Second Plate Line 1. Ye-dhamma-hetuppabhava (te)sa(m)-hetu-Tathagato aha tesan-cha-yo nirodho evamvadi-mahasamano ti iti-pi- so-bhagava araham. 1 Line 2. Sammasambuddho vijjacharanasampanno sugato lokavidu anuttaro-purisadhammasarathi sattha-devamanussanarn Buddho bhagava-ti. 2 Line 3. Svakkhyato bhagavata-dhammo sanditthiko akaliko ehipassiko opanayiko pachchattam veditavvo vinnuhiti. 3 Like the first plate, the second plate opens with the well-known Buddhist formula. The second and third lines of this plate refer to the Buddha. They can be traced in the Mahaparinibbana Sutta of the DIgha Nikaya. 4 Three fragments of a stone inscription in Pali were found round the base of the Bawbawgyi pagoda, near Hmawza. 6 The inscription reads as follows: (1) (Samphusa) na samphus(i)tattam vedanakkhandho sanna- khandho sankharakkandho (2) ditthivipphanditam ditthiayam vuccati chalayatanapaccaya phasso tattha katam(a)(pha)ssa paccaya vedana yam ceta(s)i(kam). (3) Saiinojanam ga(ho) patilaho patiggaho abhiniveso paramaso mummago...... This inscription refers to some of the contents of the Vibhanga of the Abhidhamma Pitaka. But the subject-matter of the inscrip- tion is not arranged in a systematic way and it never follows the written order of the Vibhanga. It refers to some of the constituent elements. ..vedana (sensation), saiina (consciousness) and samkhara ip. 60-61.- Believing the Exalted one to be the Arhant, the fully-Enlightened One, wise, upright, happy, world-knowing, supreme, the bridler of man’s wayword hearts', the Teacher of gods and men, the Exalted and Awakened One” ...SBB, III; DB, part II, p. 99. 3 “„ believing the truth to have been proclaimed by the Exalted One, of advantage in this world, passing not away, welcoming all, leading to salvation, and to be attained toby the wise, each one for himself.” ...ibid, p. 99. 4 i)JV, II, p. 93. 5 JA, XIX, p. 135; JA, XX, p. 193; ARASI, p. 22. 64 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia (confections); and six ayatanas, namely, eye, ear, nose, tongue, body and mind and contact (phassa) and fetters (samyojana ). 1 A book of twenty leaves of gold was found at Hmawza . 2 In these twenty leaves there are about nine passages from the different texts of the Pitakas . 3 An inscribed gold leaf in Pali has been found at Kyundawza . 4 All these inscriptions are written in characters similar to the Andhra-Kannada script of South India of about the sixth century ad . 5 From all these plates and inscriptions found at or near Hmawza it is clear that it was an important centre of Theravada Buddhism by the sixth century ad. Buddhist canonical texts written in the Pali language were known and widely studied during this period. The Pali records or inscriptions in the Andhra Kadamba script of South India found at or near Hmawza indicate that Burma had close connections with the Theravada Buddhist centres in Southern India. In the fifth and sixth centuries ad Kancipuram, Negapatam and Kaverlpattanam in South India were important centres of Theravada Buddhism. The importance of Kancipuram is testified to by Bud- dhaghosa . 6 The Buddhaghosa tradition seems to suggest that important centres of Buddhism existed in eastern Deccan and the Far South till as late as the sixth and seventh centuries ad . 7 Accor- ding to the Ceylon chronicles , 8 Buddhaghosa was born near Bodhgaya in Southern Bihar, i.e. North-Eastern India and he visited the island of Ceylon from this region. The Sasanavamsa 9 records that Buddhaghosa was born in a Brahmin village named Ghosagama near the Bodhi tree in India. According to the Visuddhimagga , 10 moranda-khetaka was the home of Buddhaghosa. This place has been identified with Kotanemalipuri and Gundlapalli in the Guntur 1 DEBS, p. XIII; AP, Book I, pp. 245 and 270)' 2 ARASI, 1938-39, pp. 12-22; ARASI, 1926-27, p. 200. 3 ibid, pp. 12-22. sibid, 1928-29, pp. 108-109. Kyundawza, a small village near Hmawza in cent- ral Burma. sARASB, 1924, p. 28; 1938-39, p. 12; ARASI. 1926-27, pp. 171ff, «Bg, p. 26. •’AISTBB, p. 45 fi Cr, I, ch. XXXVII, v. 215 and p. 22, fn. 7. 9 Sas , p. 29. 1" CHJ , II, p. 239; CJHSS, III, 1960, p. 40. History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 65 district. 1 The Saddhammasangha states that Buddhaghosa came to the island of Ceylon from Negapatam in South India. 8 The Glass Palace Chronicle refers to the two traditions. 3 One which says that he came to Ceylon from the Thaton kingdom to bring copies of the Pitaka 4 and the other which says that he came to Ceylon from Madhyadesa (Middle country) in Northern India.® The Burmese texts refer to Gola, a city near Thaton in Lower Burma as the birth place of Buddhaghosa. 6 Born in Thaton, Buddhaghosa took his journey to Ceylon in the year of religion 943 = ad 400. 7 According to some scholars, Buddhaghosa came to Burma from Ceylon to the popularisation of Buddhism. 8 The Burmans describe an important phenomenon in the history of Buddhism in Burma when Buddhaghosa returned to Burma from Ceylon, after the completion of his work from Sinhalese into Pali. He is said to have brought a copy of Kaccayana's Pali grammar to Burma from Ceylon and he translated this book into Burmese. 9 He is said to have written a volume of parables into Burmese and he introduced the Burmese Code of Manu into Burma from Ceylon. 10 TheCulavamsa mentions that he returned to the Middle country to pay his respects to the Bodhi tree. 11 However, apart from the Burmese tradition, which itself is not unanimous, there is no other evidence to suggest that Buddhaghosa was a Talaing from Lower Burma. The KalyanI inscriptions record the more important events relating to the growth and development of the history of Buddhism in Burma. But they do not mention anything about the part played by Buddhaghosa in the introduction of the Buddhist texts to LowerBurma. This would have been undoubtedly an important event in the history of Bud- dhism in Burma. But the omission of it in the KalyanI inscriptions throws some doubt on its authenticity. Pali being the common language of intercourse among the Theravada countries, Buddha- ghosa’s translation of the Sinhalese commentaries into Pali made these texts available to the Buddhists of Burma as well. We may, therefore, surmise that Buddhaghosa ’s endeavours gave an impetus to the development of Theravada Buddhism in Lower Burma. From epigraphical sources found in Hmawza mentioned above, WJHSS, p. 40. *Sds, p. 53. • 4 ibid, p. 46. 8 ibid, p. 46. 7 BP, p. XVI, fn. 1; AISTBB, p. 24 3 HVB, p. 40. WA, XIX, p. 119. 3 GPC, pp. 46-50. 3 Bgp, p. 22 miB, p. 125. ucy, ch. XXXVII, v. 246. 66 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia it is clear that Theravada Buddhism existed in Lower Burma in the sixth century ad. This is corroborated by the facts recorded in some of the Chinese travellers’ accounts. Among them I-tsing’s record is very useful. He visited India and some parts of South-east Asia from China at the end of the seventh century ad and he spent in these regions for about twenty-five years (ad 671-695). While men- tioning the names of several places in South-east Asia he states in his account that the inhabitants of Shih li-ch’a-ta-lo revere the three gems. 1 This Shih-li-Ch’a-ta-le has been identified with Siri- khetta or Prome. 2 I-tsing mentions that there were four Nikayas or Schools in Sirikhetta. The four schools were: the Aryamahasan- ghika, the Aryasthavlra, the Aryamulasarvastivada and the Arya- sammitiya. 3 Among these four schools the Aryasthaviravada is the most primitive school of Buddhism. About a century after the Buddha’s Mahaparinibbana, there was a division among the monks. Some monks protested against the strict rules which existed at that time. They wanted some relaxations of these rules. But the orthodox monks did not agree with them and they did not allow to do. Thus these orthodox monks were known as the Sthaviravadins, Pali Theravadins, 4 while the monks who tried for the relaxation of the strict rules were later on called the Mahasanghikas. 5 It was “a division between the conservative and the liberal, the hierarchic and the democratic,” and the Sthaviravada was the most conservative school and maintained its doctrines in Pali.® The Sarvastivada school was one of the branches of the Theravada or the Sthavira- vada. 7 Thfe Mahavyutpatti 8 refers’to two names of Sarvastivada, viz., Mulasarvastivada and Aryasarvastivada, According to a tradi- tion, the Sarvastivadins were, divided into four schools, viz., the Mulasarvastivada, the Dharmaguptas, the Mahasasakas and the Kasyaplyas. 9 Another traditiQn suggests that this school was divided into seven sects. 10 I-tsing 11 states that when the Sarvastivada was further sub-divided in the seventh century ad, it was known as the Mulasarvastivada. The Aryasammitiya school was a Hinayanist or Theravada school. 12 Thus I-tsing’s account shows that Buddhism 1 ARBRIMA, pp. 9-10. 3 ARBRIMA, pp. 7-8. •ibid, p. 3. »ibid, p. 4. 1 *FC, pp. 178, 242, 246. 2 HB, 32; JBRS, pp. 160-161. *SL, p. 3. Bibid, p. 3. 7 ibid. p. 4. 8 ibid, p. 4. 10 HBT, p. 38. 11 5 , £, p. 9. History of T heravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 67 flourished at Prome in the seventh century ad. Not only I-tsing’s record, the chronicles of the T’ang dynasty of China (ad 618-907) refer to the religion of Prome. These chronicles mention a P’iao (Pyul kingdom which had eighteen vassal states mainly in Southern Burma. 1 The capital of this kingdom has been identified with Shih- li-cha-ta-lo of the Chinese traveller. 2 The chronicles of the Tang dynasty state, “when the P’iao king goes out in his palanquin, he lies on a couch of golden cord. For long distances he rides an elephant The wall of his city built of greenish glazed tiles, is 160 li round, with twelve gates and with pagodas at each of the four corners. The people live inside They are Buddhists and have a hundred monasteries At seven years of age, the people cut their hair and enter a monastery; if at the age of twenty they have not grasped the doctrine they return to lay estate... ”. s This fact shows that Buddhism flourished at Prome during the eighth and ninth centuries, ad. ThisPyu kingdom of Prome mentioned above came to an end in the ninth century ad . 4 The Thai state of Nanchao which occupied the west and North-west of Yuanan and which dominated upper and Lower Burma, conquered the Pyu kingdom in ad 832. b Not only the epigraphical and literary sources show the existence of Buddhism in Prome, the archaeological and sculptural evidences also prove that Buddhism flourished. Several stone sculptures depic- ting scenes from the life of the Buddha were discovered at Prome. In one relief the Buddha was about to take food offered to him by the two figures, and these two figures were Tapussa and Bhallika, the two merchants. 6 In another relief, 7 the Buddha is represented as seated in 'Bhumisparsamudra on a lotus pedestal and on his left there is an almsbowl. He is surrounded by four figures who are offering bowls to the Buddha. In another tablet 8 the Buddha is surrounded by two figures on each side. Below them are six persons, three on each side of the Dharmacakra (the Wheel of the Law). Below them are two gazelles. This scene represents the Deer Park in Benares. Relief sculptures representing the story of the taming of the elephant Nalagir? at Rajagaha, the birth story of Gautama were found at Hmawza. 9 These sculptures have been lAISTBB, pp. 55-56. 2 TMSEA, p. 68 AH SEA, p. 133. S B, p. 12. *AHSEA. pp. 134-135. Bibid, pp. 134-135. « AISTBB , p. 65. 7 ABA v/, 1927-28, p. 129. Sibid, 1909-1910, p. 123. 9 ibid, 1938-39, pp. 7-9. 68 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia assigned to a period from the sixth to the ninth centuries ad . 1 They would have been erected under the patronage of the rulers of the Vikrama dynasty which was ruling at Prome in the seventh and eighth centuries ad . 2 Several urn inscriptions in the Pyu language mixed with Pali found near the Payagi pagoda atHmawza refer to this dynasty . 3 From stone sculptures andinscriptions it isclear that the rulers of the Vikrama dynasty were devout worshippers of the Buddha and under their patronage Buddhism flourished at Prome. This dynasty probably had close touch \yith the Buddhist centres in South India. Because the characters of the several inscriptions found at Prome were like the Kadamba script or Kannada-Telegu script or the Pallava-Kadamba region of South India . 4 According to the Burmese tradition. Pagan in Upper Burma was founded in the beginning of the second century ad> But little is known of the history of upper Burma until the eleventh century ad. However, it is known that both Mahayana and Tantrayana 8 were known in Pagan before the introduction of Theravada Buddhism from Thaton in Lower Burma by Anuruddha of the Pagan dynasty in the middle of the eleventh century ad. Siam The traditional belief in Siam is that Buddhism was introduced to that country during the reign of A^oka . 7 According to the Ceylon chronicles . 8 Mahadhammarakkhita and Maharakkhita introduced Buddhism to Maharattha and the Yona region during the reign of ASoka. The author of the Sasanavamsa identifies Maharattha with Siam . 9 He mentions that Maharattha is Mahanagararattha in Siam . 10 He states further that the Yonaka country 11 extends along the valleys of the Menam and Mae Phing rivers and includes the Shan states to the north of these. It is generally accepted by most scholars that Maharattha is the tARASI, 1909-1910, p. 123; AISTBB, pp. 65-66. *AHSEA, p. 133; El, XII, p. 127. sjbid, XII, pp. 127-132. *JA XX, pp. 121 ff. SAHSEA, p. 136. tRASI, 1915-1916, p. 79. 1 TSS, 1959, pp. 44-46. S DPV, ch. VHI, vv. 8-9; MHV, ch. XII, w. 5-6. 9 Sas, p. 8. 10 ibid, p. 8. 11 ibid, p. 5. History of Thsravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 69 region of the upper Godavari 1 It is Maharashtra in Western India . 2 The Yona region has been located in the north-west region of India , 3 where there were Indo-Greek settlements . 4 But the tradition regarding the identification of Maharattha and the Yona region with regions in Siam is rather late. There is no archaeological evidence which suggests the prevalence of Buddhism in Siam as early as the third century BC.Thus the location of Maharattha and the Yona region visited by the Buddhist missionaries in Anoka’s period in Siam seems unacceptable. From the archaeological finds discovered at the Menam valley, it is clear that this region was an important centre of Theravada Buddhism from the sixth or seventh century ad. onwards. The Menam valley can be divided into regions, the upper and the lower Menam valley. The Dvaravat! kingdom in the lower Menam valley in lower-central Siam was a well-known centre of Buddhism. The Chinese traveller Hiuan Tsang refers to a Buddhist kingdom named T’o-lo-po-ti 5 which is situated between the Pyu kingdom of Sirikhetta (Prome) in Lower Burma and the Khmer kingdom . 6 E.J. Eitel refers to T’o-lo-po-ti as Dvarapat! or Dvaravat!, the lord of the gate . 7 Coedes and other scholars refer to it as Dvaravat !. 8 The archaeological remains show that this kingdom was established in the sixth or seventh century ad. 9 The inhabitants of the kingdom of Dvaravat! were Mon people . 10 Thdlr capital was at first at Nagarama Patha or Nagara Prathama (Nakorn Patom or more usually, Phra Pathom), and later at Lavo or Lopburi . 11 The political influence of the Dvaravat! kingdom extended as far as Haripunjaya (Lampoon) in Northern Siam. A fragment of an inscription in archaic Mon belonging to the sixth century has been found at Phra Pathom . 12 Another Mon inscription has been found in a monument called San Sung at Lavo or Lopburi in Siam 1 * and consists of four brief sections. It refers to various gifts dedicated to a Buddhist monastery. It is not dated. But according iSas, p, 8; JPTS, 1888, p. 69; ADM, p. 48. 2 ibid, p. 8. »bid, p. 5; ADM, p. 47. *ibid, p. 5; ibid, p. 47. &LHT, p. 101. 6 TMSEA, p. 69; JRASGBI, 1966, p. 40. ’’ACHBAS, p. 24. MM SEA, p. 69; JAOS, LXV, 1945, p. 98; JRASGBI, 1966, p. 40. 9 AH SEA, p. 135. - 10 ibid, p. 135; TMSEA, p. 69; TSSFACP, I, p. 238 ; ACHBAS, p. 25. 1:l ibid, p. 135. l2 TMSEA, p. 69; AIBL, 1952, p. 146. &BEFEO, XXV, pp. 186-188; BEFEO, XXX, pp. 82-85. History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia opinion that it can be ascribed to the eighth century ad. 3 According to Duroiselle , 1 a few letters of the inscription seem to be closely related to the Pallava script of South India, an important centre of Theravada Buddhism of the fourth and fifth centuries ad. The Dharmacakra (the wheel of the Law) associated with a figure of a deer, foot-prints of the Buddha, the Vajrasana. seated Buddha images and votive tablets bearing inscriptions ‘Ye dhamma hetuppabhava ’in Pali were found at PhraPathom . 6 Several images of the Buddha in bronze or bluish limestone not later than the sixth century ad have been found at P’ong Tuk in the province of Rajapuri (Ratburi) in Lower Siam . 8 Among several ruined buildings discovered at P’ong Tuk, one contained the remains of a platform and fragments of columns . 7 The appearance of this platform reminds one of similar platforms at Anuradhapura in Ceylon . 8 From the archaeological finds, the architectural and sculptural remains and Pali inscriptions it is clear that from the sixth century onwards Theravada Buddhism flourished in the lower Menam valley and it continued to be the dominant religion there. But when the lower Menam valley came under the control of the Khmer rulers who were patrons of Brahmanism and Mahayana Buddhism, Theravada Buddhism also continued to flourish there. The Haripunjaya kingdom 9 of the upper Menam valley was an important kingdom in Northern Siafn. The Jinakalamall, a text of the first half of the sixteenth century ad, indicates that there was some political alliance between the kingdoms of Haripunjaya, Ramannanagara 10 and Lopburi. It is stated in this text that in the 1TMSEA, p. 69. 2 RSASB, 1919, p. 19. s AHSEA, p. 135. 1919, p. 21. 6 TMSEA, p. 70; JAOS, LXV, p. 100; ACHBAS. pp. 26-27. 7 *u* j P ’ 100, ‘ AA ’ voUll > p- 69 l IAL > II, p. 15 and X, p. 42. ’ibid, LXV, p. 99; ibid, II, p. 11 . *TSSFACP, I, p. 216. 9 The name Haripunjaya is correct, but the inhabitants of northern Thailand mispronounced it as Haribhufijaya The town is generally known as Muang Lampoon (Muang, ‘town’) or Nakorn Lampoon (Nakorn ‘nagara’). At present it is called Cangwat Lampoon or Lampoon province. TSGEC, p. 96 fn. 6 . “According to Prof. Jayawickratna, the city of Ramanfia, i.e. Ramanfianagata. History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 71 year 1204 of the Mahaparinibbana of the Buddha, the sage named Vasudeva founded the city of Haripunjaya. 1 Then the princess CammadevI, the daughter of the king of the city of Lava, 2 and the wife of the provincial ruler of Raman nanagara, began to rule at Haripunjaya 1206 yearsafter the Maha parinibbana, of the Buddha i.e., in ad. 663. 3 It is said that the king of the city of Lopburi sent his daughter to become the ruler there on the advice of a Buddhist monk and a layman of Haripunjaya. 1 After leaving her husband, she came to Haripunjaya with soldiers and 500 great Elders versed in the three Pitakas in the second half of the seventh century ad. b We have already seen that Lopburi, the home of the princess CammadevI, was an important centre of Theravada Buddhism and that Ramannanagara her husband’s kingdom, which was situated between Lopburi and Ayuthia in the lower Menam valley was also a centre of Theravada Buddhism. It has also been noticed that the lower Menam valley was peopled by a Mon- speaking race. Therefore, the story of the Jinakalamall indicates the introduction of Mon culture and Theravada Buddhism to Haripunjaya in the second half of the seventh century ad. It must, however, be borne in mind that the Jinakalamall is a work of the sixteenth century ad and the foundation of the Haripunjaya kingdom, as narrated in the Jinakalamall, took place towards the middle of the seventh century ad. Therefore, there is a .gap of about eight and half centuries between this event (i.e., the founda- tion of the Haripunjaya kingdom) and the date assigned to the writing of the Jinakalamall. So it is not possible to ascertain whether the facts relating to a period as early as the seventh century ad in the Jinakalamall are very accurate. Unfortunately, we have no archaeological evidence regarding the prevalence of Bud- dhism in this part of Siam prior to the eleventh century ad. In the tenth century ad the friendly relations that existed between Lopburi and Haripunjaya in the early period seem to have been strained. The Jinakalamall mentions that towards the end should read Ratnanagara. This state was situated between Lopburi and Ayuthia: ...... TSGEC, p. 100 fn. 6. WEFEO, XXV, p. 36. 2 TSGEC , p. 96 fn 8: Muang Lopburi (Lop, ‘Lava’, hurt, ‘Puri’). It is now the Cangwat Lopburi (Province) of Thailand. 3ibid, p. 100; BEFEO, XXV, pp. 36-37. a ibid, p. 100; ibid, XXV, p. 37. ®ibid, p. 37; ibid, p. 100. 72 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia of the tenth century ad the king of Haripufijaya invaded the city of Lopburi . 1 It says 3 that in the middle of the eleventh century ad in the reign of Kambala of Haripufijaya, an epidemic of plague raged for six years and in order to escape from it, the people of Haripunjaya fled to the city of Suddhammanagara (Thaton in Lower Burma). Being harassed by the king of Punnakama (or Punnagama or Pagan), they came to the city of Harpsavati (Pegu) in lower Burma . 3 When the epidemic of plague had subsided, all of them returned to Haripunjaya . 4 Probably, the king who harassed them was king Anuruddha of Pagan, who attacked Manuha, the Mon king of Thaton. It is possible that some Mon people from Southern Burma came over to Haripufijaya with the Mon people of Haripunjaya and settled there 5 because of Anuruddha’s invasion as well as the ties of friendship established. That Burmese influence was felt in the Haripunjaya kingdom is confirmed by the fact that scholars like Blagden and Halliday have detected Burmese characters of the eleventh century ad in several Mon inscriptions at Haripunjaya dated in the eleventh century ad 6 “ the people of Haripunjaya brought the Mon and the Burmese alphabet to their city and Adopted it in Northern Siam. It survives to the present day. Even today a few people of Mon descent are to be found in the city of Lampoon .” 7 All these facts give an idea about Mon dominion over Haripun- jaya in Northern Siam. The Mon people made an important contribution to the development of Theravada Buddhism in the lower Menam valley in Southern Siam. Similarly, we may assume that the Mon kingdom of Haripufijaya too played a vital role in the establishment of Theravada Buddhism in the upper Menam valley in Northern Siam. Cambodia The earliest known kingdom in Cambodia which was founded in the lower valley of the Mekong in the first century ad was Funan . 8 Its capital for a time was Vyadhapura, ‘the city of hunters’,® i BEFEO, XXV, p. 38; TSGEC, p. 103. 2 ibid, p. 39; ibid, p. IO4. 3 ibid, p. 39; ibid, p. 104. 4 ibid, p. 39; ibid, p. 104. B ibid, p. 80 fn. 6. «BFFEO, XXX, pp. 86ff. 7 TSGEC, p. 104 fn. 1. a TAKE, p. 12; TMSEA, pp. 57-58. ^BEFEO, XXVIII, p. 127. History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 73 which was situated near the hill of Ba Phnom and the village of Banam the province of Prei Veng. According to a local legend, the kingdom was founded by an Indian Brahmin named Kaundinya, who is known in the Chinese sources as Hun-t’ien. This Brahmin adventurer of the lunar race saw in his dream that he had received a divine bow from a spirit. According to its direction, he went to Funan with this bow. The queen of the country, Liu-ye ‘willow leaf,’ attacked his ship and he shot an arrow from his divine bow. She was frightened and she submitted herself to him who accepted her as his wife and ruled the country as king and queen. There is evidence to show that Buddhism flourished at Funan in the fifth and sixth centuries ad under royal patronage. Among the kings of the Funan dynasty the reigns of Kaundinya Jayavarman (ad 478-514) and Rudravarman (ad 514-539) were important from the religious and cultural point of view. In ad 484 Kaupdinya Jayavarifian sent a mission to the Chinese ruler under the leadership of a Buddhist monk named Nagasena. 2 According to Pelliot, the Annals of the Liang dynasty of China (ad 502-556) record* that Kaupdinya Jayavarman in ad 503 sent a mission with a coral image of the Buddha to the Chinese ruler Wu-ti, who was a patron of Buddhism. During the reign of the same king two learned Buddhist monks of Funan, Seng-Kia-p’o or Sanghapala or Sanghavarman and Man-t’ o-lo-Sien or Mandrasena came to the Chinese court in the early years of the sixth century ad to translate the Buddhist scriptures. 4 The first monk knew several languages. Both monks worked in China several years for translating Buddhist documents. This indicates the existence of Buddhist monasteries at Funan in Cambodia at this time, where Buddhist texts were studied. After Kaupdinya Jayavarman, Rudravarman came to the throne in ad 514.® The Annals of the Liang dynasty also refer 6 to his cultural and friendly relations with Wu-ti, the Chinese ruler. King Rudravarman in ad 539 made it known to the court of China that in his country there was a long Hair Relic of the Buddha. 1 The Chinese ruler, on learning of this news, sent a monk named Cha 1 TMSEA, p. 57; ibid, III, pp. 248-303; TBR, I, p. 233; AHSEA, p. 25. * AHSEA, p. 32. ZBEFEO, III, p. 294. 4 ibid, pp. 284-285. STAKE, p. 30; AHSEA, p. 33. 6 ibid, p. 35; BEFEO, III, pp. 284-303. ■?ibid, III, pp. 284-303; TBR, I, p. 235. 74 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Yan-Po or Tan Pao or Megharatana to Funan in search of it . 1 It is probable that the king of Funan sent it to the Chinese ruler. A Sanskrit inscription 2 found at Ta Prohn in the province of Bati in Southern Cambodia which refers to Jayavarman and his son Rudravarman, begins with an invocation to the Buddha. In another stanza there is a reference to the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. There is no date to this inscription but on palaeographical grounds it belongs to the middle of the sixth century ad . 3 R.C. Majumdar and K. Bhattacharya are of opinion that it belongs to the reign of Rudravarman . 4 This inscription would help to confirm the facts relating to the existence of Buddhism at Funan in the reigns of Jayavarman and Rudravarman as narrated in the Chinese Annals. Coedes is of opinion that at this time Mahayana Buddhism did not flourish at Funan . 5 He states that Hlnayana Buddhism with its Sanskrit language existed at Funan in the fifth and in the first half of the sixth centuries ad . 6 A statue of the Buddha with an inscription ‘Ye dhamma .’ has been found at Toul Preah or Prah That in the province of Prei Veng in Southern Cambodia . 7 The whole text is in Pali. But the word ‘hetuprabhava’ is in Sanskrit. There is no date to this inscription. It probably belongs to the sixth or the seventh century ad . 8 K. Bhattacharya is of the opinion that the script of this inscription belongs to the seventh century ad . 9 The use of the Pali language in this inscription is probably an indication of the existence of Hlnayana Buddhism in Cambodia. Bhavavarman I, the ruler of Chenla which was once a vassal state of Funan, captured the major part of the kingdom of Funan in the •* 1 BEFEO, pp. 262-263; TBR, p. 235. 2 BEFEO, XXXI, 1931, pp. 9-10: Jitam vijitavasanasahitasarvvado^arina niravaranabuddhinadhigatasarvvatha (sampada) Ji(n)ena Karupatmana parahitapravrttatmana digantaravisarppinirmmalabrhadyaya dhatra nirmmita eka eva sa bhuvi ^rirudravarmma tatpitra jayavarmmana nrpatinadhyakso-dhanSnam kftalj buddhadharmmam atharyyasangham akhilais svaissvair gunais sangatam s BEFEO, XXXI, pp. 9-10; TAKE, p. 31. *EFEO, XLIX, p. 14; TASMS, VIII, pp. 4-7. * BEFEO, XXXI, p. 9. «TMSEA, p. 61. nc, I, p. 297; TDFLSH, pp. 185-186. »BEFEO, XXXV, p. 158. «EFEO, XLIX, p. 17. History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east Asia 75 middle of the sixth century ad . 1 Due to this the capital of Funan was transferred to Angkor Borei in Southern Cambodia. 2 Probably some kings of the Funan dynasty ruled there up to the seventh century ad , 3 when Isanavarman I (ad 611-631), a nephew of Bhavavarman I, completed the conquest of Funan in ad 627. 4 The inscription of the conquerors of Funan and their successors affirm that, although the rulers of the Chenla kingdom were followers of Saivism, they patronised Buddhism too. An inscription 5 belonging to the reign of Isanavarman I found at Sambor Preikuk or Isanapur, honours the Naga which protected the Buddha with his folds. Another inscription, 8 belonging to his reign, refers to the erection of a linga of Hara (i.e. Siva) in ad 627 by a Brahmin named VidyaviSesa, an officer in the administration of king Isanavarman. VidyaviSesa, the founder, was a poet, logician and a scholar excelled in grammar, VaiSesika philosophy, Nyaya logic and had a knowledge in Buddhist doctrine. It shows that the scholars of this period studied the Buddhist doctrine and philosophy. It indicates the importance of Buddhism during this period. An inscription dated ad 664 in both Sanskrit and Khmer 7 has been found at Wat Prei Vier or Wat Prei Val in the province of Ba Phnom in Southern Cambodia. It belongs to the reign of Jayavarman I (ad 657-681) and refers to two Buddhist monks Ratnabhanu and Ratnasimha. Here the king refers to these two monks as “treasures of virtue, knowledge, gentleness, patience, compassion, austerity and prudence.” 8 The Chinese traveller I-tsing refers to Buddhism in Cambodia. He writes that Buddhism flourished at Po-nan (Funan) in early times. 9 “ the Law of the Buddha prospered and was spread abroad. But today a wicked king has completely destroyed it.” 10 But it is doubtful whether Buddhism has actually suffered such disaster at MHSEA, p. 90; TBLC, p. 48. 2 TMSEA, p. 88. Sjbid, p. 88. i AH SEA, p. 92. STAKE, p. 51. «BEFEO, XXVIII, pp. 44-45: Kavir wadi suhfdvargga atmapranad amanyata Vidyavipejanama ya acaryyo lokavedita Icchata bhaktim Ipana sthiran janmani janmani teneha sthapitam idam 1 ingam puddhabhisandhina- VSCC, pp. 60-63; IC, VI, pp. 6 ff; TASMS, VIII, pp. 37-38. 8 ibid, pp. 61-63; ibid, VI, p. 8; ibid, VIII, p. 38. SARBRIMA, pp. 10-12. n>ibid, pp. 10-12. 76 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia the hands of the wicked king as the Chinese traveller thought. The inscription of Hin K’on in Sanskrit and in the old Khmer language which probably belongs to the eighth century ad was found near the Korat region in Central Eastern Siam. 1 It refers to a Rajabhikkhu ‘a Royal monk’ named Nrpendradhipativarman, who was the son of a person of the same name. He gave ten viharas to the Buddhist community. 2 According to the chronology of the kings of Cambodia, there was a king whose name was Nripatindravarman. He was the grandson of Baladitya, the founder of the Lunar dynasty of Baladityapura, better known as Aninditapura in Lower Chenla. 3 Nripatindravarman ruled in the latter half of the seventh century ad 4 and seems to have been a contemporary of Jayavarman 1. 5 * But nothing is known of Nripatindravarman’s ordination as a monk and his importance in the religious history of Cambodia from the records of that country. Thus the identification of this Rajabhikkhu ‘Royal monk’ is not certain. However, the inscription of Hin K’on shows that possibly Buddhism flourished there. Jayavarman I’s death was followed by a period of internal trouble. The beginning of the eighth century ad witnessed the division of the country into two parts: Upper Chenla and Lower Chenla.6 Upper Chenla was in the middle Mekong valley to the north of the Dangrek mountain chain. 7 Lower Chenla can be identified with present Cambodia together with the Mekong delta 8 and it was subdivided into several kingdoms and principalities. 9 The Javanese invaded Lower Chenla in the latter part of the eighth century ad 10 and several small states in Lower Chenla paid tribute to the Sailendra dynasty of Java at this time. 11 The religious history of the country shows that Mahayana Buddhism flourished in the eighth century ad . 12 An inscription 13 dated ad 79 J or 792 found at Prasat Ta Keam in the district of Kralanh in the province of Siem Reap records the erection of an image of Bodhisattva LokeSvara. Jayavarman II (ad 802-850), 14 the founder of the Angkor or Kambuja kingdom (ad 802-1432), reunited Lower Chenla and put 4 /C, VI, pp. 73-74. 2 ibid, p. 74. SAHSEA, pp. 95 and 874. 5 ibid, pp. 93 and 874. R AH SEA, p. 94; TMSEA, p. 7 ibid, p. 92. s;bid, p. 92. io AHSEA, p. 96. ^TBLC, p. 49. isibid, p. 162; TASMS, VIII, p. 571. 4 ibid, p. 87 92. 9 ibid, p. 9: 1 2 LEHII, p I'TMSEA, History of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon and South-east As ia 77 an end to the political supremacy of Java over that kingdom. 1 The next important king who ascended the throne of Cambodia was YaSovarman (ad 889-900), the son of Indravarman I (ad 877-89), who took the title of YaSovarman I. 2 Several inscriptions belonging to the reign of YaSovarman I afford valuable informations about the prevailing religious conditions of the Angkor kingdom and Ya£o varman’s role in the religious history of the country. These inscriptions reveal that Brahmanism, Vaisnavism and Buddhism flourished under royal patronage at this time. The Sanskrit inscription of Prei Prasat near Angkor Thom in Northern Cambodia written in nagari characters 3 and the inscription of Tep Pranam near Angkor Thom also in Sanskrit and in nagari characters 4 deal with the foundation of the Brahmakama (monastery for the devotees of Brahma) and the Saugatakama (monastery for the Buddhist monks) respectively 5 and the inscription of Prasat Komnap near Angkor Thom in Sanskrit and in nagari characters commemorates the establishment of a Vaisnavakama (monastery for the worshippers of Visnu). 8 The three Sanskrit inscriptions of Bat Cum 7 (near Angkor Thom) of ad 960 belonging to the reign of Rajendravarman II (ad 944- 968) throw interesting light on the religious conditions of the period. The first inscription 8 begins with an invocation to the Buddha, Lokekara and Vajrapani. The second one begins with an invocation to the Buddha, Vajrapani and Prajnaparamita. 9 The third one also invokes the Buddha, Vajrapani and Prajnaparamita. 10 In the reign of Jayavarman V (ad 968-1001), the successor of Rajendravarman II, Mahayana Buddhism grew in importance. An inscription of Srey Santhor or Wat Sithor 11 in Southern Cambodia t AHSF.A, p. 97. *TMSEA, p. 98. *TASM, VIII, pp. 133ff; BEFEO, XXXII, pp. 97ff. 4 ibid, pp. 127ff; ibid, pp. 97ff; IC, III, pp. 231ff. 5 cetasa ya Brahmanasrama Sa Srlyasovarmmanrpo nj-pendralj Kambubhupatib Saugatabhyudayayaitam hftavan Saugatasramam. 6 T AS MS, VIII, pp. 1 19ff; BEFEO, XXXII, pp. 90ff. 8rIyasovartnana tena dadhata dhama vaijnavam vaijnavannanisarggaya krtoyam vai^navasrainab- ’ibid, VIII, pp. 220-32. sibid, p. 222. 10 ibid, pp. 228-29. u IC, VI, pp. 195-21 1 . 9 ibid, p. 225. 78 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia belonging to the reign of Jayavarman V has been found on the east side of the Mekong, a little above the present side of Phnom Penh. It shows that Kirtipancjita, the Buddhist minister of Jayavarman V, played an important role in the development of Buddhism in Cambodia in the second half of the tenth century ad . 1 The stanzas 51 to 100 of this inscription 2 contain instructions of the king in support of Buddhist practices. The inscription invokes the Dharmakaya, Sambhogakaya and Nirmanakaya of the Buddha. 3 It also refers to the importation of books in Buddhist philosophy and treatises such as the Sastra Madhyavibhaga and Tattavasangraha 4 from foreign lands. Kirtipandita got down these Mahayana books from abroad The inscription further says that the Brahmin priest should be versed in Buddhist learning and practices. He should recite Buddhist prayers. An inscription of Phnom or Phum Banteay Neang 5 near Monkol-borei in Central Cambodia, dated ad 985 and 986 deals with the erection of a statue of Prajnaparamita and an image of LokeSvara. Thus the historical sources of Cambodia reveal the prominence of Mahayana Buddhism during the period up to the tenth century ad although there are a few indications that Hinayana Buddhism 6 was not completely unknown. VC/C, pp. 162-163. 2 ibid, p. 161. 3 “A Buddha has three bodies or forms of existence. The first is the Dharma- kaya, which is the essence of all Buddhas. It is true knowledge or Bodhi. It may be described as Nirvana and also as the one permanent reality underlying all phenomena and all individuals. The second is the Sambhogakaya, or body of enjoyment, that is to say the radiant and superhuman form in which Buddhas appear in their paradises or when otherwise manifesting themselves in celestial splendour. The third is the Nirmanakaya or the body of transformation, that is to say the human form worn by Sakyamuni or any other Buddha and regarded as a transformation of his true nature and almost a distortion, because it is so partial and inadequate an expression of it.” HB, II, pp. 32-33. VC, VI, p. 198: The Tattvasangraha is known as one of the principal works of the mystic sect. The Madhyavibhaga SSstra is supposed to be the work either of Vasuvandhu or of Asaiiga. VC/C, p. 163. »p. 74. Chapter 4 Ceylon’s Political Relations With South-East Asia C eylon had strong links with South-east Asia from the early centuries of the Christian era. Its relations with South-east Asia can be divided into two main headings: political and cultural. But “if a broad generalisation can be made, Ceylon’s relations with South-east Asia were mainly of a cultural nature and it was very rarely and for very brief periods that any political impact was felt on either side.” 1 Little evidence is found in the chronicles of Ceylon and South-east Asian sources about political relations between them. But these sources on the other hand give ample evidence regarding cultural ties that existed between the two regions. The geographical situation of Ceylon in the Indian ocean which is at the entrance of the Bay of Bengal from the western side and on the midway between Europe and the Far East encouraged her to develop as an important sea-port for trade and commerce and paved the way to establish its contract with South-east Asia. Cosmas IndicopleuStes 2 mentioned that trades-people from different parts of the world came to Ceylon port to purchase articles from here and at the same time Ceylonese ships also went to several places to sell their things such as cloth, precious stones, spices and elephants. Ceylon established its trade relations with the court of the Eastern Tsin in the reign of I-hi (405-419 ad). Not only Buddhist manuscripts and sacred objects but also pearls, precious stones, ivory, golden filigree work and ‘very fine shaggy stuff of white colour’ probably Ceylonese cloth were sent to the Imperial Court of China . 1 CJHSS, III, No. I, January-June, 1960, p. 58. a HSP, 1st Series, 98, pp. 363-73. VCBRAS, XXIV, 1917, pp. 74-105; VCR, April-October, 1967, XXV, pp. 1-2. 80 History of Thera vada Buddhism in South-east Asia Ceylon’s keen interest in the trade of the Indian occean helped it to expand its trade with several countries and in course of time it became one of the major figures in the trade of the South-east Asian Zone. A Javanese inscription of the eleventh century ad refers 1 to Ceylonese merchants at some ports of Java. The chronicles of Ceylon contain significant inf ormation about Ceylon’ s trade in elephants and its political relations with Burma in the reign of Parakramabahu I (ad 1 153-1 186). It is clear from the chronicles that Ceylon was doing extremely well in the trade in elephants. But it suffered seriously when the king of Burma after consulting the Burmese ambassador in Ceylon asked his people to stop all business transactions with f oreigners. At that time they were selling elephants for a hundred or a thousand silver nikkhalas. 2 But the king gave order to sell elephants at the price of two or three thousand. 3 He stopped this free trade in elephants and took the control of this trade in his hand. These high prices of elephants affected Ceylon’s trade and it was one of the factors which led to hostilities between the two countries It was due to the Burmeseking their relations took a serious turn. The king did not behave properly with envoys of the Ceylonese king, Parakramabahu I. It was the custom of the Burmese king to send an elephant as gifts to the king of Ceylon with every Burmese ship which touched Ceylon’s port. But the Burmese king stopped it. At that time some Sinhalese people who were going to Cambodia by land route through Burma were badly treated by the people of the Burmese king. They took their wealth and were thrown into p’rison though they showed a letter addressed to the Burmese king from the king of Ceylon. Again the Ceylonese envoys got ill-treatment from the Burmese king who captured their elephants, ships and took their money. The Burmese king also “added insult to injury by binding pestles to the feet of the Ceylon envoys and employing them to sprinkle water in the prison.” 4 By his order the Ceylon envoys were forced to give a written statement that no ships belonging to Ceylon would touch the Burmese ports any more and no guarantee would be given by the Burmese king to the Ceylon envoys for the safety of their lives. It is said that no blame should be given to him if the latter found i LEHII, p. 268; CHJ, I, pp. 30!ff. *CJHSS, p. 44 fn. 2. 3 CV, ch. LXXVI, vv. 17-19. 4 ibid, LXXVI, w. 16 and 20-25; CJHSS, p. 45. Ceylon’s Politica 1 Relations with South-east Asia 81 their lives in danger. After this statement the Burmese forced the Ceylon envoys Vagissara Acariya and Dhammakitti Pandita to take a leaky ship for their return journey to Ceylon. According to the agreement Ceylonese goods arrived in Burma for the exchange of fourteen elephants and silver from the Burmese king. But latter took away all these things and flatly refused to give anything in return. He also seized a Ceylonese princess who was going to Cambodia through Burma. The Ceylon king, Parakramabahu I became angry and declared war against Burma when he was informed of all these facts by the Ceylon envoys. 1 Parakramabahu I gave order to his ministers to capture the Burmese king or to kill him. His treasurer gladly accepted this proposal and he himself undertook this expedition with the help of army leaders. It took five months to prepare this war. Many war ships from the Ceylon port went towards Burma. But due to adverse winds some were totally destroyed and only five ships reached the port of Kusumiya (modern Bassein) in lower Burma. From there they went to Papphalatittha, a port and then entered the city of Ukkama It is difficult to identify Ukkama. Martaban, an important port in Lower Burma, was known in early times as Muttima or Muttama. 2 According to Sirima Wickremasinghe, Ukkama was most probably a Sinhalese distortion of Muttama. 3 At Ukkama the Sihhalese soldiers under the leadership of Nagaragiri Kitti fought a great war against Burma. They attacked and destroyed the Burmese army. They killed the ruler and captured his country. According to the Burmese chronology, Alaungsithu (ad 1113-1165 or 1167) was the Ruler of Lower and Upper Burma at this time and Pagan or or Arima,ddanapura was his capital. 4 The Glass Palace Chronicle records that he went to Ceylon and married a Sinhalese princess. He also brought an image of Mahakassapa thera to Burma from Ceylon. It also mentions that he sent to Ceylon one Kala as the ambassador of his country there. 5 This Kala has been described in the Culavamsa as a slanderer whose heinous act brought the war with Ceylon. 6 Probably the Burmese chronicle ref ers to these factsbeforethe Sinhalese-Burmese war when Ceylon had friendly relations with Burma. Alaungsithu was put to death by his own sons in 1 165 ad. It i CV, ch. LXXVI, vv. 28-36. VBRS, XXXIX, part II, p. 191. *CJHSS, p. 48. *AHSEA, p.731. - &GPC, pp. 114 & 118. e CV, ch. LXXVI, v. 15. 82 . History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia . r - :». V ' * ■ /“' is difficult to agree with the chronicle “of Ceylon which states that the Burmese king died at. Ukkama and not at his capital, Arimaddana- pura. It is very probable that the provincial ruler of Ukkama who was in change of Lower Burma was killed by the Sinhalese soldiers at his city. One Maung Than Tun suggests that Sinhalese-Burmese war took place in the reign of Narathu (ad 1165-1174), the successor of Alaungsithu. 1 The chronicle of Burma mentions that Narathu was murdered by the Kalas of Patai kara. 2 Maung Than Tun opines that the Burmese king was killed by the people from Ceylon. But due to chronological difficulty this cannot be accepted. An inscription belonging to the reign of Parakramabahu I refers to a land granted to Kit Nuvaragal (Kitti Nagaragiri) for his memorable performance in the war against Burma. 3 It was recorded in the twelfth year of the reign of Parakramabahu I and it helps us to fix the date of the Burmese-Sinhalese war. Most probably Kitti Nagaragiri received this land for his important contribution and services to his country during the critical period. At the end of the war a friendly agreement was reached between the two countries. According to the agreement, Ceylon used to get as many elephants as it wanted every year from Burma. Ceylon was happy with the agreement reached with Burma, especially on elephants. It was a new milestone in Ceylon-Burma relations and proved a great blessing for the two countries. It is clear from the above statements in the Culavamsa that Ceylon was not the only country which had strained relations with Burma. The latter maintained a very hostile attitude towards Cambodia also. The capture of the Ceylon envoys and princess who were going by road to Cambodia through Burma by the king of Burma indicates that Burma had bitter political relations with Cambodia at that time. They were no longer regarded as friendly and useful neighbours, though the relations between Ceylon and Cambodia became closer and there was no dissension between them. They lived in friendship. i TSUL, 1956, pp. 268-269. *EZ, III, p. 321, lines 15-16. V GPC, pp. 133-134. Chapter 5 Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma T hb eleventh century ad is an important landmark in the history of both Burma and Ceylon. There is evidence to show that in this century close political, cultural and religious ties existed between the two countries. The Burmese and Ceylonese chronicles do not say anything about the early relations between Burma and Ceylon. Be- fore Anuruddha’s (Burmese Anoratha) conquest of Thaton, Burma was divided politically and, during the pre-Anuruddha period, there is no record of intercourse with Ceylon. Although before the eleventh century ad there is no proof of Burma’s relations with Ceylon, it does not necessarily follow that there was no contact at all between the two countries. The political, cultural and religious links of the eleventh century ad indicate the existence of friendly relations between the countries even in the early period. During the eleventh century Ap. Ceylon had fallen upon evil days. Political crises checked the progress of the country and confusion and disorder confronted her everywhere and she was under the rule of foreign kings for several years (ad 993-1 070). 1 During this period qf troubled politics the Culavainsa refers to political relations between Burma and Ceylon. 2 According to the Culavamsa , s Vijayabahu I (ad 1065-1120) sent envoys with valuable gifts to Anuruddha, the king of Ramanna in Burma, seeking his assistance in the struggle against the Cola invaders. The king of Ramanna is said to have sent in return many ships bearing costly gifts but there is no reference to the sending of any troops to aid Vijayabahu I. One can only 1 CHC, I, Part I, pp. 347-351; I, Part II, p. 427 CV, Ch. LVIII, vv. 8-9. 3 CH, LVIII, vv. 8-10. 84 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia conclude, in general terms, with Professor Paranavitana that ‘Material help was forthcoming from the king of Burma. n Before the introduction of Theravada Buddhism at Pagan in Upper Burma by Anuruddha, Mahayana Buddhism prevailed there . 2 A form of Naga worship according to the Burmese chronicles also existed at Pagan . 3 It is generally accepted that at the time of the introduction of Theravada Buddhism at Pagah, there was no organised religion there. About this time the Aris became very prominent in Upper Burma. They were the priests of Tantric Mahayanism 4 in which Naga and spirit worship appear to have been prominent . 5 The Aris appear to have been the same as the Samapakuttakas referred to in the Sasanavamsa . 6 They were very influential on the Popa hill at Thamati, a village near Pagan . 7 Finot, a French scholar, believes that Visnu was the god of the Aris and their cult was influenced largely by Naga worship 8 ’ Some scholars state that they represented a debased form of Mahayana Buddhism influenced by the Naga cult on the one hand and Saivism and Tantrism on the other . 9 According to Duroiselle, they were a Buddhist sect belonging to the northern school of Buddhism and about the last quarter of the eighth century ad they were influenced by Tantrism . 10 From about the eighth century onwards Buddhism was in a state of decline in India and Mahayana . Buddhism with an admixture of Tantrism occupied an important place in the religious history of India. During the eighth and ninth centuries ad there was constant intercourse between Buddhist Tantric monasteries of North-Eastern India and Burma . 11 It is probable that through this intercourse Tantrism as preached by the Aris became firmly established at Pagan. During this time Theravada Buddhism was in a flourishing condition in Lower Burma. The Glass Palace Chronicle mentions that under the influence of Shin Arahan, a Talaing Theravadin monk who came from Thaton to Pagan, Anuruddha became a staunch follower of Theravada Buddhism . 12 According to the advice of Shin Arahan, Anuruddha sent an envoy 1ASCAR, 1949, para 160, p. 31. iSBB, p. 89. *GPC, p. 59. *ARASI, 1915-1916, p. 93. s GPC, p. 63. aScw, p. 56. 'fGPC, pp. 59-60. s JA, XX, 1912, pp. 124-125. 9 E. Huber, La Fin De La Dynastie De Pagan, BEFEO, IX, 1909, p. 584; BS, p. 179. ™ARASI, 1915-1916, p. 93. Dibid, pp. 87ff. 12 GPC, pp. 70-75. 85 Religious Intercourse bet\^®5\?eyk>n and Burma with presents to Manuha, the king of Thaton,i and requested from him certain sacred texts and relics. But Manuha refused . 2 Anuruddhabecamefurious and attacked Thaton and conquered that country and brought the sacred relics, three Pitakas and Buddhist monks to Pagan . 3 The capture of Thaton in the Ramanna country (Lower Burma) in the second half of the eleventh century ad by Anuruddh 4 was indeed a significant event not only in the history of Buddhism but in the social, political and literary history of Burma. With the help of Shin Arahan the king introduced Theravada Buddhism and its language Pali from Thaton into Pagan in Upper Burma. He attempted to suppress all heretical sects in Burma and in course of time Theravada Buddhism became the religion of the country. From this period onwards Pagan became famous as a centre of Theravada Buddhism and under Anuruddha’s patronage the religion, its literature and art flourished. “Anawrahta’s (Anuruodha’s) is a heroic and remarkable personality in the history of Burma. In a single lifetime he had established and spread a true religion through- out a large portion of his dominions, and suppressed all heretical sects and beliefs; from a chieftainship he raised his principality to the position of the most powerful political authority in Burma, and by introducing the Talaing culture of Lower Burma to civilise the north, he set the people of MarammadeSa (as distinct from Ramannadesa) on the road to culture and civilisation that made the annals of the Pagan dynasty a- most glorious record in the history of mankind .” 5 The conquest of Thaton was an important event in the cultural history of Pagan and it brought Ceylon and Burma into close contact with each other . 8 During Anuruddha’s time Burma enjoyed a period of peace and prosperity and Pagan as a centre of Theravada Buddhism reached the zenith of its splendour and popularity. While Buddhism had a very flourishing existence in Burma, the religion of the Buddha in Ceylon suffered severely due to political stress. After his accession, Vijayabahu I devoted his time to reform the ^■Sas, p. 62. Manuha is also known as Manohari. 2 ibid, p. 62. 3 ibid, p. 63; Taw SeinKo. I A, XXII, 1893, p. 151. 4 ibid, XXII, 1893, p. 17. Thaton was anciently known as Sudhammapura or Sudhammanagara. 5AISTBB, p. 101. 8 GPC, p. 88. 86 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Buddhist Sangha (Order) which had fallen into decay during the period of war and foreign rule. The Culavamsa says that at that time the number of ordained monks were so few in Ceylon that it was not possible for king Vijayabahu I to convene a Chapter of five monks to re-establish the valid ordination. 1 He was determined to put an end to this state of affairs, and, in order to re-establish the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon and to secure a Chapter of five monks f or the Ordination ceremony, he turned to Burma for help. Thus the religious reforms of the eleventh century ad drew Ceylon and Burma together. In 1071 ad Vijayabahu I sent a religious mission to king Anuruddha in the Ramanna country asking for Buddhist monks who had made a thorough study of the three pitakas, who were a fount of moral discipline and other virtues and acknowledged as theras and also for Buddhist texts. 2 King Anuruddha made a great contribution to the growth and progress of Theravada Buddhism and he successfully spread the fame of Burma as a centre of Theravada Buddhism. Several inscrip- tions of Ceylon refer to the coming over of ordained monks from “Aramana” or “Arum ana”, 3 to restore the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon. Arumana (Sinhalese Aramana) is another form of Pali word Ramanna. It is identified with Ramannadesa or the District of Thaton in Lower Burma. But in the Culavamsa it has a more extended application. The Culavamsa in chapters LXXVI and LXXX refers to the king of Ramanna as the king of Arimaddanapura or Pagan. 1 It is to be noted in the early centuries of the Christian era Ramanna, or Lower Burma had the reputation of being a Buddhist country. Because of this Ramanna, the famous centre of Theravada Buddhism, was better known to the people of the island of Ceylon than North Burma and that is perhaps why there are frequent references to it in the Ceylonese chronicles. King Anuruddha gladly granted his friend’s request and sent ordained monks and texts. The Sasanavaipsa and the dace Place Chronicle refer to the religious contact between Ceylon and Burma at that time. 5 The Polonnaruva inscription of Vijayabahu I and the Polonnaruva i CV, LX, v. 4. 2 ibid, ch. LX., w. 5-6. inscription No. 40, EZ, II, lines 9-10, p. 252; inscription No. 38, El, XVIII, 1925-26, p. 331. 4 CF, ch. LXXVI, v. 38 and ch. LXXX, v. 6. 5 Sas, p. 27; GPC, pp, 88ff. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 87 Slab inscription of the Velaikkaras (circa 1137-1153 ad ) 1 also refer to the purification of the Sangha of the three Nikayas (Fraternities) 2 in Ceylon with the help of the monks from Arumana during Vijayabahu l’s time. Anuruddha sent a sufficient number of ordained monks to Ceylon for the reformation of the Buddhist Sangha in the island. The Nikayasangrahava states that the king of Lanka Vijayabahu I received twenty senior ordained monks and sacred texts from Anuruddha. 3 The Pujavaliya refers to the same story. 4 Thus with the help of the Buddhist monks from Ramannadesa the valid ordination was re-established in Ceylon and Buddhism, under the patronage of Vijayabahu I, flourished again in Ceylon. 5 King Anuruddha in return requested the king of Ceylon to give him the sacred Tooth Relic of the Buddha which Ceylon proudly possessed. 6 The Glass Palace Chronicle says that at first Anuruddha wanted to take away the Tooth Relic by force from the king of Ceylon 7 But at last divine influence made him change his mind. He sent a religious mission to Ceylon with a request for the relic. 8 The chronicle also mentions that the king of Ceylon at that time was Dhatusena and who was known as Sirisanghabodhi 9 also. We know, that Sirisanghabodhi was a title used by Vijayabahu I and Parakramabahu I. 10 But we do not know anything from any source that Vijayabahu I was known as Dhatusena. We know that in the fifth century ad there was a king named Dhatusena. The king of Ceylon complied with his request and he is said to have sent a duplicate Tooth Relic to Burma. King Anuruddha was not satisfied with the copies of the Tipitaka. brought from Sudhammapura or Thaton. Therefore he sent four monks to Ceylon to bring the copies of the Tipitaka to settle the reading. 11 The Sasanavamsa refers to the four great warriors who went from Burma to the island. 12 Perhaps he sent a religious mission comprising of four great religious teachers whom the Sasanavamsa refers to as the four great warriors. He i£7, XVIII, 1925-26, p. 333; EZ, II, pp. 242-55. 2 ibid, XVIII, p. 331, fh. No. 3: “The Three Nikayas or Fraternities into which the Buddhist Sai’igha in Ceylon was divided were Mahavihara, Abhayagiri and Jetavan'a sects.” S NKS (Eng. Transl.), pp. xxxii and 19. *PV, pp. 33-34. 5 CV, eh. LX, v. 8. <«PC, pp. 88ff. ’ibid, pp. 88ff. sibid, pp. 88ff. »ibid, pp. 88-89. 10 CV, eh. LIX, v. 10; Sas, pp. 30 and 44. ^ibid, p. 64. l2 ibid, p. 64. 88 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia considered the Tipitaka of Ceylon more authentic than the Thaton collections and it indicates the importance and the strong influence of the Mahavihara in Ceylon, the citadel of orthodoxy in Burma. The Jinakalamal! 1 states that king Anuruddha having come to know that the Tipitaka of Ceylon was free from error, himself came to the island and copied the Tipitaka. After copying the Tipitaka and the Niruttipitaka, 2 he returned to Burma with the two Pitakas and one jewelled image of the Buddha 3 in one ship and the other two Pitakas in another ship. The ship carrying the two Pitakas arrived in Arimaddanapura (or Pagan) but the other ship with the two Pitakas and the jewelled image reached Mahanagara 4 having been driven by a storm. Having heard of this Anuruddha by his divine power went to Mahanagara and obtained the two Pitakas from the king of that city and returned to Pagan. But he forgot to bring back the jewelled image. 5 The Burmese and the Sinhalese as well as the KalyanI inscriptions do not make even a passing reference to Anuruddha’s visit to either Ceylon or Cambodia. The account of the Jinakalamal! regarding this episode is of doubtful authenticity. Firstly, it is difficult to imagine that a ship bound for Burma would be driven to such a distant place as Angkor Thom (Mahanagara). According to the Jinakalamal! 6 king Dhammaraja reigned at Arimaddanapura (Pagan) 1 200 years after the Parinibbana of the Buddha 7 i.e., in 656 ad and after him his son. Anuruddha ascended the throne. So according to the Jinakalamal!, Anuruddha reigned in the seventh century ad. But according to the chronology of thS kings of Burma Anuruddha reigned in the second half of the eleventh century ad. Therefore 1 BEFEO, XXV, p. 54. 2 ibid, p. 113; TSGEC, p. 143 fn. No. 2; The Pitaka of Exegeses. Literally Basket of Etymologies. 3 The jewelled image or the Emerald Buddha is said to have been made by Nagasena, the teacher of Milinda, about five hundred years after the death, of the Buddha and it contains seven relics of the Buddha. It was taken to Ceylon from India in about AD 256, and it remained there until Anuruddha came to Ceylon in search of correct copies of scriptures. About this time it came to Angkor in Cambodia: BEFEO, XXV, pp. 54-55. 4 ibid, p. 113 fn. No. 2: Coed^s identifies Mahanagara with Angkor Thom (in Cambodia). B ibid, p. 55. e ibid, p. 54. ’The Buddhist era starts with 544-3 BC (EZ, VI, part I, 1955, p. 92). This has been calculated on this basis— 1200 years — 540 BC=656 AD. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 89 owing to the confused nature of the story and the dates it is not possible to ascertain whether the facts relating to Anuruddha’s reign as mentioned in the Jinakalamall are very accurate. The miraculous element introduced by the author of this text to the account of Anuruddha’s reign leads us to doubt the historical value of the whole story. If the story about Anuruddha’s visit to the island of Ceylon and Mahanagara be historically true, this would have been considered to be an important event and would certainly have been mentioned in the Burmese and Ceylonese sources. The history of Buddhism is a major consideration in all these sources. It is rather strange they are all silent. The Sasanavamsa mentions that when the religious missions reached Burma from Ceylon with the copies of the Tipitaka, Anuruddha with the help of his religious teacher Shin Arahan studied, examined and compared the copies brought from Ceylon with that of Thaton. 1 The sending of the copies of the Tipitaka from Ceylon to Burma and the purification of the Sinhalese Sangha with the help of the monks from Burma make it quite clear that religious intercourse became frequent between the two countries and was of mutual benefit under the patronage of Vijayabahu I and Anuruddha in the eleventh century ad. The period between the death of Vijayabahu I and the ascendancy of Parakramabahu I .(ad 1153-1186) can be described as a dark chapter in the history of Ceylon. Immediately after the death of Vijayabahu I internal troubles broke out and the kings of this period were weak and they remained busy in their petty personal politics. During this period neither the Burmese sources such as the Sasanavamsa, the Glass Palace Chronicle nor the Ceylonese sources such as the Culavamsa mention any religious or political contact between Ceylon and Burma. Although both Ceylon and Burmese sources are silent on Burma’s relation with Ceylon at this particular time it does not mean that there was no contact at all between the two countries. The Culavamsa while describing the reign of Parakramabahu the Great states that the two countries had maintained intercourse for a long time. 2 It would seem that therenvas regular cultural and religious intercourse between the Buddhist Sangha of Burma and Ceylon even when Ceylon had been in a state of constant political turmoil. When Parakramabahu 1 Sas , p. 64. 2 CV, ch. LXXVI, w. 10-14. 9Q History of Therayada Buddhism in South-east Asia the Great ascended the throne, a period of prosperity and cultural progress followed and Ceylon established itself again as a centre of Theravada Buddhism. He is regarded as one of the greatest kings of Ceylon and his reign is regarded as a glorious one for many reasons. He played an important role in the history of Buddhism in Ceylon and made a great contribution to Buddhism by unifying the Sangha. He gave his whole-hearted patronage to the restoration of Buddhism and the revival of culture. He restored Buddhism to its former purity, unity and glory. 1 He maintained friendly relations with the King of Burma. The Culavamsa mentions the friendly relations between Ceylon and Burma from earlier times up to the-reign of Parakramabahu I. But soon hostilities broke out between Burma and Ceylon in the reign of Parakramabahu I. “Between the countries of Lanka and Ramanna there had never been a dissension since they were inhabited by people who held the true faith. The rulers of the island of Lanka and the monarchs of Ramanna were both in like manner true disciples of the Sugata (an epithet of the Buddha).’ Hence all former monarchs in both countries: in deeply rooted trust, filled with friendly feeling were wont, to send each other many costly gifts and in this way for a long time to maintain intercourse without dissension. Also With king Parakramabahu the monarch of Ramafifia kept up friendly relations even as former rulers who had for a long time held firmly to him.” 2 But in the reign of Parakramabahu I, owing to political reasons, relations wete strained between the two countries for sometime. In the reign*of Alaungsithu (or Jayasura„ I or Cansu I) 3 (ad 1113-1 165) of Burma a slanderer, who is* mentioned as a Kala in the Glass Palace Chronicle and .who acted as a Burmese envoy to the island, was responsible for hostile feelings between the two countries. 4 The Culavamsa refers to Ceylon’s trade relations with Burma. 5 Parakramabahu I’s war with Burma seems to hav^ been political and commercial. 6 There is evidence to show that inspite of political differences between the two countries duringthis particular period strong religious ties existed bet ween them. The Culavamsa says that it was the mediation of the bhikkhus of Ceylon by which the war between Parakramabahu I and the king icr, ch. LXXYIII, vv. 27. 2 ibid, ch. LXXVI, vv. 10-14. s TMSEA, p. 114. *CV, ch. LXXVI, vv. 15-16; GPC, pp. 114 and 118. sibid, ch. LXXVI, w. I7ff. «ibid, ch. LXXVI, vv. 14-68. 91 Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma of Ramanna was brought to an end. 1 It says that the people of Ramanna being in despair after the victory of the army of Parakramabahu I, in order to stop war and to establish peace, sent their messengers with letters to the bhikkhus of Lanka (Ceylon). 2 They are said to have requested the monks of Ceylon to bring about a peaceful settlement with Parakramabahu I. The monks of Ceylon requested the king to bring a peaceful settlement' with the Burmese king and through the friendly words of the Sinhalese Buddhist monks, the king of Ceylon was deeply moved and friendship was established again between the two kings. This fact shows that owing to political differences relations were straijned between them at certain times but the long established religious ties between the Buddhist worlds of Burma and Ceylon still existed without any interruption. After Alaungsithu’s death, the two brothers Narathu (Narasura) and Minshinso fought against each other to occupy the throne of their father. 3 In the twelfth century ad Panthagu, son of Seinnye- kinin and the successor of Shin Arahan visited Ceylon. 4 Coedes mentions that Panthagu after the early crimes of Narathu had left Pagan in 1167 ad and came to Ceylon. 5 Narathu occupied the throne by poisoning 'his brother Min-Shinso and this event made him very unpopular. Panthagu incurred the displeasure of the king and came to Ceylon in the second half of the twelfth century ad 8 and stayed there about six years £nd returned home only when Narapatisithu occupied the throne in 1 173 ad 7 Buddhism in Ceylon i was in a flourishing condition under the patronage of Parakramabahu I and 'the visit of Panthagu indicates that close cultural and religious ties existed between Burma and Ceylon j,n the twelfth century ad A Burmese inscription 8 found at Mahabo monastery at Pagan refers to the dedication of lands to Panthagu Mahathera by Pintala. It took place in the year 553 Sakkaraj=1191 ad. The inscription signifies that Panthagu was a prominent thera at Pagan. On his return from Ceylon Panthagu was treated i CV, ch. LXXVI, p. 73. *CV, ch. LXXVI, v. 73. WHB, pp. 49-50. a GPC, P. 133. ’°LEHII, p. 298. «GPC, p. 133. 1LEH1L, p. 298. 8 ASB: A List of Inscriptions found in Burma, Part I (Rangoon, Superin- tendent Government Printing, Burma, 1921), Serial No. 468, volumes of Inscriptions A, 37-38. 92 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east A ia as a primate but he was ninety years old at that time and he did not live much longer. He was succeeded in the Primateship by Uttarajiva, a Taking monk and a pupil of Shin Ariyavamsa, the elder of Thaton. The reign of Narapatisithu (ad 1173-1210) 1 is an important landmark in the history of Buddhism in Burma. During his rule, religious ties which existed between Burma and Ceylon were strengthened by Uttarajiva Mahathera’s visit to Ceylon. Uttarajiva Mahathera, the preceptor of the king of Pugama, 2 accompanied by Chapata 3 and many other disciples of the Burmese Sangha came to Ceylon in the year 532 Sakkaraj i.e., ad 1170 or 1171 in order to worship at holy shrines. 4 The details of Uttarajiva Mahathera’s visit and of the friendly religious ties that existed between the two countries are mentioned in the KalyanI inscriptions of Dhammaceti of the fifteenth century ad . 5 During the reign of Parakramabahu I every effort was made to restore Buddhism to its former glory and under his patronage Buddhism flourished. According to the Kalyani inscrip- tions and the Sasanavamsa, king Sirisanghabodhi Parakramabahu purified the religion in Ceylon in the year 526 Sakkaraj or one thousand sevenhundred and nine of the Conqueror’s Wheel, i.e., in ad 1164. 6 He did it as soon as his war with Burnj^ came to an end and probably the war was over by this time. The Kalyan! inscriptions say that Uttarajiva Mahathera visited Ceylon in (he year 532 Sakka- raj i.e., ad 1170 or 1171. 7 But Coedcs states 8 that Uttarajiva Mahathera came to the island with peace at the end of the war between Burma; and Ceylon. He indicates that after the end of the war Uttarajiva Mahathera visited Ceylon to settle the matter and to establish peace between the two countries. According to the Ceylon chronology, the war came to an end in ad 1164 and iTMSEA, p. 115: He is also known as Jayasura II or Cansu II. According to the Sasanavamsa, he is known as Narapati ( Sas , p. 65). 2 Pagan. *IA, XXII, 1893, p. 29: Chapata was a novice of about twenty years of age and was a pupil of Uttarajiva Mahathera. He was called Chapata samanera because his parents were natives of a village called Chapata in Kusimarattha, the Bassein town in Lower Burma. *ibid, p. 151. B ibid, pp. 151-54. «ibid, p. 151; for the Conqueror’s Wheel, p, 88 fn. 7. UA, XXII, 1893, p. 151. S LEHII, p. 299. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma i 93 according to the Kalyan! inscriptions, Uttarajiva Mahathera came to Ceylon in ad 1170 or 1171. So there is a gap of seven years between the two events. According to the Ceylon chronology, the war had already come to an end and peace was re-estabiished between the two countries through the medium of the Buddhist monks of Ceylon. We cannot completely agree with Coed&s, who synchronises the arrival of Uttarajiva Mahathera with the peace at the end of the war with Burma. 1 2 The Sasanaaamsa mentions that one thousand seven hundred and nine of the Conqueror’s Wheel i.e. in ad 1 164 Parakramabahu I purified the religion and six years after that in the year 532 of the Kali age. 3 Uttarajiva Mahathera became famous in the religion. 3 The reference to Uttarajiva Mahathera’s fame in the religion in the year 532 of the Kali age i.e. in ad 1170 is probably an indication of Uttarajiva Mahathera’s visit to Ceylon and his contact with the Sinhaja Sangha. Therefore it shows that he went to Ceylon with Chapata in ad 1 170. The Kalyan! inscriptions refer to the same date. 4 * * According to the chronology of the Burmese kings, Narapatisithu ascended the throne of the Pagan kingdom in about ad 1173 or 1174.® Uttarajiva Mahathera is said to have visited in the reign of Narapatisithu and he came to Ceylon after Panthagu’s arrival in Pagan from Ceylon in the reign of Narapatisithu. Therefore it is difficult to say whether the Kalyan! inscriptions and the Sasanavamsa contain very accurate dates regarding Uttarajiva Mahathera’s visit to Ceylon. After worshipping at the shrines Uttarajiva Mahathera returned to Pagan. Chapala received the ordination in Ceylon and was admitted into the Sinhalese Sangha" and spent about ten years in the island. He acquired a full knowledge of the Tipitaka and their commen- taries and earned the designation of Mahathera. According to the Kalyan! inscriptions he returned to his country in the year 543 Sukkaraj i.e., in ad 1 1 8 1 . 7 Chapata’s ordination in Ceylon and his admission to the Sihala Sangha indicate that the Sihaja Sangha was held in high esteem in Burma. Chapata had a firm faith in Sinhalese orthodoxy and by establishing the Sihala Sangha in 1 LEffll , p. 299. 2 This is the Burmese era of 638 AD and not the usual Kaliyuga era: S. Paranavitana, JCBRAS, XXXII, No. 85, p. 197. *Sai, p. 39. *IA, XXII, 1893, p. 151. 5AHSEA, p. 867; HB, p. 365. «GPC, pp. 142-143. II A, XXII, 1893, p. 152. 94 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Burma, he wanted to bring the Burmese Sangha in close touch with the Sihala Sangha. He regarded the existing Burmese ordination as not valid and did not like to perform the ecclesiastical acts with the monks of the Burmese Sangha and without a chapter of fiye monks it would'be impossible for him to perform any ecclesiastical act separately. That is why he reached Pagan with four other monks who had been ordained at the hands of the monks of the Mahavihara. 1 SIvali Mahathera, a native of Tamalitthi, 2 Tamalinda Mahathera, a son of the king of Cambodia, Ananda Mahathera of Kificipura or Conjeveram in South India and Rahula Mahathera of Ceylon went with him. 3 In the meantime, Uttarajlva Mahathera had died and these five monks, who had received their ordination at the hands of the monks of the Mahavihara, refused to perform any ecclesiastical act with the Burmese monks of Pagan and declined to recognise the Burmese Sangha and they perf ormed their ecclesiasti- cal acts separately. This is the establishment of the Sihala Sangha at Pagan. The king of Pagan at that time was Narapatisithu. After constructing a bridge of boats on the river Eravati (Irrawaddy), the king requested the five Mahatheras to perform the upasampada ordination on the Burmese monks who wanted to receive it at their ’ hands and to join the Sihala Sangha. 4 Many monks who belonged to the Burmese Sangha gradually joined the Sihala Sangha. According to the KalyanI inscriptions the Sihala Sangha was established at Pagan in the year 543 Sakkaraj i.e., in ad 1181. 5 Thus under the guidance of the five *Mahatheras the Sihala Sangha maintained its influence and popularity at Pagan. Later on the Sihala Sangha was divided into several branches. The dissensions among the theras of the Sihala Sangha were sometimes on questions of monastic discipline and at other times they were due to personal reasons. Rahula Mahathera, one of the five Mahatheras, fell in love with a dancing girl and decided to return to lay life. So in order to avoid a scandal his friends requested him to leave Burma and go to Malayadlpa. 8 The king of Malayadlpa was very interested in Was, p. 40; GPC, pp. 143-144. 2 Tamalitthi is probably Tamluk in Bengal. 3 IA, 1893, p. 29; GPC, p. 143. *IA, XXII, 1893, p. 30. 5 ibid, p. 30. e IA, XXIV, 1895, p. 301; Malayadlpa may be identified with the Malay Archipelago. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 95 learning the Vinaya and he satisfied the king by his deep knowledge of the Vinaya. He later became a layman. After the death of Chapata, the three Mahatheras Sivali, Ananda and Tamalinda continued “to maintain the religion in splendour at Pugama.” 1 But soon, dissensions arose on questions of monastic discipline among the three Mahatheras of the SIhala Sangha. The king of Pagan, Narapatisithu always had great reverence for the three Mahatheras and he presented them with three elephants. Sivali Mahathera and Tamalinda Mahathera liberated the two elephants in a forest, but Ananda Mahathera instead of liberating the elephant in a forest wanted to present it to a relative. The two Mahatheras bitterly criticised the act of Ananda Mahathera. But the latter told them that ‘kindness to kinsfolk’ 2 was preached by the Buddha so he was not doing any wrong. But Sivali and Tamalinda Mahatheras refused to associate with Ananda in the performance of ecclesiasti- cal acts and performed such acts separately. 3 In course of time, a dispute arose between Sivali Mahathera and Tamalinda Mahathera on the question of monastic discipline. Tamalinda,, Mahathera had recommended his favourite disciples to the laity for gifts. This was against the Vinaya rules. These two Mahatheras performed their ecclesiastical acts separately 4 and founded two branches of the SIhala Sangha at Pagan. Thus in Pagan during this period the SIhala Sangha was divided into three branches: (1) the disciples of Sivali Mahathera;_(2) the disciples of Tamalinda Mahathera and (3) the disciples of Ananda Mahathera. Apart from the three schools of the SIhala Sangha there was the school of Shin Arahan. Of these four schools, the school of Shin Arahan which was established first at Pagan from Sudhammapura or Thaton in the time of Anuruddha is called the Former School or Purimagana. 6 The Sinhalese school which was established afterwards is called the Latter School or Pacchagana. 6 Although there were differences in the SIhala Sangha it still maintained its popularity in Burma. Chapala’s visit to Ceylon, his admission into the Sinhalese Sangha, his arrival in Burma with four other monks from Ceylon and the establishment of the SIhala Sangha at Pagan in the twelfth century ad are important religious events in the history of Buddhism in Burma and Ceylon. All these facts show that Ceylon played a significant role in the establishment, growth and fibid, XXII, p. 30. 2 ibid, p. 31. s ibid, p. 31. *ibid, XXII, p. 31. B ibid, p. 31. ejbid, p. 31. 96 History ofTheravada Buddhism in South-east Asia development of SThaja Buddhism in Burma in the twelfth century ad. It is very strange that Sinhalese sources do not make even a passing reference to these events which mark Ceylon’s influence on the religion of Burma. Among the Burmese sources the KalyanI inscriptions are the earliest datable records relating to this episode. There is a gap of about three centuries between this event and the date of the KalyanI inscriptions. The tradition regarding Chapata’s visit to Ceylon and the establishment of the Slhala Sangha in Burma in the twelfth century ad would have been well known to the monks of Burma and we may accept the evidence of the KalyanI inscriptions regarding this episode as historical. According to the Culavamsa, 1 Vijayabahu II (ad 1186-1187), the successor of Parakramabahu I re-established friendly relations between Ceylon and Burma. He is said to have written with his own hand a letter in the Magadhi language to the king of rimaddanapura 2 and concluded a friendly treaty which was a cause of joy to the Buddhist monks of both Ceylon and Burma. 3 The language of the letter was Magadhi or Pali and it was the medium of intercourse between the Buddhist countries during this period. The king who ruled Arimaddanapura in the reign of Vijayabahu II was Narapatisithu. The Culavamsa mentions 4 that in Ceylon the religion of the Buddha was flourishing under royal patronage during this period. The Sasanavamsa does not say anything regarding Burma’s relations with Ceylon during the reign of Narapatisithu. But it refers to thg purification of the religion in Ceylon in his reign. “ the religion having become stainless... ••• The author of the Cfllavanisa attempts to glorify Vijayabahu II s role in the re-establishment of friendship between the two countries and we may assume that there was intercourse between these two countries during this period. There is also evidence to show that in the reign of Ni&amkamalla (ad 1 189-1 198) Burma and Ceylon came into close contact with each other. Two inscriptions belonging to the reign of NisSarhkamalla found at Polonnaruva mention that there were friendly relations between Ceylon and Aramana.® The reign of Narapatisithu witnessed the introduction of the 1CV ’ ch - LXXX, vv. 6-7. 2 ibid, ell. LXXX, vv. 6-7; EZ, II, p. 181. 3 CK ch. LXXX, vv. 6-8. fibid, ch. LXXX, v. 8. Was, p. 44. *EZ, II, p. 151, 155. Religious Intercourse betweeSCe^Ion and Burma 97 Sihaja Sangha at Dala in Lower Burma. This was done under the leadership of Sariputta, a native of Padippujeya, near Rangoon in the province of Dala. He had received his ordination at Pagan from Ananda Mahathera of the Slhala Sangha . 1 The king after having conferred on him the title of Dhammavilasa 2 thera, asked him to go to his native country, Ramanfia to purify the religion , 3 The same episode is referred to in the KalyanI inscriptions . 4 The Slhalapakkhabhikkhusaiigha, the Sihaja fraternity founded by Dhammavilasa thera and the Ariyarahantapakkhabhikkhusangha , 8 n A, XXII, 1893, p. 154; Sas, p. 41. •Epigraphical and archaeological sources show that Dhammavilasa was a prominent figure in the Buddhist Sartgha at Pagan in the thirteenth century AD. A certain Dhammawilatha is referred to in a Burmese inscription discovered at Pagan and dated in Sakkaraj 573 -AD 1211 (A list of inscriptions found in Burma, part I, Rangoon, Superintendent Government Printing, Burma, 1921, p. 26. Inscriptions collected in Upper Burma, I, 1900, volumes of inscriptions, 174- 177). According to it, this thera made an offering of ornaments to a pagoda. It is possible that this Dhammawilatha thera is identical with Dhammavilasa thera of the KalyanI inscriptions and the Sasanavamsa. As they both belonged roughly to the same period. Dhammavilasa is the name of a Mahathera mentioned as the donor of eleven stone Buddha images discovered in a village, about five miles south of Pagan (Maung Mya, Exploration in Burma, ARASf, 1930-34, p. 179). The inscriptions found on the pedestal of the images have been dated in the thirteenth or fourteenth century AD on pala- eographical grounds. He too may be considered identical with Dhammavilasa Mahathera who belonged to the Slhalapakkhabhikkhusaiigha. *Sas, p. 41. HIPC, p. 154. 6The Ariyarahantapakkhab h ikkhusahgha was afterwards known as Kambo- japanamahatherasanghapakkha, the fraternity of the Mahathera of the Kamboja or Krom market. (The mon equivalent of the word Kamboja is krom). (The inscriptions of the KalyanI Sima, Pegu, C.O. Blagden, EB, III, part II, p. 196 fn. 5). A learned Mahathera belonging to the Ariyarahantapakkhabhikkhusangha lived in a monastery which was situated near the mouth of a river in the Lakkhiyapura province in Lower Burma. Near this monastery was a market and not far from the latter there was a settlement of Kamboja prisoners of war. The market was therefore called the Kamboja market and the monastery was called the Kambojapanavihara. The Maha- thera of this monastery was known as the Pathama-Kambojapanavihara thera. (The first Mahathera of the monastery of the Kamboja market). Later he came to be referred to as Kambojapana Mahathera. The Mahathera of the Kamboja market was the oldest and most celebrated member of the Ariyarahantasafigha- pakkha in D|ala, the whole of the fraternity was known as the Kamboja- panamahatherasanghapakkha. Later called it the Kambojapanasanghapakkha. This was further abbreviated to Kambojasanghapakkha. IA, XXII, 1893, pp. 32ff. 98 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia the fraternity of monks who were already in the country and who were the ecclesiastical successors of Sona Mahathera and Uttara Mahathera existed at Dala during this time. The royal patronage given to Dhammavilasa thera for the establishment of the Sihala Sangha at Dala and the purification of the Buddhist Sangha at Ramanna is a further indication of the popularity of Sihala Buddhism in Burma during the latter part of the twelfth century ad and the beginning of the thirteenth century ad. From the religious and cultural point of view, the reign of Narapatisithu marks the apogee of the Pagan dynasty. The king himself devoted his whole life to the progress of the religion. ‘In order that men might follow the path and reach fruition in Nirvana’ he built several beautif ul temples called the Gawdawpalin, the Sula- mani, the Dammayazaka, the Mimalungkyaung and the Chaukpala and established the images of the Buddha in all of them. “He sec- coured with the things needful scholars of the noble orderlearned in Pali, in the commentaries and sub-commentaries, who practised piety throughout all the homeland, and they gave instruction in the books .” 1 The establishment of the Sihala Sangha in Burma and of Burma’s contact with the Buddhist scholars in Ceylon gave an impetus to scholastic activities at Pagan. The Sasanavamsa, the Gandhavainsa and the Sasanavamsadipa give an account of monastic scholarship at Pagan in the reign of Narapatisithu. There were several Buddhist scholars in Burma at this time. Among them Chapala , 2 Saddhammasiri , 3 Aggapandita , 4 Subhuticandana , 5 Nanasagara , 6 Uttama , 7 Vimalabuddhi , 8 Uttara , 9 Dhammadassi , 10 and thera Abhaya 11 were the most important figures in the religious history of Burma. They made a great contribution to the development and the popularisation of scholastic activities in Burma. Chapala who was also known as Saddhammajotipala took keen interest in grammar, the Vinaya and the Abhidhamma. He wrote the Suttaniddesa, the Samkhepavannana, the Vinayagulattha- dlpanl, and the Simalaihkara. Saddhammasiri wrote the Saddatthabhedacinta, a grammatical work. Aggapandita was the 1 GPC, p. 142; AISTBB, p. 111. ‘Sas, p. 74; Gv, PP- 64, 74; Svd, w. 1274-8. 3 ibid, p . 75; ibid, pp. 62, 72. 4 ibid, p. 74; ibid, pp. 64, 67. 5 ibid, p. 63. Bibid, p. 67. 7 ibid, pp. 72, 73. 8 ibid, pp. 63, 73; Svd, v. 1223. «ibid, pp. 65-75. ™Sas, p. 75. U GV, pp. 63, 73. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 99 author of the Lokuppatti. Subhuticandana wrote the Lingatthaviva- rana. Nanasagara and Uttarna were the authors of the Lingatthavivaranappakasaka and Lingatthavivaranatika. Vimalabuddhi or Maha-Vimalabuddhi. the Elder Vimalabuddhi the senior wrote the Nyasa, a commentary on Kaccayana’s work. Dhammadassi wrote a grammatical treatise called the Vaccavacaka. Abhaya was the author of the Mahatlka, a commentary on the Saddatthabhedacinta of Saddhammasiri and the Sambandha- cintatlka, a commentary on the Sambandhacinta of Sangharakkhita of Ceylon. According to the KalyanI inscriptions and the Sasanavaipsa, Buddhavamsa Mahathera and MahasamI Mahathera more popularly known as Mahanaga 1 from Martaban in Lower Burma visited Ceylon and received reordination at the hands of the monks of the Mahavihara and thus they entered the order of the SIhala Sangha. "When they returned to Martaban they separated themselves from the monks of Martaban and performed ecclesiasti- cal acts separately. In this way they established two branches of the SIhala Sangha at Martaban. 2 The Burmese sources do not say anything about the cause of the separation between Buddhavainsa and MahasamI Mahatheras. It is possible that two Mahatheras separated themselves from one another on problems regarding monastic discipline. According to the chronology of the Sasana- vainsa, they established two branches of the SIhala Sangha at Martaban after the establishment of the SIhala Sangha by Sariputta or Dhammavilasathera at Dala. Therefore it is probable that they visited Ceylon in the thirteenth century ad. According to the KalyanI inscriptions; 3 there were six Buddhist schools in the city of Muttima or Martaban at this time: (1) the Kamboja or the Korm fraternity i.e. the Ariyarahanta fraternity, the members of this school were the spiritual successors of the missionaries sent by ASoka to Suvannabhumi; (2) the SIhalasanghapakkha, whose members as already observed earlier, were the spiritual successors of Tamalinda Mahathera; 4 (3) the SIhalasanghapakkha, whose members as already observed earlier, were the spiritual successors iIA, XXII, 1893, p. 155; Sas, p. 42. ‘ibid, XXII, 1893, p. 155; ibid, p. 42. 3 ibid, XXII, 1893, p. 33; EB, III, part II, p. 199. WA, XXII, 1893, p. 30. 100 History of Thera vada Buddhism in South-east Asia of Sivali Mahathera; 1 (4) the SIhalasanghapakkha, whose members as already observed earlier, were the spiritual successors of Ananda Mahathera; 2 (5) and (6) two branches of the SIhala Sangha were founded by Buddhavainsa Mahathera and Mahasami Mahathera or Mahanaga. 3 The Burmese sources make no mention of the date of the establishment of the three branches of the SJhala Sangha at Martaban: (1) the disciples of Sivali Mahathera; (2) the disciples of Tamalinda Mahathera and (3) the disciples of Ananda Mahathera. The reign of Narapatisithu as already observed witnessed vigorous religious activities in Burma. It is possible that under the patronage of Narapatisithu three branches of the Sihaja Sangha were established at Martaban. The next reference to Burma’s relations with Ceylon is in the Manavulu Sandesaya or Mahanagakula Sandesaya, 4 a Pali fragmentary poem of Ceylon which may be dated in the thirteenth century ad. This date has been arrived at on the identification of Kassapa Sangharakkhita of Pagan and the minister Nana of Pagan. 6 This poem was composed by Nagasena Mahathera of Mahanaga- kula, 6 in the f orm of a reply to Kassapa Sangharakkhita. It is stated that the Burmese thera sent a letter 7 with a certain request to the thera Nagasena through a minister called Nana. What this request was, it is not known due to the f ragmentary nature of the Manavulu Sandesaya. Sangharakkhita thera is described as an inmate of a monastery built by Sifii Dhammaraja, 8 near Pagan. There is evidence to show that Kassapa Mahathera was the most 1 l A, XXII, 1893, p. 30. “ibid, XXII, 1893, p. 30 3 ibid, XXII, 1893, p. 33; EB, III, part II, p. 199. VRASGBI, 1905, p. 265. B pp. 101-102. 6 A city of Rohana in Southern Ceylon. ’“The missive leaf sent from your Reverence’s feet, a leaf from the tree of virtue, which has been brought to me by the minister Nana, is to me as the essence of all completeness. Seeing your most precious missive and bearing your message I became exceedingly overjoyed; the requests of esteemed persons induce delight.” JRASGBI, 1905, p. 274. 8 Siri Dhammaraja was not the personal name of any king of Burma. It was the title used by the Burmese kings of the 1 1th to 13th centuries AD and it is an abbreviated form of the Siri-tribhuvanaditya-pavara panijit- dhammaraja ( TMSEA , p. 114) As Sangharakkhita thera. and the minister Nana may be assigned to the first half of the thirteenth century AD, Siri Dhammaraja could be any one of the kings, Narapatisithu (AD 1173-1210), Natenmya (or Nautaungmya) (AD 1211-1234) and Kyaswa (AD 1234-1250). Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 10 1 prominent figure of the Buddhist Sangha of Pagan in the thirteenth century ad. At Siri-Paccaya (Thiripitsaya) near Pagan, a group of monastic buildings bearing the name of Shin-Katthaba (Kassapa Mahathera) were f ound 1 and probably this Mahathera was associa- ted with these buildings. Epigraphic evidence which supports the identification of Kassapa Mahathera is not lacking. Several inscriptions belonging to the thirteenth century ad found in Burma refer to Kassapa Mahathera. An Inscription 2 in both Burmese and Pali dated ad 1209 found at Shwezigon pagoda records the dedication of lands to the monk Mahakassapa by Narapatisithu. An inscription 3 in the Burmese language dated Sakkaraj 580= ad 1218 found at Myinmu at Sagaing district in Northern Burma refers to the dedication of lands to the monk Mahakatthapa by Mingyi Uzana. An inscription 4 in the Burmese language found at Hngetpyittaung at Pagan records the building of a monastery and dedication of lands to the resident monks of the monastery by the monk Mahakatthapa. An inscription 8 in the Burmese language dated ad 1237 has been found within the group of Shin Katthapa monasteries in Ledaunggan at Pagan. It records the dedication of lands to the ‘Doctrine’ and to Maha- katthapa by a person who was the husband of Thaye A. Pwa Ham. An inscription 6 found at Pagan refers to the establishment of another monastery in ad 1237 and the offering of services of slaves in the presence of Mahakassapa and Dhammasiri Subhuti. An inscription 7 dated ad 124 2 found at Pagan refers to a gift of land to a monastery of Mahathera Kassapa. An inscription 8 discovered within the group of Shin Katthapa monastic buildings at Ledaunggan at Pagan relates that in ad 1244 Min Hla built a monastery for the residence of Kassapa Mahathera and gave an estate for its maintenance. An inscription 9 dated ad 1246 has been found within the group of Shin Katthapa monastic buildings in Ledaunggan at Pagan. It refers to the dedication of lands to the iJRASGBI, p. 266. •A list of inscriptions found in Burma, part I, p. 5). 3 ibid, p. 116. 4 ibid, Serial no. 239. sibid, p. 42. «Inscriptions of Pagan, Pinya and Ava (Rangoon, 1892, III, no. 6), p. 101. ’Inscriptions of Pagan, Pinya and Ava (Rangoon, 892, IV, no. 3), p. 117 and VII, no. 16, p. 184. 8 ibid, X, no. 15, p- 243. »A list of inscriptions found in Burma, part I, 1921, p. 42. 102 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia clergy and also the purchase of lands by Uzana and others. All these facts affirm that Shin Katthapa was a leading Mahathera in the thirteenth century ad and was honoured by kings, ministers as well as commoners. Two inscriptions 1 in the Burmese language dated ad 1 236 and 1 237 respectively have been found at Shinbinbodhi pagodaat Pagan and the name of the founder is given as the minister Nana Pisi or Nyana Pisi. The inscriptions relate the construction of a pagoda and monas- tery in ad 1236 and the painting of frescoes inside the pagoda depicting 550 Jatakas. They also record the dedication of slaves and land to the same pagoda and a monastery and the presenta- tions of rewards to artists and masons. Kassapa Mahathera and a Burmese minister Nana referred to in the Manavulu Sandesaya are probably identical with Mahakatthapa thera and the minister Nana Pisi of the Burmese inscriptions of the thirteenth century ad. Thus the Manavulu Sandesaya too is adequate testimony to the close cultural and religious ties between Burma and Ceylon in the thirteenth century ad. The last quarter of the thirteenth century ad witnessed the downfall of Pagan. Kublai Khan, the Mongol leader after conquering Yunnan sent envoys to Narathihapate (ad 1256-87), the king of Pagan, to demand the payment of tribute. 2 Kublai Khan claimed that Burma had been a dependency of the Yunnan kingdom. But the Pagan king refused to pay anything. Then a second embassy came from Kublai Khan in ad 1273. 3 But the envoys were put to death by the 'Burmese army. 4 Afterwards the Mongol army invaded Pagan and captured it in ad 1287. 5 At the time of the downfall of Pagan the Talaing provinces under Tarabya, the Governor of Pegu with the help of Warreru, a Shan adventurer, overthrew the Burmese kingdom in Lower Burma. 6 At the same time Northern Arakan declared its independence.’ After the fall of Pagan, the Shans of Northern Burma became prominent there. Athin Kay a, Yazathinkyan and Thihathu, 8 sons of a Shan chief divided Upper Burma into three divisions and became rulers of the three divisions. Under the patronage of the Shan rulers Buddhism flourished in Upper Burma. 9 While Upper Burma was divided 1 A list of inscriptions found in Burma, p. 38. a AHSEA, p 146. 3 ibid, p. 146. 4 ibid, p. 146; TMSEA, p. 129. 6 ibid, p. 147; ibid, p. 130. «ibid, p. 146, 155; ibid, p. 181. ’ibid, p. 146. 8 ibid, p. 147; HB, p. 157; HHB, pp. 75-76. »Sas, PP- 82-84. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 103 politically, Waruru after murdering Tarabya made himself master of Lower Burma and, Martaban was his capital. 1 Afterwards Pegu became the capital of Lower Burma and became an important centre of Buddhist activities. The rulers of Lower Burma like the rulers of the Pagan kingdom encouraged the cultural and religious intercourse between Burma and Ceylon and also encouraged the development of the Sinhalese form of Buddhism in Burma. The next reference to Burma’s relations with Gey Ion in the Sasanavaipsa is in the reign of Setibhinda of Burma. 2 The Elder named Medhamkara of the town of Muttima or Martaban in Lower Burma and the preceptor of the king’s mother visited Ceylon. 3 He had studied the sacred texts there and had received reordination at the hands of the great Elders of the ArahnavasI fraternity in Ceylon. The king’s mother had built a monastery for him at Martaban and after his return from Ceylon he lived there and played an important role in developing the religion. The Sasanavamsa 4 mentions that the king was Setibhinda. According to the chronology of the kings of Burma, the king who ruled during this period was Binya U or Bing-U (ad 1353-85) 5 the son of Binnya E Law. He took the title of Hsin-hpyn-shin or Hsengphynsheng, in Pali Setibhinda, the possessor of a white elephant. 6 Therefore Setibhinda of the Sasanavamsa and Binnya U are definitely one and the same person. The reign of Binnya U witnessed Burma’s war with Nabbisipura (o r Xieng Mai) and Ayuthia in Siam. 7 Owing to Siam’s frequent invasions, Binnya U was forced to transfer his capital from Martaban to Pegu in ad 1369. 8 But even during this turbulent period his reign marked Burma’s cultural connections with Ceylon and scholastic activities in Burma. 9 The fifteenth century ad witnessed vigorous religious activities in Lower Burma. The records of this period show that the rulers of the Mon kingdom were patrons of Buddhism. The statements in the Jinakalamall, the Sasanavamsa and the KalyanI inscriptions indicate that at this time close religious ties existed between the Buddhist Sanghas of Burma and Ceylon. The reign of Parakramabahu VI (ad 1412-1468) of Kotte in 1 AHSEA , p. 155; HB, p. 65. *Sas, p. 42. 3 ibid, p. 42. iibid, p. 42. &AHSEA, p. 870. e PLB, p. 35 fn. 2; HB, pp. 67-68. 1 AHSEA, p. 156. 8 ibid, p. 156. »Sas, p. 48; Gv, p. 74; Svd, v. 1250. 104 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Ceylon is an important epoch in the history of Buddhism in Ceylon. He was a zealous Buddhist and h is efforts were largely responsible for the development of Buddhism and the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon at this time. He erected a shrine and a college for monks in the Pappata Grove and named it the Sunetra Devi Parivena 1 after his mother. Under his patronage the Tipitaka with Atthakatha and tlka were inscribed and he granted villages to the scribes who were daily engaged in the work. 2 Several educational institutions were established at this time. These were — the Padmavatl Parivena at Karagala under the presidency of Rajaguru Vanaratana Sangharaja, the Aranayaka at Palabatgala, the Vijayabahu Pariveipa at Totagamuva under Sri Rahula, the Irugalkula Parivena at Mulgirigala and Sri Ganananda Parivena at Rayigama under the great Elder Maittreya Mahathera of the Maha Netra Vihara. 3 Vanaratana MahasamI was the Sangharaja of Parakramabahu VI, 4 who patronised the Buddhist scholars and religious institutions during this period. His reign witnessed regular religious intercourse with neighbouring Buddhist countries in South-East Asia. Probably because of the flourishing condition of Buddhism and of the existence of several well- organised education- al and religi'ous institutions in Ceylon Buddhist monks from foreign countries visited Ceylon to study under the able guidance of the Buddhist scholars in Ceylon. The Jinakalamall 5 refers to the arrival of six Mon monks from the Ramanna country in Ceylon 1967 years after the death of the Buddha i.e. in ad 1423. The king of Ceylon about this time was Parakramabahu VI of Jayavardhanapura (Kotte) (ad 1412-68). The king of Harpsavatl or Pegu (i.e. the Ramanna country) was Binnya Dammayaza (ad 1423-26), the son of Razadarit or Rajadhiraja (ad 1385-1423). During the reign of Razadarit the kingdom of Pegu was engaged in war with Ava in Northern Burma, Nabbisipura in Northern Siam, Kampheng Phet in Central Siam and Ayuthia in Southern Siam. 6 It is possible that during this period of political disruption the religion was at its lowest ebb. Buddhism suffered in Burma at this time. At the end of the wars and with the accession of Binnya Dammayaza to the throne of Pegu, the religious mission iCv, ch. XCI, v. 24. Not far from Colombo. *ibid, ch. XCI, v. 28. *PLC, p. 248. 4 ibid, p. 248. s BEFEO, XXV, p. 50. *AHSEA, p. 156; TMSEA, p. 182. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 105 from the Raman&a country visited Ceylon to get the assistance from the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon. They studied the sacred texts thoroughly and also learnt the correct manner of recital of the sacred texts from the Buddhist monks in Ceylon. They received their education at Yiipapattana in KalyanI in ad 1424, in the presence of a Chapter consisting of twenty Mahatheras of Ceylon. 1 Vanaratana Mahasami and Dhammacariya acted as Kammavaca- cariya and upajjhaya respectively. 2 The Ceylon and Burmese chronicles and inscriptions do not make any reference to this joint mission to Ceylon. This ommission although strange need not throw doubt on the authenticity of the whole story relating to this mission as contained in the Jinakalamall. This chronicle records that this Burmese mission came to Ceylon with the Siamese mission. The visit of the Siamese monks to Ceylon is an important and significant event in the history of Buddhism in Siam. Because after receiving the upasampada ordination at the hands of the Sinhalese Mahat hera, they returned to their country accompanied by the Sinhalese monks and they introduced the Slhaja Sangha to Northern and Southern Siam in the fifteenth century ad. The Jinakalamall refers to this Burmese mission in connection with the Siamese mission. It is a book of the history of Buddhism in Siam and the author of this book records the more important incidents relating to the history of Buddhism in that' land. Therefore it is quite certain that this account of the Jinakalamall regarding the arrival of the Mon monks in Ceylon has some historical value though there is no reference to it in the Burmese sources. The Sasanavaipsa 3 refers to the visit of two Sinhalese theras Sirisaddhammalaipkara and SIhalamahasamI to Burma in the fifteenth century ad. According to it, they first landed at Kusima 4 in Southern Burma in the year seven hundred and ninety one of the Kali age i.e. in ad 1429 and they brought with them five relics of the Buddha. But Byannaran, 5 the king of the Ramanna country did not allow them to settle there but asked them to go to the city of Sirikhetta (Prome). 6 It is difficult to explain about Byannaran’s unsympathetic attitude towards these two Sinhalese monks. i BEFEO, XXV, p. 50. s ibid, XXV, p. 50. %.i, p. 90. fibid, p. 90. Kusima or Kusumiya in Ramanna is modern Bassern. •'HB, pp. 8 Iff. ByanOaran is known as Binya Rankit also. «Sas, p. 91. 106 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia According to the Jinakalamall, six Mon monks from the Ramanna country came to Ceylon in ad 1423, but according to the Sasanavamsa, two Sinhalese theras arrived in Burma in ad 1429. There is only a gap of six years between the two events. Therefore we may not be wrong in concluding that there is some connection between these two events. The Jinakalamall 1 states that after the upasampada ceremony at Yapapattana in Ceylon the Siamese monks returned to their country with two Sinhalese monks. But it makes no mention of the return of the Burmese monks to Burma with the Sinhalese monks. In the first half of the fifteenth century ad. Burma was engaged in a war with Siam. Owing to the political situation the relations were strained between the two countries. Probably this explains why we do not find any detailed account regarding the visit of the Mon monks to Ceylon and their arrival in Burma in the Jinakalamall. When Byannaram asked two Sinhalese monks to go to Prome, the king of Ratanapura (Ava), on hearing of it, at once sent forty boats to bring them and he received them with great honour. 2 Under his patronage they settled there and helped to popularise the religion. The Sasanavarpsa relates 3 that when the two theras came to Ava, the king of this region was Mrihnanah or Mrinnana who occupied the throne in ad 1426 or 1427. According to the chronology of the kings of Burma, Mohnyintha or Mohnyinthado 4 reigned in Ava from ad 1427 to 1440. Probably he is referred to in the Sasanavaqisa as Mrih-nanah. According to the Sasanavamsa, 8 MahasamI thera, the preceptor of king Maha Narapati or Narapati (ad 1 443-69) of Ava, visited Ceylon and studied under Sariputta thera of Ceylon. It is difficult to identify Sariputta thera with any known thera in Ceylon in the fifteenth century ad. Sevasuvannasobhana, 6 a prominent thera from the town of Martaban visited Ceylon. According to the Sasanavamsa, 7 he came after Medhamkara thera. The lftter came to Ceylon in the last quarter of the fourteenth century ad. Probably Sevasuvapnasobhana visited Ceylon in the second half of the fifteenth century ad. In the Kalyanl inscriptions 8 there is a reference to Suvannasobhana. It is probable that Sevasuvannasobhana was Suvannasobhana of the i BEFEO, XXV, p. 50. >Sas, p. 91. 3 ibid, pp. 94-95. UHSEA, p. 152; HB, p. 285. ^Sas, p. 95. 6 ibid, p. 42. 7 ibid, p. 42. 8/^ 1893, p. 239. S . >L » Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 107 KalyanI inscriptions. When the Burmese monks sent by king Dhammaceti returned to Burma f rom Ceylon after receiving the upasampada ordination from the monks of the Mahavihara within the consecrated boundaries of the KalyanI river, near Colombo, 1 Sevasuvannasobhana played an important role in the history of Buddhism in Burma during this period. He acted as Upajjhaya in the upasampada ceremony in the Kalyanlslma 2 in Burma. Before appointing him as upajjhaya king Dhammaceti asked him “when you visited Slhala, in which slma were you ordained and what was the strength of the Chapter that ordained you.” s The Mahathera told the king that twenty-six years have elapsed since he received the upasampada ordination in Ceylon. 4 Dhammaceti’s religious mission visited Ceylon in ad 1476. Sevasuvannasobhana probably came to the island of Ceylon in the middle of the fifteenth century ad. The king of Pegu at this time was Binnayakan (ad 1450-1 45 3). 5 Sevasuvannasobhana studied the sacred texts in Ceylon and received his ordination at the hands of a chapter composed of more than five monks. 6 Vanaratana Mahathera, the head of the Sangha, and Rahulabhadda, the preceptor of the king of Ceylon, acted as upajjhaya and kammavacacariya respectively. The king of Ceylon was Parakramabahu VI of Kotte. The Udakukkhepaslma was arranged on this occasion on the great lake in Colombo. After his ordination he returned to Martaban from Ceylon and established the Slhala Sangha there. The Sasanavatpsa mentions 7 that Medhamkara and Sevasuvannasobhana introduced the religion from Ceylon to Lower Burma for the fifth time. The Ceylon chronicles do not deal with the visit of Sevasuvannasobhana to Ceylon. But both the Sasanavamsa and the KalyanI inscriptions refer to him. From Burmese sources we know that Vanaratana Mahathera or MahasamI, the head of the Sangha and Rahulabhadda, the preceptor of the king of Ceylon acted as upajjhaya and kammavacacariya respectively at the ordination ceremony of Sevasuvannasobhana at Colombo. Vanaratana MahasamI was the Sangharaja of Ceylon in the reign of 1 I A, XXII, 1893, p. 239. t PLB, p. 7 fn 1. The enclosure within which ceremonies such as ordination can be properly performed. The observance of these bounds is very strict and a ceremony carried out in a place unfitted for consecrations is not valid. HA, XXII, 1893, p. 239. 4 ibid, p. 239. 6 AH SEA, p. 156. HA, XXII, 1893, p. 239. 1 Sas , p. 42. 1 • History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Parakramabahu VI. The Hamsasandesa refers to him as Sangharaja Vanaratana of Karagala Parivena . 1 There were several ecclesiastical colleges in the reign of Parakramabahu VI. Among them the Padmavatl Parivena at Karagala was under the presidency of Rajaguru Vanaratana Sangharaja and Vijayabahu Parivena at Totagamuwa was under Sri Rahula Sangharaja. The Jinakalamall also refers to Vanaratana Sangharaja. The statements in Ceylon sources and the Jinakalamall show that these two Mahatheras were leading figures in the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon. Therefore both Ceylon, Burmese and Siamese sources would help to confirm the statement relating to Sevasuvannasobhana in the Sasanavamsa. The reign of Dhammaceti 3 marked a new religious revival in Burma. The Jinakalamall, the Sasanavamsa and the KalyanI inscriptions as already observed 3 refer to the visit of several religious missions to Ceylon from Pegu and Ava as well as the visit of SInhala monks to Ava in the fifteenth century ad. King Dhammaceti’s immediate predecessors, the rulers of Pegu of the fifteenth century ad were devout Buddhists and contributed to the development of Sinhalese form of Buddhism there. Burma for several centuries was in trouble due to political stress and the religion of the Buddha seems to have suffered much during this period. It was this deplorable state of the religion that sent the >ffj, vv. 183-187. , ’Dhammaceti was a monk before he became the king of Pegu. “Dhamma- ceti was an ordinary monk, evidently residing in one of the monasteries of Ava, when he together with another monk helped Shin Sawbu, the daughter of Razadarit of Pegu, to take to flight from Ava where she had been taken as one of the queens of Mohyinthado (1427-1440). This lady, first married to Thihathu (1422-1426), was later made over to the lord of Pagan during the upheavals that followed Thihathu’s death. When she was taken as the queen of Mohnyinthado, she had already become disgusted with this sort of life as well as with Upper Burma, and was therefore thinking of getting out of the royal palace. She took the help of two Talaing monks who had taught her letters, and managed to escape to Pegu. One of these monks came later on to be known as Dhammaceti. Shin Sawbu eventually became queen of Pegu (1453-1472) and when she had ruled for several years she wanted to retire, and retire in favour of one of the two monks Dhammaceti left the sacred Order, received Shin Sawbu’s daughter in marriage and assumed the government.” AISTBB, pp. 182-183. *pp. 104-108. 109 Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma Burmese Buddhist monks to Ceylon to get help from the Sinhalese monks in order to revive Buddhism. Owing to these religious conditions in Burma we hear of Burma’s frequent religious intercourse with Ceylon at this time. When Dhammaceti ascended the throne of Pegu, he found that Buddhist practices were neglected and the Sangha in Burma was split into dissentient sects. As already observed there were six Buddhist schools at Martaban , 1 and two schools at Dala . 2 Gradually dissensions arose among the theras of the SJhala Sangha sometimes' on questions of certain monastic rules, and at other times on personal grounds and, owing to these causes, they performed ecclesiastical acts separately. In this way more and more branches arose in the religious history of Burma. In all these sects there was not a single qualified monk to perform ecclesiastical acts according to the Vimaya rules. Dhammaceti wished to reform the Buddhist Sangha and to unify the Sangha into one sect. During this period a controversy arose as to the correct procedure f or the consecration of a slma and the valid conferment of the upasampada ordination. Each school gave its own interpretation regarding the performance of ecclesiastical acts and each one performed ecclesiastical acts in its own way. Dhammaceti had some doubts regarding the validity of the upasampada ordination of the Burmese monks. For this reason, he asked all the leading theras in Burma, well-versed in the Tipitaka, regarding the valid manner of consecrating a slma and the valid upasampada ordination. The validity of ecclesiastical acts depends on a duly consecrated slma and without it all acts are considered invalid. After consulting the theras and after earnest study of authoritative texts he felt that the valid upasampada ordination did not exist in Burma during this time. He believed that the religion would be purified through the establishment of the valid form of the upasampada ordination. Dhammaceti had firm faith in Sinhalese orthodoxy and he believed that monks of Ceylon performed ecclesiastical acts according to the rules of the Vinaya. So Dhammaceti, in order to receive the valid form of the upasampada ordination at the hands of the monks of the Mahavihara in Ceylon and to re-establish it in Burma and to arrange a consecrated slma for the performance of religious acts in Burma, sent a religious mission, composed of twenty-two theras ipp., 99-100. *pp. 96-100. 110 History of Thera vada Buddhism in South-east Asia and twenty-two others who are designated as novices or pupils, to Ceylon. 1 The eleven theras, the same number of novices took one ship. The leader of the monks was Moggallana thera. The remaining eleven theras and the same number of novices took the other ship. The leader of the theras was Mah&sivali thera. The Sasanavamsa refers to the name of the leader as Soma thera. 2 On the eighth day of the dark half of the month of Phagguna in Sakkaraj 837 i.e. on 23rd February 1476, the first ship arrived in Colombo and another ship arrived a few days later i.e. on Sunday, the ninth day of the light half of the month of Caitra i.e. on 3rd March 1476 at Valligama or Weligama owing to bad weather. 3 Dhammaceti sent many valuable presents with this religious mission to Ceylon. Along with the presents he sent two letters, one addressed to the Mahatheras of Ceylon, and the other one inscribed on a golden tablet addressed to the king of Ceylon. The king of Ceylon during this period was Bhuvanekabahu VI and his capitaFwas then to Kotte. The subject-matter of the two letters was the same. “Reverend Sirs, for the purpose of adoring the Holy Tooth and other Relics I have sent theras with offerings. Vouchsafe to afford them assistance in making such offerings. With the 22 theras and their novices, I have sent Citraduta and Ramaduta together with their attendants. Vouchsafe, Venerable Ones, to afford them such assistance as they may require in seeing and adoring the Holy Tooth Relic, and making offerings to,it. After seeing and adoring the Holy Tooth Relic, and making offerings to it, the 22 theras and others, who are designated as novices will receive f rom a Chapter of monks, who are the spiritual successors of the residents of the Mahavihara monastery and who are free from censure and reproach, the upasampada ordination in the Udakukkhepasfma consecrated on the Kalyani river, where the Blessed One had himself bathed. May it please the Venerable Ones to afford them assistance also in this matter.” 4 *Sas, p. 44. ‘ibid, 1893, p. 41. 1 IA, XXII, 1893, p. 208. *IA, XXII, 1893, p. 209. Ill Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma King Dhammaceti sent many gifts to the Holy Tooth Relic. 1 He also sent many gifts to the Ratana Cetiya and other shrines, to the Holy Foot-print and to the 22 Bodhi trees, 2 to the Mahatheras of SIhaladIpa 3 and Bhuvanekabahu VI, king of Sihaladipa. 4 The king of Ceylon offered betel together with camphor to the Burmese Buddhist monks and gave them a friendly welcome. The arrival of this religious mission in Ceylon in the reign of Bhuvanekabahu VI drew Burma and Ceylon closely together. During this period the SIhala Sangha had played an important role in the history of Buddhism in Burma. With the help of the king of Ceylon and of the Sinhalese monks Burma was able to re-establish the pure form of the religion and to unify the Sangha and to make the Mahavihara sect the only sect in Burma. 1 M, XXII, 1893, p. 40: “A stone alms-bowl, studded with sapphires of great value and a pyramidal covering made of gold weighing 50 phalas; an alms- « bowl, with stand and cover complete, made of gold weighing 60 phalas; a golden vase weighing 30 phalas, a duodecagonal betel-box made of gold weighing 30 phalas; a golden relic receptacle weighing 30 phalas, and constructed in the share of a cetiya; a relic receptacle made of crystal; a relic receptacle, embellished with pieces of glass resembling masargalla gems; and golden flowers.” “ibid, p. 40: “85 canopies of various colours; 50 large gilt, waxen candles; and the same number of small, gilt. W'axen candles. ” ' 3 ibid, p. 41: “40 boxes containing cotton cloth of delicate texture; 20 silk and cotton upper robes of various colours, namely, red, yellow, white; 20 betel- boxes of motley colour, manufactured in Haribhunjaya, four stone pitchers; 8 painted pitchers manufactured in China; and 20 fans manufactured in China.” It shows that there were trade relations between Haripiinjaya in Northern Siam and Pegu in the fifteenth century AD. The king who ruled Haripurjaya at this time was Tiloka. From the records of the Jinakalamall, we may assume that close religious ties existed between the Buddhist Safghas of Burma and Siam. 4 ibid, p. 41: “Two sapphires valued at 200 phalas of silver; 2 rubies valued at 430 phalas; 4 pieces of variegated China cloth, of great value, for making long mantles, which would cover the wearer from neck to foot; 3 pieces of thick embroidered China cloth, of white and dark blue or ash colour; 2 pieces of plain, thick, China cloth, of white and dark blue or ash colour; one piece of plain, white, thick China cloth; 2 pieces of green, thick, embroidered China cloth; one piece of plain, green, thick China cloth; 2 pieces of plain, black, China cloth; one piece of yellow, thick, embroidered China cloth; one piece of red, thin embroidered China cloth of delicate texture; one riece of thin, embro- idered China cloth of delicate texture, and of white and dark blue or ash colour: in all, 20 pieces of China cloth; the same number of variegated silk cloths called pavitti and 200 mats wrapped in leather cases.” 112 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia According to the advice of the king of Ceylon the twenty-four prominent and well-ordained monks such as Dhammakitti Mahathera, Vanaratana Mahathera, Pancaparivenavasimangala thera and SIhalarajajuvarajacariyathera 1 formed a Chapter under the leadership of Mahathera Vidagama and the Burmese monks received the Sinhalese form of the upasampada ordination from these monks within a consecrated boundary on the Kalyan! river, near Colombo. It took four days to confer the upasampada ordination on all the forty-four theras from Burma from July 17 to 20, 1476 ad . 3 The names of the twenty-two monks who took their ordination at the hands of the monks of the Mahavihara were: Moggalana, Kumarakassapa, Mahasivali, Sariputta, Nanasagara, Sumana, Kassapa, Nanda, Rahula, Buddhavamsa, Sumangala, Khujjananda, Sonuttara, Gunasagara, Dhammarakkhita, Culasumangala, Javanapanna, Culakassapa, Culasivali, Manisara, Dhammarajika and Candanasara. 3 On the first day, the five theras namely Moggalanathera, Kumarakassapathera, Mahaslvalithera, Sariputtathera and Nansagarathera were ordained in the presence of twenty-four monks. Dhammakitti Mahathera and Pancapari- venavasimangalathera acted as upajjhaya and acariya respectively. On the next day, ten theras, namely Sumanathera, Kassapathera, Nandathera, Rahulathera, Buddhavamsathera, Sumangalathera, Khujjjanandathera, Sonuttarathera, Gunasagarathera and Dhamma- rakkhitathera were ordained. Vanaratana Mahathera and Pancaparivepavasimangalathera acted as upajjhaya and acariya respectively. On the third day, seven theras namely Culasumanga- lathera, Javanapaiinathera, Culakassapathera, Culasfvalithera, Manisarathera, Dhammarajikathera and Candanasarathera were ordained. Vanaratana Mahathera and Paficaparivenavasimangala- thera acted as upajjhaya and acariya respectively. On the f ourth day, twenty-two young monks who were the disciples of the theras were ordained. Pancaparivenavasimangalathera and Sihalarajajuva- rajacariyathera acted as the upajjhaya and acariya respectively. After the ordination of the Burmese monks, the king of Ceylon also conferred titles on each one of them. The king gave the following titles: SirisahghabodhisamJ, Kittisirimeghasami. Parakkamabahusami, Buddhaghosasami, Sihaladipavisuddhasami, 'I A. XXII, p. 210. *IA, XXII, 1893, p. 210. *EB, III, part II, p. 232 fn. 1-5. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 113 GunaratanadharasamI, JinalankarasamI, RatanamalisamI, Suddham- matejasami, DhammaramasamI, BhuvanekabahusamI, Sirivanarata- nasaml, Mangalatherasami, Kalyanltissasami, Candanagirisanil, SiridantadhatusamI, , VanavasitissasamI, RatanalankarasamI, MahadevasamI, UdumbaragirisamI, CulabhayatissasamI andTiloka- gurusaml. 1 The king conferred titles on the theras only but he did not give any new title to the twenty-two novices who came with the theras. The king after the ordination of the Burmese monks invited them to a meal and presented each of them with many gifts. 2 The first party reached home safely. The second party suffered shipwreck and reached South India. The envoy of the king of Ceylon returned home and at last the second party arrived in Burma. After their arrival at Pegu from Ceylon, they were received with great honour by the king and under royal patronage, a slma was established near Pegu. The learned Elder Suvannasobhana, 3 on the request of the king, acted as the upajjhaya when the Burmese monks received the upasampada ordination at the new slma near Pegu at the hands of the newly ordained monks who had returned from Ceylon. The newly established slma of Dhammaceti is known to the Buddhist world as KalyanI slma. 4 Dhammaceti gave it the name KalyanI after the name of the KalyanI river in Ceylon, where the Burmese monks received the Sinhalese form of the upasampada ordination. The main object in establishing the KalyanI slma in Burma was to arrange a duly consecrated place for the performance of the upasampada, uposatha and other religious ceremonies and establish direct contact with the Mahavihara fraternity in Ceylon. Under royal patronage the SIhala Sangha was established in Burma. The total number of the Burmese monks who received the Sinhalese form of the upasampada ordination during ad 1476-1479, was 1 5,666. 5 Amongthem were about 8001eading Buddhist monks (gana- cariya), 14,265 young monks of Gamavasland ArannavasI fraternities and 601 newly ordained samaneras. The total number of newly ordained monks in the SIhala Sangha clearly signifies its importance and popularity in Burma. The newly ordained Burmese monks fibid XXII, p. 211. *ibid, p. 44: “Three yellow robes; a curtain and a canopy manufactured in the country of Gocharati; a leathern mat painted in variegated colours, a fan-shaped like a palmyra-fan, but made of ivory and a betel-box.” 3 pp. 106ff. WA, XXII, 1893, p. 238. 6 ibid, p. 242. 114 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia after returning f rom Ceylon re-established the valid f orm of the upasampada ordination throughout Burma and thus brought about the unification of the Sangha and the revival of the religion in Burma. King Dhammaceti reformed the Buddhist Sangha and brought the different sects together under one ecclesiastical authority through one standard and absolute upasampada ordination. Thus under his patronage the Sihaja Sangha became very popular throughout the country. He occupied an important place in Burmese history not only as an able to statesman but also as one who made a great contribution to the establishment of Buddhism there. Every eff ort was made to restore Buddhism to its former glory and long standing differences between different sects were settled and the Sangha purified. Thus the second half of the fifteenth century is a great epoch in the history of Buddhism in Burma. But the Sinhalese chronicles do not say anything of this Burmese mission to Ceylon. King Bhuvanekabahu VI of Ceylon and the Sihaja monks made a great contribution to the purification of the Buddhist Sangha in Burma and the establishment and development of the Sihaja Sangha in Burma. The silence of the Ceylon chronicles regarding missions concerning Buddhism in foreign countries is understandable. They mention events that benefitted Ceylon only. Others were of such common occurrence that the chronicles did not think them worthwhile recording. The early sixteenth century marked the arrival of the Portuguese in Ceylon. 1 At this time three kingdoms existed in Ceylon, Kotte, Kandy 2 and Jaffna. Among them Kotte was the most important one. After their arrival in Ceylon, the Portuguese first came into contact with the ruler of the kingdom of Kotte. The king of Kotte was Vira Parakramabahu VIII. 3 After him Dharma Parakramabahu IX and Vijayabahu VI reigned in Kotte. In ad 1521 this kingdom was divided among the sons of Vijayabahu VII , (ad 1509-1521). His three sons were Bhuvanekabahu, Mayadunne and Madduma Bandara. 4 Bhuvanekabahu VII received the capital ipRC, p. 8. a ibid, p. 12 fn. 3: “The full name of the kingdom of Kandy was Kanda Udarata i.e. the country of the hills. The Portuguese shortened it to Candeli, using that name for both the kingdom and the capital Senkadagalanuwara.” WCHC, I, part II, p. 683. *PRC, p . 9. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 115 city of Kotte and' he ruled there. Mayadunne received Sltawaka and Madduma Bandara reigned in Rayigama. But the latter died shortly after his accession to the throne. Bhuvanekabahu, in order to maintain his position against the expansionist policy of his brother Mayadunne received help from the Portuguese. Mayadunne made a pact with the ruler of Calicut, who was engaged in war with the Portuguese. Bhuvanekabahu had no son. His successor was his grandson, the son of his daughter Samudradevl. 1 The name of his grandson was Maha Bandara. But he is better known as Dharmapala (ad 1551-1597) in Ceylon history. 2 At the beginning of the sixteenth century the political history of Burma shows that Burma was divided into three main divisions. 3 The northern frontier was ruled by Shan-Thai tribesmen. Ava was ruled by the descendants of the Shan princes. These Shan princes played an important role in Upper Burma until the rise of the Toungoo dynasty in the middle third of the sixteenth century. Lower Burma was ruled by the Mon rulers. In ad 1 527 Shan-Thai tribesmen attacked and destroyed Ava and, as a result, many Burmese settled at Toungoo in south-east Burma. 4 King Tabinshweti (ad 1531-51), 8 the son of Minkyinyo, was the king of Toungoo* He captured the Mon capital of Pegu in ad 1 539. At that time Takayutpi (ad 1526-1539), the grandson of Dhammaceti (ad 1472-1492), was reigning there. Tabinshweti in ad 1541 took Martaban, then Moulmein and in ad 1 542, captured Prome. 6 In 1544 ad the whole of Central Burma was under his control and he had crowned himself at Pagan as the king of Upper Burma. His second coronation as the ruler of a united Burma took place in ad 1 546 at Pegu. 7 The next king of this dynasty was his brother-in-law, Bayin Naung (1 551-1581). 8 Hisdominion extended over the whole of Burma and the Shan states as far as Nabbisipura and Ayuthiain *CPE. pp. 84-85. *PRC, p. 1 1 . spBLC, p . 66; TMSEA, p . 182. 4 ibid, p. 67. 6 Tabinshweti is also known as Mintara Shweti: TSS, V, p. 7. 6 TMS> A, p. 183. 7 ibid, p 183. S AHSEA, p. 143; TSS, V,p. 121: KingKyawdin Nawrata bore the title of Siri Taribhavanaditya Pavara Partita Sudhammaraja Mahadhipati. At the age of 19 the title of Kyawdin Nawrata was then conferred on him. Three years later the title of Bayin Naung (elder brother of the king) was added to his former title.” 116 History of TheravSda Buddhism in South-east Asia Siam. 1 Under his patronage Buddhism flourished. In ad 1564, he is said to have sent a mission to king Don Juan Dharmapala of Kotte who was then living in Colombo. 2 Dharmapala has converted to Christianity in ad 1557 and after his conversion he took the name of Don Juan Dharmapala. The Culavamsa does not mention anything about him. Possibly its author neglected this ruler for his insignifitant role in the history of Buddhism in Ceylon and his conversion to Christianity. King Bayin Naung in order to marry a princess of the Ceylon royal blood, sent ambassadors with many costly gifts to Don Juan Dharmapala for the purpose of obtaining a princess. 3 But the king of Kotte was childless. Having consulted his chief minister 4 he felt that Ceylon could be greatly benefitted by this marriage and trade relations could be established between the two countries. So he sent a daughter of his minister 5 as his own daughter to the king of Pegu. Many Burmese monks came to Ceylon with the Burmese ambassadors. 6 They visited Sri Pada. The Ceylonese minister made a tooth from the tine of a stag just like the genuine one and he told the Peguan ambassadors and monks that Dharmapala was the possessor of the Tooth Relic. The minister showed them this relic with great secrecy and the Burmese envoys requested Dharmapala and his minister to send the relic to the king of Pegu.,’ They further told the king that the king of Pegu would send him a million of gold and annually a ship laden with rice and other provisions.' This pact was made with great secrecy between the Peguan ambassadors a#id Dharmapala and his minister. Andrea Bayao Modeliar or Moodliar as ambassador from the king of Kotte came to Pegu with the princess. Afterwards the king of Pegu realised that she was not the daughter of the king of Kotte. But the king, because of the relic, ignored the deception as to the parentage of his wife and he sent a mission in ad 1566 to the king of Kotte for the relic and this mission returned to Pegu with it. 8 This party iTMSEA, p. 1 S4. *JCBRAS, XX, p. 24V. The Portuguese source does not refer to the name of the king of Pegu but refers to the Brama, king of Pegu. According to the chronology of the kings of Pegu, Bayin, Naung reigned in Pegu at the time of Dharmapala. 3 ibid, XX, p, 244. 4 Grand Chamberlain. 5 Grand Chamberain. 6 ibid, XX, pp. 244-245. ’ibid, XX, p. 246. 8 ibid, XX, pp. 249-250. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 117 reached Cosmi, 1 a port of Pegu and was received with great honour by the king and his nobles. The king of Kandy, however, knew Dharmapala’s contact with the Peguan king and he also knew that the latter had sent valuable presents ' to king Dharmapala. The king of Kandy despatched ambassadors 2 to the court of Pegu to narrate that the princess was not the daughter of the king of Kotte and the Tooth Relic was not the genuine one. He through his ambassadors told the Peguan king that he wanted to give his daughter in marriage to the king of Pegu and informed him that he was the possessor of the genuine Tooth Relic. 3 The king of Pegu received the ambassadors from Kandy with honour and sent two ships laden with rice and costly stuffs both for the king of Kotte and Kandy. 4 According to the chronology of the kings of Kandy, Karalliyadde Bandara was the ruler of Kandy during this period. 5 He seems to have ruled from ad 1565 to ad 1582. No Ceylon source deals with this Burmese mission to Ceylon. The Burmese source the Hmannan Yazawin Dawgyi mentions that king Dharmapala of Ceylon on Monday the 3rd of the waning second wazo 938 ad 1576 sent the Tooth Relic in one ship and many presents in another ship to the king of Pegu. 6 In return he sought the help of the king of Pegu to fight the three independent kings who were ruling in Ceylon at that time. The kings of Pegu sent five ships with a force of 2500 men to king Dharmapala and with the help of this force, Dharmapala defeated them and they accepted Buddhism and agreed to support it for its development. 7 According to the Hmannan Yazawin Dawgyi, Dharmapala was a 1 Modern Bassein. 1 JCBRAS , XX, pp. 251-252. Sibid, p. 252. 4 ibid, p. 252. 5The Rajavaliya (p. 82) refers to him as Karalliyadde Kumara Bandara. The Culavatpsa refers to him as Kumara Bandara (CV, ch. XCII, p. 219-220, Transl. p. 219 fn. 1). Accordingto the Portuguese writers (JCBRAS, XX, p. 133), he was Caralea Bandar or Pandur. The father of Karalliyadde was Jayavira Bandara ( RV , p. 82; A Chronological Table of Ceylon Kings, £Z, III, p. 44). Kandy Natha Devale inscription dated AD 1541 or 1542 refers to the ruling monarch named Sri Jayavira Maha Vada-Vuntana (CLR, II, 1932, p. 291). Karalliyadde ascended the throne of Kandy in AD 1565 and was converted to Christianity and was named Don Joao (JCBRAS, XX, pp. 233-234). He was known by Maha Astana also (TSC'C, p. 74). 6 TSSJ, V, pp. 109-1 10. ’ibid, p. 109. 118 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia zealous Buddhist and the three other rulers were against Buddhism. There is, however, ample evidence which shows that Buddhism suffered under Dharmapala. 1 A possible explanation may be suggested for this contradictory evidence. The political and religious history of Burma shows that Bayin Naung played an important role in the establishment and development of Buddhism not only in his own land but also in regions conquered by him and in neighbouring countries as well. Hearing of Bayin Naung’s contribution to Buddhism, Dharmapala probably felt that he and his followers could be'greatly benefited by this religious appeal and his mission would meet with success. The date of the compilation of the Hmannan Yazawin Dawgyi, a history of Burma, was in the year 1191 Burmese era i.e. ad 1829, 2 and this event took place in the second half of the sixteenth century. Therefore it is very difficult to say whether the facts relating to this episode are very accurate. The Portuguese source referred to earlier 3 states that the king of Kandy claimed that he was the possessor of the genuine Tooth Relic. But at this time the relic ' was at Sftawaka. The Buddhist monks of Sftawaka had kept it in great secrecy. The relic is said to have kept hidden in the Labujagama vihara at Delgamuwa, close at Kuruwita in Sabaragamuwa 4 * in the kingdom of Sftawaka during the closing years of Rajasinha’s reign. 6 When Vimaladhamma Suriya I (ad 1592-1604) had erected a temple for the relic, he took it to Kandy from there. 6 So the confused nature of the records regarding Dharmapfila’s dealing with the Burmese king and his concern for Buddhism, the Tooth Relic episode, the king of Kandy’s claim as the possessor of the genuine relic and the omission of this account in Ceylon sources throws a great deal of doubt on the historical value of the statements of the Hmannan Yazawin Dawgyi and the Portuguese- source. The Hmannan Yazawin Dawgyi 7 and the Sasanavamsa 8 refer to Burma’s political and cultural connections with Siam in the sixteenth century. Bayin Naung played a significant role in the development of Buddhism in Siam during its political occupation 1 PRC, pp. 206-207. *TSSJ, V, p. 3. 3 P- H7. 4 CF, ch. XCIV, v. 11, translation p.228 fn. 1. WRC, p. 1 6. B CV, ch, XCIV, W. 1 1-14. 7TSSJ, V, pp. 19, 30 and 51. 8 s as , p. 51 , - • r ■ ' . % .*■ t,*r> '■i. ~ V: jf: gu % p - , ,1 It.-* - Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 119 by him. The Hmannan Yazawin Dawgyi mentions that the king of Burma in ad 1557 sent learned Buddhist monks from Pegu with copies of the Tipitaka to Nabbisipura which he occupied in ad 1555. 1 He had spent money for the construction of religious monuments at Ayuthia which he occupied in February 1564. 2 He lost control of this region due to trouble created by Mahin, the son of king Maha Chakrapat of Ayuthia (ad 1549-1564), who was installed as a vassal ruler with a Burmese garrison to control him and Bayin Naung regained it in August 1 569. It was under his control until his death in ad 1581. The Burmese chronicle states 3 that in ad 1564 or 1565 he entrusted the new king with hundred ticals of silver for the repair of old pagodas, monasteries etc. and under his patronage the ordination ceremony was held at Ayuthia. He invited one hundred Buddhist monks and gave them food, and clothes. The new king of Ayuthia mentioned above is probably Mahim, the son of Maha Chakrapat, who was installed as a vassal ruler of Bayin Naung after the latter’s occupation of Ayuthia in February 1564. 4 The old king of Siam, who was staying at Hamsavati 5 in ad 1 569, entered the Sangha as a monk with the permission of king Bayin Naung. This old king was Maha Chakrapat or Chakrap’at who ascended the throne of Ayuthia in ad 1549. 6 Towards the close of ad 1540 Bayin Naung sent several copies of the Tipitaka and the commentaries written by the Burmese Buddhist monks, to Ayuthia, Pitsanulok in Siam, Tenasserim, Tavoy, Pagan and Toungoo in Burma. 7 He also sent a copy of the Tipitaka together with the commentaries to Ceylon. 8 The Sasanavamsa states that in the year 943 of the Kali age i.e. ad 1581, Anekasetibhinda, the possessor of many white elephants, 9 was the king of Hamsavati, and he after conquering the Yonoka country, 10 placed his eldest son as the viceroy of that country. The i TSSJ, V, p. 19; TBLC, p. 67. 2 ibid, V, p. 30; ibid, p. 67; AHSEA, p. 245. ^ibid, V, p. 30. 11 AHSEA, pp. 245-246, BPegu. « AHSEA, p. 886. 7 TSSJ, V, p. 120. sjbid, p. 120. »BEFEO, XXV, p. 184 fn. 5. 10 Sas, p. 49: Anacak Yonok usually Northern Siam. According to the Sasanavamsa, Haribhunjaya (Haripunjaya), Kambuja, KJhemavara, Ayuddha (Ayuthia) with the cities of Sokkataya (Sukhodaya in Siam) and Kapunna are included in the Yonaka country. O. Coedes ( BEFEO , XXV, p. 183 fn. 2) states that Kamboja designated here as Cambodge (Cambodia), Khemavara the Shan states (Xieng Tung), Ayuthia and Haripunjaya are included in the Yonaka country. 120 * History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia king of Hamsavat! during this time was Bayin Naung. 1 It therefore seems to be clear that Anekasetibhinda of the Sasanavamsa and Bayin Naung are one and the same person. The Sasanavamsa also mentions that king Anekasetibhinda sent the Elder Saddhammaca- kkasaml with prince Anuruddha to the conquered country for the purification of the religion. It is difficult to identify Saddhammaca- kkasamJ with any thera of Burma of the sixteenth century ad. From the thirteenth century onwards Siam had a fair amount of cultural intercourse directly and indirectly with Ceylon and the SIhala Sangha had a dominant role in Siam after the establishment of cultural relations between the two countries. When Bayin Naung attacked Siam, the latter was under the influence of the SThala Sangha. The Sasanavamsa refers to the purification of the religion of the conquered country by Bayin Naung. 2 It is probable that during its war with Burma, the religion had suffered there and that is why Bayin Naung after his expedition against Siam Had reason to purify the Sangha there. The reign of Bayin Naung is important from a religious and cultural point of view. The visit of the Burmese monks from Pegu to Nabbisipura, the reconstruction of old Pagodas and monasteries at Ayuthia, the performance of the ordination ceremony at Ayuthia under the patronage of Bayin Naung, the offering of food and clothes to the Siamese monks by Bayin Naung, the sending of copies of the Tipi {aka together with their commentaries to neighbouring Buddhist countries such as Ceylon, ordaining of an ex-king of Siam as a monk in the Burmese Sangha at Pegu and the purificatiofi of the religion of the Yonaka country by the Burmese Buddhist monks show that in the middle of the sixteenth century. Burma played a leading role in the history of Buddhism in South and South-east Asia. The sixteenth century witnessed the rise and fall of the Toungoo dynasty in Burma. Under Bayin Naung (ad 1551-1581) Burma was politically uuited. But after his death his immediate successor devoted much of his time to external politics and practically neglected his internal affairs. So when Bayin Naung died his empire plunged into a state of chaos. Nanda Bayin (ad 1581-1599) 1 AHSEA, p. 869. G. Coedes r (BEFEO t XXV, p. 184 fn. 5) mentions that Anekasetibhinda is Buren Naung or Branginoco. Bureng Naung or Branginoco and Bayin Naung are one and the same person. *Sas, p. 51. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 121 ruled the country during the state of disintegration. He, like his father Bayin Naung, engaged himself in war with Siam. He wanted to raise and equip new armies to fight against the Siamese and asked the Mons to join the army. 1 Many Mons took the yellow robe and became monks. But the king disrobed them. Many went to Arakan and Siam. 2 He attacked Siam about fi ve times between ad 1586 and 1593, and in one expedition the Burmese heir- apparent, the son of Nanda Bayin, was killed. 3 Because of his failure against the Siamese, he put to death many of his officers and slew the community of the Talaing monks. Many Talaing monks and laymen left the country and fled to Siam and Arakan. 4 The Siamese attacked Pegu in ad 1595. 5 * At this time a quarrel broke out among the brothers of Nanda Bayin who were governors of Prome, Toungoo and Ava and they did not support him against the Siamese threat. 8 Taking the opportunity of the unsettled political condition of the country the Arakanese with the help of the governor of Toungoo captured Syriam, one of the important ports of Lower Burma and Pegu. 7 King Naresuen or Nareshvara (ad 1590-1605) of Ayuthia who was the son of Maha T’ammaraja or Dhammaraja attacked Pegu. 8 But bef ore his arrival the kings of Toungoo and Arakan destroyed Pegu and Nanda Bayin was taken as prisoner to Toungoo and was executed there. 9 Lower Burma from Martaban southwards came under the control of Siam and Burma was divided into a number of small states. So, depopulated by famine and disturbed by war with foreign countries and also by internal conflict, Pegu, which once played an important role in the establishment and development of Theravada Buddhism in Burma in the reign of Dhammaceti in the fifteenth century and Bayin Naung in the sixteenth century , had lost its position as a centre of Theravada Buddhism by the end of the sixteenth century. In the reign of Vimaladhamma Suriya I 10 when Ceylon was in need of 1 AH SEA, p. 251. »ibid, p. 252. 3 ibid, p. 252. HI HD, p. 180; TSSJ, V, p. 139. &AHSEA, p. 253, «ibid, p. 253; TMSEA, p. 185. ’ibid, p. 254. 8 ibid, pp. 254 and 887; TMSEA, pp. 184-185. 9 ibid, p. 254. M“Konnappu Barbara was the son of Virasundara Batjdara, a nobleihan from Peradeniya. Virasundara had led to revolt against Rajasinha and was killed by treachery on Rajasinha’s instigation. Konnappu thereupon fled to the Portuguese at Colombo. He was banished to Goa for some offence committed 122 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia some monks to restore the Buddhist Sangha, the king sent a mission to Rakkhahgapura . 1 Many Burmese Buddhist monks in the reign of Nanda Bayin out of f ear and frustration fled to either Arakan or Siam. Buddhism in Burma received a set-back in the reign of Nanda Bayin. So this explains why the king of Ceylon, instead of sending a religious mission to Pegu, sent one to Rakkhahgapura or Arakan and invited Nandicakka. Probably Nandicakka was one of the leading theras and was a well-known figure during this period and his fame even reached Ceylon. Probably Ceylon had close connections with the Buddhist centres in Arakan. The Culavamsa and the Sasanavamsa contain important evidence relating to the religipus intercourse between Burma and Ceylon in the reign of Vimaladhamma Suriyal . 2 Before this king, Rajasinha, the son and successor of Mayadunne, was the ruler in the island in the middle of the sixteenth century. The king became a worshipper of Siva . 3 The Culavamsa states that Rajasinha I once asked the elder theras, “How can I undo the crime of my father’s murder ?’ 4 They told him, “To undo the committed crime is impossible .” 5 He became very angry and became a follower of Saivism. The conversion of Rajasinha I to Saivism from Buddhism was followed by a severe persecution of the Buddhist monks. The Culavariisa refers to it . 6 “He annihilated the Order of the Victor, slew the community of bhikkhus, burned the sacred books, destroyed the monasteries ... He placed miscreant ascetics of false faith on the Sumana Kula to take for themselves all the profit accruing therefrom ... At that time through fear of the king, bhikkhus left the order ...” 7 In the last quarter of the sixteenth century. Buddhism was decaying in Ceylon. Both the chronicles the while at Colombo. At Goa, he acquired a reputation for skill in the use of arms and was known as Dom Joao. He was sent to Kandy with the Portuguese force and became commander-in-chief of the Sinhalese forces after the accession of Yamasinha Bandara.” {PRC, p. 13 fn. 24). Yamasinha Bandara. the nephew of Karalliyadde, was the king of Kandy and he died soon after. Konnappu Bandara taking this opportunity, seized power and drove out the Portuguese and established himself on the throne of Kandy under the name of Vimala- dhamma Suriya I (AD 1592-1604). (PRC, p. 13). lArakan in Lower Burma. *CV, ch. XCIV, vv. 6-7; Sas, p. 27. 3 ibid, ch. XC1II, v. 10. fibid, ch. XCIII, v. 6. sibid, ch. XCIII. v. 8. «ibid, ch. XCIII, w. 10-12. ’ibid, ch. XCIV, v. 14. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 123 Culavamsa and the Sasanavamsa refer to the arrival of the Sinhalese envoys in Rakkhaiigapura 1 and the restoration of the Buddhist Sangha and the re-establishment of the religion in the island by the monks of Rakkhangapura. 2 The Sandesakatha refers to tlie above contact. 3 In Ceylon, in the last quarter of the sixteenth century the number of the ordained monks had decreased so much that it was not possible .for Vimaladhamma Suriya I to find five monks to form a Chapter for properly constituted acts of the Sangha. So the decay of the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon necessitated the importation of monks from neighbouring Buddhist countries. Determined to purify and to strengthen the religion and to restore the Sangha, the king sent ministers to the Rakkhanga country. The king of Ceylon invited Nandicakka and other theras to come and settle in the island of Ceylon. 4 When they arrived they were received with great honour. Under the leadership of Nandicakka, the upasampada ordination was held in the Udakukkhepaslma on the Mahavalukaganga (or the Mahavali Ganga) at Getambe near Peradeniya in ad 1596. 5 Several members of the royal family and noble families were ordained. Thus with the help of the Buddhist monks from the Rakkhanga country, the upasampada ordination was restored in Ceylon. An ola leaf manuscript 6 in connection with the above mentioned religious intercourse has been discovered and it relates that Buddhism in Ceylon was crumpled under the weight of the hostile attitude of Rajasinhal towards Buddhism. This document has been found at the Kadadora Vihara which is situated in Gannave koraje of Udahevahata in the district of Nuvara Eliya in the Central Province. The donor of the grant the Elder Gunalankara Dharmakirti Bhuvanekaba refers to the repairs of the Kadadora Vihara after the demise of king Vimaladhamma Suriya IT. (ad 1687-1707). This grant was donated sometime after 1707 ad. It probably belongs to the middle of the eighteenth century. This ola leaf manuscript relates that under the supervision of the Buddhist monfcs of the Rakkhanga country, the upasampada ceremony was held in Ceylon and two theras Candavilasa and 1 CV, XCIV, vv. 15-16; Sas, p. 27. •ibid, ch. XCIV, w. 15-16. <CK, ch. XCIV, w. 15-16. 6 JCBRAS, II, New Series, p. 154. 3 JPTS, 1885, p. 19. 6 ibid, ch. XCIV, p. 17. 124 History of Therav5da Buddhism in South-east Asia Nandicakka acted as their acariya and upajjhaya respectively. 1 But the Culavatnsa does not make any reference to Candavilasa. It refers to Nandicakka only. 2 The Sulupujavaliya mentions the name of these two theras. The Culavamsa, Sulupujavaliya and the Narendracaritavalokapradipikava -state that this upasampada ceremony was held 2140 years after the death of the Buddha i.e. in ad, 1 597. 3 But this ola leaf manuscript says that it was held in the beginning of the seventeenth century ad . 4 However, this cannot be considered as a serious discrepancy. Thus there is sufficient evidence to show that a strong religious bond existed between the two countries during the sixteenth century ad. Senarat occupied the throne of Kandy after Vimaladhamma Suriya I. He was a great patron of Buddhism. The Portuguese attacked Kandy in his reign. He was succeeded by his son Rajasinha II (ad 1634-1687). He was a great warrior. He with the help of the Dutch drove out the Portuguese from Ceylon in ad 1658.° Thus ended the rule of the Portuguese in the maritime provinces of Ceylon. After expelling the Portuguese the Dutch occupied the Portuguese regions in Ceylon and kept them under their control for 138 years. The Dutch got the full rights of the cinnamon trade from the king of Ceylon and made a flourishing business there. They were more human than the Portuguese and showed their friendly attitude towards the people of Ceylon. During their rule the Sinhalese Kings and their people were able to engage themselves in religious works-. They devoted their time to the cause of Buddhism and performed many meritorious acts. After Rajasinha II his son Vimaladhamma Suriya II (ad 1687- 1706) ascended the throne of Kandy. He was an upholder of the religion. He built a three -storeyed pavilion for the Tooth.Relic. In Ceylon the seventeenth century witnessed the restoration of the Buddhist Sangha by the monks of the Rakkhanga country. 6 The maritime districts of Ceylon were under the rule of the Portuguese and later the Dutch. As a result of foreign rule Buddhism and its practices had suffered in Ceylon. He sent an embassy to Rakkharigapura to obtain monks from that country for an i JCBRAS, p. 154; JCBRAS, III, New Series, p. 74 Sibid, ch. XCIV, v. 18; Spv, p. 23; Ncp, p 137. ^JCBRAS, III, New Series, p. 74. KV, ch. XCVII, w. 10-13. *CV, ch. XCIV, p. 15. S AHSC, p. 4 Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 125 ordination ceremony. At his request ten monks from Rakkhanga- pura came to Ceylon. With their help an ordination ceremony was held at Getambe near Kandy. Thirty-three novices received their upasampada ordination at the hands of the Buddhist monks from Rakkhangapura and another one hundred and twenty persons were given permission to join the Saiigha at this ceremony. As a result of the religious mission sent to Rakkhangapura, the upasampada ordination was received in Ceylon for the second time. 1 Sri Viraparakrama Narendrasinha (ad 1706-1739), a son of Vimaladhamma Suriya II, became the king of Kandy after his father. He finds a place in the religious history of Ceylon for his patronage of Buddhism. He built a two-storeyed building for the Tooth Relic. Under his inspiration many Buddhist laity joined the Sangha. Saranankara, an important figure in the history of Buddhism, requested king Narendrasinha to send an embassy to Siam to bring Buddhist 'monks to Ceylon. But the king did not take any interest in this matter and he died after sometime. Saranankara did a good job for the progress of Buddhism. He was a mine of virtue and was well-versed in the sacred texts. The next ruler was Sri Vijaya Rajasinha (ad 1739-1747). He was a devout Buddhist. Many young persons entered the Satigha in his reign. The’king took keen interest in the scholarly works of the monks. Scholastic activities were revived in the reign. He spent money f or writing religious books and constructed many preaching halls at different places of his kingdom. His reign witnessed religious ties between Ceylon and Siam. Sri Vijaya Rajasinha was succeeded by Kirti Sr! Rajasinha (ad 1748-1778). The king’s main task was the restoration and the purification of the Buddhist Sangha. For this purpose he at the request of Saranankara sent an embassy to king Bromokot of Siam for Buddhist monks who were well-versed in the Dhamma and the Vinaya. 8 The Buddhist monks came from Siam and the king purified the Sangha and re-established the upasampada ordination in Ceylon. Maha Dhammaraja, a nephew of Nanda Bayin ascended the throne of Ava in Burma in the beginning of the seventeenth icr, ch. XCVII, vv. 10-13; SK, p. 91. *CJHSS, vol. 2. no. 1; CV, ch. 100; vv. 59-60; JCBRAS, XVIII, p. 20. 126 History of TheravSda Buddhism in South-east Asia century ad . 1 He is known in Burmese history as Anaukpetlun. He established bis power in Northern Burma and conquered Prome in 1608 ad. He also exercised his great influence in the Toungoo dynasty. In 1613 ad he captured Syriam and conquered Nabbisipura in ad 1615. After him his brother Thalun occupied the throne of Ava. He after murdering Anaukpetlun captured the throne (ad I629-1648). 1 He restored order in his kingdom. His reign was powerful and prosperous. He was a good administrator. He was a pious Buddhist and the religion flourished under his patronage. He constructed many monasteries in Upper Burma and gave them as presents to the Buddhist monks. Many famous monks used to live in his kingdom. Among them Tipitakalarhkara, Ariyalarhkara, Tisasanalarfikara, Aggadhammalamkara,Tilokaguru and Jambudhaja were the most eminent. 3 The king was a great patron of monastic scholarship; Pindale (ad 1648-1661) came to the throneof Ava after Thalun. 4 He was a weak ruler. He also built monasteries and gave them to learned monks. In ad 1661 his brother took the throne. 6 But he was also a weak ruler. He was a religious and patronised monastic scholarship. Then Narawara became king of Ava (1672 -1 673). 6 He reigned only for one year. He was interested in the welfare of Buddhism and several monasteries were constructed in his reign. After him his younger brother Minrekyawdin took the throne (ad 1 673-1 698). 7 His reign was peaceful. Like his predecessors he also patronised Buddhism and monastic scholarship. After the death of Minrekyawdin, his son Sane ascended the throne of Ava (ad 1698-1714). 8 During his rule a controversy relating to the Vinaya rules of monastic discipline arose in the Sangha. This controversy is known in the history of Buddhism as Parupana-Ekamsika controversy. 9 It disturbed the Sangha for over a century. Gupabhilamkara, a thera of Tunna used to cover a head- covering and a palmyra-fan while he was in the village for alms. Without covering his one shoulder with upper robe he used to go for alms in thevillage. Some monks supported him. This groupis known in Burmese history as the Ekamsika. But there were some ortho- dox monks who did not like the practices of the Ekamsikas. They followed the orthodox practices i.e. they used to cover both their 1 AH SEA, p. 376. ‘ibid, p. 378. s AISTBB, p. 205. i AH SEA, p. 379. sjbid, p. 380. «ibid, p. 380. ’ibid, p. 381. 8 AHSEA, p. 384. 9JISTBB, p. 219. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 127 shoulders when they went to villages f or alms. They were known as the Parupanas. They f ollowed the rules of the Vinaya very rigidly. But the practices of the Ekamsikas were not according to the sacred texts. Many kings supported the Parupanas but the Ekarpsikas received favoured treatment from a ruler like Alaungpaya. In the reign of Mahasihasuradhammarajadhiraja (or Taninganwe) (ad 1714-1733), the Elder Ukkamsamala of Avadidhis bestto pupularise the Parupana practices in the kingdom. 1 But the Ekamsikas protested against his activities. Then the king appointed a committee to make a decision on this issue. But the members of the committee were not well-versed in the sacred texts so they were unable to settle the matter. Mahadammayazadipati ascended the throne of Ava in ad 1733. He reigned for nearly twenty years (ad 1733-1752). He could not reign peacefully. During his rule some tribesmen under Gharib Newaz revolted against him and destroyed many villages, houses, monasteries and pagodas near Ava. 2 The Manipuris and Shans invaded the country. The Mons under their leader Smim Htaw Buddhaketi captured Syriam, Prome and Martaban and killed many Burmese. 3 Talaban, the leader of the Mons, attacked Ava in ad 1752 and conquered it. Mahadammazayaditpati was dethroned. He was the last ruler of the Toungoo dynasty. In his reign the Parupanas, under Nanavara, became very powerful. Pasainsathera was the leader of the Ekamsikas. Both the parties referred their matters to the king who was not in a position to settle them. The next ruler was Alaungpaya (ad 1752-1760) who belonged to Konabaung dynasty. 4 He conquered Pegu from the Mons in ad 1755. Toungoo, Henzada, Myaungmya, Bassein and even the Arakanese district of Sandoway fell at his hands and he defeated the Mons. 8 He was a great warrior. He unified the whole Upper and Lower Burma and brought them under his control. He restored order and maintained peace in the country. At the end of his war with the Mons and the Shans king Alaungpaya devoted his time to the development of Buddhism in his kingdom. He was a pious ruler. He used to offer food to many monks on the Uposatha day. In his reign Atula Y asadhamma, the royal preceptor took a leading part for the establishment of the Ekamsika practices. He was the 1 AISTBB , pp. 220-221. i AISTBB, p. 224. * AH SEA, pp. 384-385. 3ibid, p. 385. 5 AH SEA, p. 404. 128 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia leader of the Ekaipsika party. It was due to his influence king Alaungpaya supported the cause of the Ekamsikas and they gained popularity. 1 Bodawpaya (»d 1782-1819), the fifth son of Alaungpaya, was a capable ruler. 2 He tried to settle the Parupana-Ekamsika dispute. For this purpose he appointed commissioners and asked them to visit all the monasteries of Burma to get information regarding this controversy. But the Ekamsikas told that their practices were not in accordance with the sacred texts. Then thfc king declared that the Parupanas followed the rules of the Vinaya and they performed their ecclesiastical acts according to the sacred texts. The king established the Parupana practices throughout his kingdom. 3 He settled the Parupana-Ekamsika controversy. Bodawpaya’s reign is important in the history of Buddhism in Burma for another reason. His reign witnessed religious intercourse between Burma and Ceylon. The Sinhalese king Kirti §rl Rajasinha was a pious ruler and was interested in the welfare of the religion. But his certain policy relating to the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon was against the original teachings of Buddhism. In his reign the Buddhist Sangha gave upasampada ordination to the monks who belonged to the highest caste only. Therefore the monks who belonged to the highest caste could receive the upasampada ordination. The Sangha did not allow the Samaneras of the lowest caste to join the Sangha. 4 King Kirti §rl Rajasinha supported it and he gave order in his kingdom to follow its advice. Naturally, the Samaneras of the lowest caste became angry and they protested against the king’s order and the activities of the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon. A Samanera named Ambagahapitiya Nanavimalatissa with some Samaneras went to Amarapura near Ava in ad 1799 to receive the upasampada ordination at the hands of the Burmese monks. 6 King Bodawpaya welcomed them and helped them during their stayin Amarapura. After receiving the upasampada ordination from Nanabhivamsa, the Burmese Sangharaja, the Sinhalese monks returned to Ceylon with five monks of the Burmese Sangha and Pali sacred books. 3 On their return they gave the upasampada ordination on many Samaneras who wanted it and they established the Amarapura Sangha or the Buramagama or the 1 AISTBB , p. 227. ‘ibid, p. 231. *AISTBB, p. 232. 4 ibid, p. 236. «ibid, p. 238. «ibid, p. 238. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Burma 129 Burmese Sangha in Ceylon. Its members adopted liberal policy and they allowed the samaneras of the highest and lowest castes to receive tlmupasampada ordination and to join the Sangha. The reign of Bodawpaya was an important period in Burmese history. From the eleventh century ad onwards Ceylon took the leading part in the establishment of Theravada Buddhism and the Sihala Sangha in different regions of South-east : Asia. But towards the close of the eighteenth century ad we see that Buddhism suffered in Ceylon. With the help of the Burmese monks the Amarapura Sangha or the Burmese Sangha was established in Ceylon and they solved the problems which faced the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon at that time. This was no doubt a significant evfent in the history of Buddhism of both Burma and Ceylon. Before the establishment of Theravada Buddhism in Pagan in Upper Burma in the middle of the eleventh century, Tantric Buddhism was very prominent these and it came probably from the Pala kingdom in Bengal in India. Lower Burma was an important centre of Theravada Buddhism under the Mon people during this period. The second half of the eleventh century marked the unification of Upper and Lower Burma by king Anuruddha under the kingdom of Pagan and the introduction and establishment of Theravada Buddhism in Upper Burma from Thaton in Lower Burma by Anuruddha. At this time when Burma witnessed a great revival of Buddhism under the patronage of Anuruddha, Buddhism had suffered under severe political stress in Ceylon. The reign of Vijayabahu I witnessed the driving away of the Cojas from Ceylon with probable material aid from Anuruddha of Burma and the re-establishment of the proper ordination in Ceylon by the monks of Burma. This event indicates that close political, culture and religious ties existed between the two countries in the eleventh century ad. The twelfth century marked the unification of the Sangha, the restoration of Buddhism in Ceylon under king Parakramabahu I, the arrival of the Burmese Buddhist monks in Ceylon to study the Sinhalese form of Buddhism and to receive ordination at the hands of the Mahatheras in Ceylon and the introduction and the establishment of the Sihala Buddhist Sangha at Pagan under royal patronage. Before its destruction by the Mongols in ad 1287 Pagan was a great centre of Buddhism receiving its main inspiration from Ceylon. Thus from about the eleventh century onwards Ceylon’s contribution to the establish- 130 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia ment, development and the propagation of Buddhism in Burma was important and significant. Burma always considered Ceylon as the fountain-head of Theravada Buddhism and that is why when the Burmese Buddhist monks were in trouble regarding religious matters they looked to Ceylon for help. Burma in the fifteenth century witnessed the religious revival and the unification of the Sangha under the guidance of the monks f rom Ceylon. At this time the SIhala Sangha grew in importance in Burma and most of the Burmese monks received the SIhala ordination under royal patronage. Thus with the help of the Buddhist Sangha of Ceylon, Burma established itself as a centre of Theravada Buddhism and modelled its religious institutions on those of Ceylon. But in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries when Buddhism in Ceylon had suffered severely as a result of internal trouble and foreign occupation, the Rakkhanga country in Arakan in Burma helped Ceylon to re-establish and restore the upasampada .ordination there. The eighteenth century witnessed the establishment of the Amarapura Sangha or the Burmese Sangha in Ceylon and this event indicates Burma’s influence in Ceylon’s Buddhism. There is evidence to show that although Burma had close religious ties with Ceylon, there were other Theravada countries such as Cambodia and Siam in South-east Asia with which Burma had established contact. The twelfth century ad witnessed the arrival of Tamalinda thera, the son of the king of Cambodia with Chapata thera in Burma from Ceylon. The religious history of Burma afTfirds valuable information about Burma’s political and cultural connections with Siam and Burma’s important role in the development of Buddhism in Siam in the reign of Bayin Naung in the second half of the sixteenth century ad. Bayin Naung, by sending Buddhist monks, Buddhist texts, offering money for the reconstruction of monasteries and perf ormance of the ordination ceremony in Siam, made a great contribution to the Siamese Buddhist Sangha after his political occupation of Siam. An ex -king of Siam, who was staying in Burma due to political reasons, entered the Burmese Sangha as a monk at this time. These facts would help to estimate Bayin Naung’ s place as a patron of Buddhism in Burma and Siam and give us an idea regarding Burma’s religious ties with Siam. Chapter 6 Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam T he eleventh century witnessed the rise and growth of Khmer rule over several regions of the Menam Valley. 1 An inscription 2 dated §aka 944-1022 ad found at Lavo or Lopburi in Southern Siam refers to king Suryavarman I (ad 1002-50) of Cambodia. Another inscription has been found at Sal Cau or San Chao in Lopburi. 3 This inscription is not dated but according to Coedes and Briggs, it belongs to the reign of Suryavarman I and shows Khmer rule at Lobpuri. The archaeological findings also show Khmer influence over Sukhodaya and §rl Sachanlai (or Svargaloka) in North Central Siam in the eleventh century ad . 4 The Khmer power reached the peak of its political and cultural development under Suryavarman II (ad 1113-1150). According to Hall, the Thai chronicles state that his campaign against the Mon kingdom of Haripunjaya failed. 5 During this period Khmer rule also existed at Lopburi. According to Hall,® strong Khmer influence upon the architecture of Lopburi possibly indicates Khmer rule at Lopburi. But after the death of Suryavarman II, the Khmer empire had fallen upon evil days. The neighbouring country Champa conquered Angkor in ad 11 11 ? During this period of troubled politics, the Mon people at Lopburi rebelled. Jayavarman VII who ascended the throne towards the end of the twelfth century ad annexed Champa® and defeated the Mon at Lopburi and re-established Khmer rule in the Lower Menam Valley. 9 Under his 1AHSEA, p. 105; TMSEA, p. 100. “ibid, p. 105; LEHI1, p. 232; TCSEA, p. 53. 3 ibid, p. 232; TAKE, p. 160. 4 ibid, p. 232; BEFEO, XXXI, 1931, pp. 410-420. 5AHSEA, p. 108. #ibid, p. 108. 7 ibid, p. Ill; JSEAH, vol. 5, no. 2, 1964, pp. 8-9. 8 ibid, pp. 8-9. a TBLC, p. 51. 132 History of Thera vada Buddhism in South-east Asia rule the Khmer empire seems to have included the entire Menam valley except the Mon kingdom of Haripunjaya. 1 The presence of the twelfth century ad. Khmer style in the archaeological finds of Sukhodaya shows the existence of Khmer influence in this region at that time. 2 The reference to local rulers at Haripunjaya in three inscriptions belonging to the thirteenth century ad is a clear indication that Khmer rule did not extend to the Upper Menam valley during this period. 3 According to R. Halliday and C.M.O. Blagden, 4 the orthography of these inscriptions is identical with that of the Mon inscriptions of Burma between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries. These inscriptions indicate that close cultural links already established, continued between Northern Siam and Burma. 4 The Thais who are said to have originally belonged to Yunan of China probably began to settle in the Menam valley from' the eleventh century onwards. 8 They settled in Northern Siam and in the §ri Sachanlai, Sukhodaya and Pitsanulok areas in North Central Siam. One branch reached Kamphaeng Phet on the Mae Phing river in Central Siam and Lopburi in Southern Siam. 6 Kublai Khan, the Mongol leader conquered the kingdom of Nanchao in China in ad 1253 and owing to this invasion many Thais from Nanchao fled to Northern, Central and Southern Siam. 7 In this way the Thais established themselves in Siam. * In about the middle of the thirteenth century ad two small states Muang Bang Yang (Mo’an Pan, Yan) 8 and Muang Rat (MO’an Rat) 9 were governed by two Thai chiefs namely Bang Klang Thao or Pan Klan Dav and Pha Muang or Pha MO’an under Khmer sovereignty. 10 These two- states revolted against the Khmer governor at Sukhodaya and Sri Sachanlai and established the first independent Thai kingdom at Sukhodaya. The chief of Muang Bang Yang became' the first ruler of the dynasty and bore the title 1 TAKE, p. 237. * BEFEO , XXXI, p. 413. ^ibid, XXV, pp. 189-195. •ibid., XXX, pp. 86ff. °TBLC, p. 35; TCSEA , p. 167. «ibid, p. 153; ACHBAS, p. 78; AHSEA, p. 108. 7 ibid, p. 117; ibid, p. 36; TPOSS, p. VIII. ^Cannot be identified- *RIS, I, pp. 7-8 and 62; LEHII, p. 327 fn. 3: Muang Rat is situated to the east of Sukhodaya, perhaps in the valley of Nam Sak. w> RIS, I, p. 62. Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 133 Indra Patindraditya or Sri Indraditya. They made themselves rulers of Siam and thus put an end to the political supremacy of Cambodia over them. 1 Theravada Buddhism flourished in the lower Menam valley under the patronage of the rulers of the Dvaravati kingdom. But when the lower Menam valley was annexed to the Khmer empire in the eleventh century ad, Mahayanism and Brahmanism also existed there under the patronage of the Khmer rulers. A Khmer inscription dated Saka 944 i.e. ad 1022-25 found at Lopburi refers to certain religious edicts issued by Suryavarman I, the king of Cambodia. 2 It was decreed that in all holy places, temples, monasteries and hermitages, the ascetics, the sthaviras and Mahayana Bhikkhus should offer to the king the merits of their piety. People who disturb the prayers or the sacred duties of the pious should be handed over to tribunals for trial and punishment. 3 Therefore both Mahayana and Theravada Buddhism as Well as Brahmanism flourished at Lopburi during this time. According to Coedes, 4 although various religions were practised at Lopburi under Khmer rule, the predominance of Buddha images and Buddhist monuments prove the importance of Buddhism at Lopburi during this period. It indicates that even under Khmer rule Buddhism maintained its importance and pre-eminence as it had flourished in this region under the rule of the kingdom of Dvaravati. The discovery of Buddha images in North, Eastern, Southern and Central Siam indicates the flourishing condition of Buddhism there. The Buddha images from the town of Pimai near Korat in Central Eastern Siam reveal the influence of Khmer art. 5 In the thirteenth century ad the Haripuiijaya kingdom was a great centre of Mon culture and it was a centre of Theravada Buddhism. Several inscriptions discovered at Haripuiijaya as already discussed 6 are all in the Mon language and mixed with Pali. The use of Pali in these inscriptions shows that Theravada Buddhism flourished under the patronage of the Mon rulers in the 1LEHII, p. 320; BEFEO, XXXI, pp. 370-371. a ibid, p . 232; LC, II, p. 81; EFEO, XLIX, 1961, p. 37; TASMS VIII 1953 pp. 343ff. *ibid, pp. 343ff; 1CIC, p. 171. *RIS, II, p. 10; LEHII, pp. 232-233; TMSEA , p. 122. 5 ACHBAS, p. 67; TCSEA, p. 143. 6pp. 13 J- 132 , 134 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia upper Menam valley bef ore the arrival of the Thais. 1 Of them the Wat Don inscription of king Sabbadhisiddhi refers to the erection of a monastery called the Jetavana and a uposatha hall by the ruler. 2 It ref ers to gifts of lands, slaves and cattle to this monastery by the king and the construction of three cetiyas in its precincts. It also mentions that the king and his two sons had left the world in order to enter the monastic life at the Jetavana. 3 This was probably for sometime. The inscription refers to the name of the princes: Mahanam and Kaccay. 4 It also states that Rajaguru and about two hundred novices lived in this institution. It would seem that Jetavana was one of the more important monasteries in the city of Haripunjaya in the thirteenth century AD. Two inscriptions have been discovered at Wat Kukut at Haripunjaya. 5 The inscription No. 1 refers to a pagoda called the Ratanacetiya and the restoration of a monastery. The donor is king Sabbadhisiddhi himself. The inscription No. 2 of Wat Kukut refers to the Sangha and monastery. An inscription found at the Wat Sen Khaot-to or Khao Ho at Haripunjaya 6 refers to the construction of a hall, the erection of ten statues of thfe Bifddha aftd the granting of several donations. Its'huth of tff Tju 'MShathera of the city of Haripunjaya. Another undated inscription ftmftd at Wat Ban Hlui mentions the Jetavana monastery. 7 All the facts mentioned in the above inscriptions indicate the flourishing condition of Theravada Buddhism at Haripunjaya during this period. About this time Theravada Buddhism flourished upder the patronage of the Mon people. Before the Thais established their contact with Ceylon the Mon people played a significant role in the Development of Theravada Buddhism in Siam. The establishment of Sukhodaya as the capital of the Thai kingdom is an important event not only in the political history but also in the history of Buddhism in Siam. It is very possible that the 1 BEFEO, XXXI, pp. 428-429. ‘ibid, XXX, p. 87; ibid, XXV, pp. 189-192; TSGEC, p. 110: Sabbadhisiddhi reigned at Haripunjaya at the beginning of the thirteenth century AD. The Jinakalamall refers to this king as Sabbasiddhi. ?ibid, XXX, pp. 89-90; ibid, XXV, pp. 190-192. 4 ibid, XXX, p. 90; ibid, XXV, pp. 191-192. «ibid, XXV, pp. 192-194; ibid, XXX, pp. 86fF; ibid, XXXI, p. 429. «ibid, XXV, pp. 194-195; ibid, XXX, p. 95. 7 ibid, XXX, p. 102. Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 135 Thais who came from China were followers of Mahayana Buddhism . 1 After their arrival in Siam they were influenced by the Mon culture and they adopted Thera vada Buddhism which flourished in Siam during this period under the patronage of the Mons. The earliest known sources refer to Siam’s first contact with Ceylon in the reign of Rocaraja of Sukhodaya in the second half of the thirteenth century ad . 2 There is evidence to show that from the - middle of the thirteenth century onwards after the establishment of Sukhodaya kingdom there was regular intercourse between Ceylon and Siam. The Jinakalamall refers to Rocaraja’s contact with Ceylon . 3 Rocaraja while on a visit to the king of Siridhammaxiagara in the Malay Peninsula is said to have heard of the wondrous nature of a miraculous Buddha image in the island of Lanka . 4 He wanted to possess this SIhala. image and after consulting the king of Siridhammanagara sent a joint embassy to the king of Ceylon requesting him to send their miraculous Sihaja image to 1TCSEA, p. 156. % BEFEO, XXV, p. 46; TSGEC, p. 121. sibid, XXV, p. 46; ibid, pp. 121ff. 4 ibid, XXV, p. 46; ibid, p. 120: The Jinakalamall gives details of the origin of this Buddha image in Ceylon. It states “Seven hundred years after the Teacher had passed away in perfect Nibbana (i.e. AD 156) there were twenty Elder monks in Ceylon. At that time the king of the SIhalas wishing to see a likeness of the Buddha went to the monastery and asked the leading Elder of the Order. “It is said that our Enlightened One, visited this island of Lanka thrice during his lifetime. Is there anyone alive now who has seen him.’ At that very instant, on account of the (supernatural) power of the canker-waned Arahants the king of the Nagas appeared before him in the guise of a youth and created a likeness of the Buddha in order to dispel the doubt of the king of the Slhajas. For seven days and nights the king paid homage to the image of the Buddha. The king then had master sculptors summoned before him and having had an image of the Buddha (first) made of beeswax similar to that created by the king of the Nagas and having had the outer mould carefully finished, had an alloy consisting of molten tin, gold and silver poured within. When the rest of the work such as filing and buffing was Over it became dazzling and resplendent like the living Buddha Himself . And the king of the Slhajas diligently worshipped it according divers forms of ministration and honour. His sons, grandsons and great-grand-sons too, in lineal descent, paid homage to the Sihaja image.” 136 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Sukhodaya. 1 According to the Sihingabuddharupanidana, 2 the leader of this joint embassy was a prince of Siridhammanagara who visited Ceylon to beg permission from the king of Ceylon to bring the Buddha image to Sukhodaya. 3 The facts of the Jinakalamall indicate that the political influence of Siam extended upto the kingdom of Siridhammanagara. It would seem that Rocaraja was in a position to persuade the ruler of Siridhammanagara to carry out his behest. The king who ruled in Ceylon about this time was Parakramabahu II of Dambadeniya (ad 1236-1271). 4 He received the envoy with honour and when he disclosed the object of his visit the image was handetf over to him. 6 The mission suffered shipwreck on his return journey from Ceylon but the SIhala Buddha image remained aloft on a single plank and after three days it reached Siridhammanagara and from that place it was taken to Sukhodaya in Siam. 6 According to Prince Damrong, 7 Siam received this Buddha image known as Phra Buddha Sihingaor Phra Sihinga in the reign of Rama Khamheng 8 and not in that of king Sr! Indraditya. He remarks that there is no doubt regarding the inclusion of Siridhammanagara in the Sukhodaya -kingdom in the reign Of Sri* Indraditya. The inscription of Rama Khamheng (ad 1275-1317) in the Thai language <dated Saka 1214 i.e. ad 1292 reveals that Khun Sam Jan, the king of Muang Chuet invaded Raheng and -king Sri Indraditya went to meet him but was routed. But Rama Khamheng defeated the chief of Muang Chuet. Raheng and Muang Chuet are very near to JSukhodaya. This incident shows that probably in the reign of Sri Indraditya the Sukhodaya IBEFEO, XXV, p. 46. *TSSFACP, I, 1904-29, pp. 80-81. The history of the statue of the Buddha named Sihingabuddharupanidana was written in Pali by a Buddhist monk named Bodhirathsi of Nabbisipura between the years BE 2000 and 2070 i.e. in about AD 1459-1529. This book describes the' famous Buddha image reputed to have arrived miraculously in Siam from the island of Ceylon where it was originally made and it relates the wandering of this image to different cities. 3 ibid, p. 81. HJCHC, I, part II, p. 846. &BEFEO, XXV, p. 46; TSGEC, p. 122. Bibid, XXV, p. 46; ibid, p. 122. VSSJ, III, p. 76. S RIS, I, p. 44: Rama Khamheng was the third son of king Sri Indraditya. His original name is not known. But when he defeated Khun Sam Jan, the king of Muang Chuet in the district of Raheng in Central Siam, in a single encounter which took place on elephant back, his father gave him the name of Rama Khamheng. Geylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 137 kingdom did not extend its frontiers very far . 1 There is evidence to show that in the second half of the thirteenth century Siam under Rama Khamheng extended its territory upto Siridhammanagara. This inscription refers to the conquests of Rama Khamheng in all four directions: eastwards as far as Vieng Chang, southwards as far as Siridhammanagara, westwards as far as Hainsavatl (Pegu) and northwards as far as Luang Prabang . 2 From the inscriptions mentioned above we may assume that Siam reached the zenith of its power in the reign of Rama Khamheng. But there is no reference to Sri Indraditya’s extension of the Sukhodaya kingdom upto Siridhammanagara in the political history of Siam. Jiut Ferrand holds the view that possibly the Thais of Sukhodaya may have reached or gone beyond Siridhammanagara in the reign of Sri Indraditya . 3 In the Jinakalamall, the king of Sukhodaya who sent a joint embassy was Rocaraja . 4 He is also known as Radraraja . 5 According to Sihinganidana or the Sihingabuddharupanidana, he was Suranga or Seyyaronga or Seyyaranga or Ranaranga. According to the Siamese tradition, he is known as Phra Ruang. It seems to have been a title, the meaning of which was national hero. Therefore it is possible that the references to Phra Ruang and Rocaraja are one and the same ruler. Rocaraja or Suranga or Phra Ruang has not yet been identified with any king of Siam who ruled at Sukhodaya in the second half of the thirteenth century ad. King Sri Indraditya of Sukhodaya, the founder and the first sovereign of this dynasty and the father of king Rama Khamheng is often identified with Rocaraja or 1 TgSJ, III, p. 77. WS, I, p. 48. 3 JA, July-August, 1918, p. 138 fn. 3. *BEFEO, XXV, p. 46; TSGEC, p. 121. 3 TSGEC, p. 121 fn. 3: “The Ayuthia version of the manuscript of the Jinakalamall in Cambodian script, believed to be copied in 1794 has Rauiigraja, i.e. the term ‘Luang’ is Thai, meaning one who accomplishes one’s activities. At a later time, the name ‘Luang’ became Ruang. The king is generally known by the Thai people as Phra Ruang or King Ruang. He was a contemporary of king Siridhamma of Nakorn Sri Dhammaraj but belonged to a later period. It is understood that in the reign of king Siridhamma of the city of Sri Dhammaraj, there was another king of the same name of Phra Ruang who was otherwise called Sai-Rong (Seyyarong) or Sri Indraditya, father of king Ruang in question. It is mentioned in the Sihingabuddharupanidana that king Siridhamma’s reign was in 1500 BE. This date may be quite right. Anyhow, king Ruang mentioned in the Jinakalamall must be placed in a period subsequent to king Siridhamma.” 138 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Suranga or Phra Ruang. 1 Prince Damrong identifies Sri Indraditya with Phra Ruang or Rocaraja or Suranga. 2 Coed6s is of opinion that Rocaraja was king Rama Khamheng. 3 According to Dhanit Yupho, he was Rama Khamheng. 4 Among the independent kings of Sukhodaya, there were at least five kings who were known as Phra Ruang in Siamese history 5 and the great Phra Ruang was Rama Khamheng. Therefore it is difficult to identify him with any of them. According to the Sihinganidana or Sihingabuddharupanidana, Siridhamma, the king of Siridhammanagara reigned 1500 years after the Parinibbana of the Buddha i.e. in 956 or 957 ad . 6 The Jinakalamall refers to Rocaraja, the king of Sukhodaya, as having begun his reign 1 800 years after the Parinibbana of the Buddha i.e. in ad 1256 or 1257 and the king of Siridhammanagara was" Siridhamma at this time. 7 It shows that he was a contemporary of king Roca of Sukhodaya. These two works belong to somewhat the same period and are important from the point of view of religious and cultural history of Siam. The king who reigned in Siridhammanagara at the time of Rocaraja as discussed above has been identified with a certain king of Siridhammanagara belonging to the thirteenth century ad. There are different opinions regarding the exact location of the kingdom of Siridhammanagara and the identify of its king. The Culavamsa and the Pujavaliya refer to two invasions of Ceylon by a Javaka king named Candrabhanu in the reign of Parakramabahu II s and Candrabhanu’ s first invasion took place in the eleventh year of the latter’s reign 9 and that is in ad 1247. A Sanskrit inscription dated Kaliyuga 4333 i.e. in ad 1230 found in Caiya or Jaiya area at Siridhammanagara in the Malay Peninsula records the ruling monarch with the title of Candrabhanu and it also refers to him as Tambralingesvara or the ‘Lord of Tambralinga’. 10 This ruling monarch has been identified with Candrabhanu of the Ceylon chronicles and the king of Siridhammanagara, the friend of Rocaraja according to the Jinakalamall. Because both belong to WS, I, p. 8. *7 SSJ, III, p. 76, 3LEHII, p. 345. iTSGEC, p. 121 fn. 2. WW, HI, p. 75. *TSGEQ, p. 121 fn. 3 . 7 BEFEO , XXV, p. 46; ibid, p. 121. 8 CK, ch. LXXXIII, vv. 36-48; 62-75; PV, p . 43. Bibid, ch. LXXXII, v. 36; PV, p. 43. ™JCBRAS, XXXII, p. 195. Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 139 the same period. Coedeslstates that Candrabhanu invaded Ceylon with the object of capturing the miraculous Buddha image. 1 But he was defeated by the army of the king of Ceylon. Then he despatched a joint embassy with Rocaraja of Sukhodaya and received that image of peaceful means from the king of Ceylon. The suggestion of Coedes is not without justification. 2 Because the Culavamsa as [well as the Pujavaliya refer to Buddhism as the religion of Candrabhanu and his party. The Culavamsa records 3 the second invasion of Ceylon by Candrabhanu to possess the Tooth Relic of the Buddha. According to Coedes, the second expedition tpok place in ad 1 270. 4 The Hatthavanagallaviharavamsa mentions that Candrabhanu belonged to Tambalinga country. 6 The Sinhalese translation of this work, called Eju Attangaluvamsa. written in ad 1382 refers to the name Tambalinga. 6 The translation, written in the reign of Parakramabahu VI of Kotte in the first half of the fifteenth century ad, mentions the name Tamalingomu. The.' / Rajaratnakara, 7 a work of the sixteenth century ad, says that the chief who invaded Ceylon was king of Tamalingomu. The Dambadeniasna mentions that the king of Tamalingamu was defeated by king Parakramabahu' II. 8 The Pujavaliya refers to Tamalingamu or Tamalingamuva. 9 So in the Sinhalese texts the names Tambalinga and Tamalingamu are used. Sir Donald Braddell is of opinion that Tambralinga lies in the Kuantan area where an important tributary of the Pahang river still carries the name of Tembeling or Tanjong Tembeling. 10 Nilakanta Sastri agrees with this identification. 11 According to Coedes, the centre of Tambralinga was modern Ligor or Nakhon Si Thammarat or Nakorn Sri Dhammaraj. 12 O.W. Wolters fully agrees with the suggestion of Coedes. 13 Prof. Sylvain Levi has identified Tamali with Tambalinga or Tambralinga. 14 Coedes states that Tan-ma-ling is called Tambralinga or Ligor. 16 Wheatley treated it as a state in the Ligor district in the Malay Peninsula. 16 Prof. Paranavitana identifies 1JCBRAS, p. 195; BTLVNI, pp. 459-472. *CJHSS, vol. 3, no. 1, January-June, 1960, p. 56. 3 CV, LXXXVIII, w. 62-66. 4LEHII, p.310. ~°HVV, p. 32. 6 EAV, p. 45. IRK, p. 37. 8 Dda, pp. 3-6. 9 PV, p. 33; 43. io JRASMB, XXIII, pt. n, pp. Iff. 1 1AHSI, p. 194. vi LEIUI, p. 72. 13 BSOAS, XXI, pt. 3, pp. 587ff. ™EA, II, pp. 26-27. UTSSFACP, II, 1954, pp. 155-6. 1 «TGK, p. 67. 140 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Siridhammanagara with Ligor. 1 Thus Siridhammanagara has been identified with modern Ligor and it is known in Thai as Nakom Sri Dhammaraj ‘city of the king of the Law (Dhamma)’ and in Malay as Nakhon Si Thammarat and in Pali writings as Tambarattha and Tambalinga and in the Sinhalese texts as Tambalinga and Tamalingamu. 2 From what has been observed earlier 3 it would seem that the political influence of Siam extended upto Siridhammanagara. It is now included in the territories of Siam. 4 There are sufficient reasons to, believe that Tambarattha was an important centre of Theravada Buddhism in the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries ad . 6 Evidence of religious intercourse between Ceylon and Tambarattha goes back to the twelfth century ad.° A fragmentary slab inscription of SundaramahadevI, wife of Vikramabahu I (1111-1132 ad) found at the royal place at Polonnaruva, refers to Tambarattha. 7 The first two lines of the inscription begin with the praise of Ananda, a prominent thera of Ceylon. 8 He is called “a banner raised aloft in the land of Ldnka.” 9 Only the first seven lines of this fragmentary inscription are well- kept. Due to its fragmentary nature it is very difficult to draw any definite conclusion about the role played by Ananda thera in the religious history of Tambarattha or Ligor of about his connection with Tambarattha. It is, however, possible to surmise that close religious ties existed between the two countries during this time. According to the KalyanI inscriptions and the Sasanavaipsa, Ananda Mahathera. accompanied Chapata to Burma in the second half of the twelfth century ad. He is referred to as a monk from Kancipura (in South India) although he resided in Ceylon at this time. Anand thera of the fragmentary slab inscription of a SundaramahadevI, wife of Vikramabahu I can be assigned to the twelfth century ad. This inscription shows that Ananda thera was a prominent figure in Ceylon. Ananda Mahathera of the KalyanI inscriptions and the Sasanavaipsa was undoubtedly a monk of great iJCBRAS, XXXII, p. 196 2 ibid, p. 196. 3 pp , 136-137. iJCBRAS, XXXn, p. 196. 6 CM, p. 81. GCJIISS, vol. 3, no. 1, 1960, p. 55. 7£ Z> IV, pp. 67-72; CJS, II, section G, p. 186; TGGIS, H, pp. 17-25. 8 ibid, IV, pp. 67-72; ibid, H, p. 186. »ibid, IV, pp. 71-72. Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 141 repute to have been invited by Chapala Mahathera to accompany him to Burma. Therefore Ananda thera of the fragmentary slab inscription of SundaramahadevI and Ananda Mahathera of the KalyanI inscriptions and the Sasanavamsa are probably identical as they belong to roughly the same period. The reign of Parakramabahu II also witnessed religious contact between the two countries. Parakramabahu II devoted his time to promote the cause of Buddhism. Because about this time, “All the corrupt groups of bhikkhus who since the interregnum lived only for their own- desires, following forbidden occupation 1 he sought out rigorously, dismissed them from the Order and thus purified the Order of the perfectly Enlightened One .” 2 The king heard about Dhammakitti thera of Tambarattha. The Culavamsa and the Pujavaliya mention that many Mahatheras lived in Tambarattha during this time . 3 It indicates that Buddhism flourished to a great extent there in the thirteenth century. Parakramabahu II is said to have invited Dhammakitti thera from Tambarattha to come to Ceylon . 4 * The Cfilavamsa and the Pujavaliya mention that king Parakramabahu II sent numerous religious gifts as well as royal gifts to the king of Tambarattha and invited Dhammakitti thera who was a very famous monk in Tambarattha to visit Ceylon . 8 Prof. Paranavitana in his book Ceylon and Malaysia 6 says that the miraculous sacred Buddha image as narrated in the Jinakalamall 7 , was among the religious gifts. But the Culavamsa and the Pujavaliya do not make any reference to it and they do not mention the name of the king of Tambarattha to whom the king of Ceylon sent presents. Prof. Paranavitana is of opinion that he was Candrabhanu of the Ceylon chronicles . 8 The Pujavaliya states that Dhammakitti thera came to Ceylon from Tamalingamuva . 9 An inscription 10 belonging to the reign of king Rama K hamheng of Sukhodaya refers to the visit of a Mahathera from Siridhamma- nagara to Sukhodaya in his reign and the construction of the 1 Cy, ch. LXXXIV, v. 7, fn 3: Professions which are not fit for a monk are enumerated in the Dighanikfiya (Eng. thrans., II, part I, pp. 5-6). *ibid, ch. LXXXIV, vv, 7-8. ^ibid, ch. LXXXIV, vv. 11-16; PV, p. 43. 4 ibid, ch. LXXXIV, vv. 11-15; ibid, p. 43. Sibid, ch. LXXXIV, w. 11-15; ibid, p. 43. 6 CM, p. 79. 7pp. 135-136. 8 CM, p. 79. *PV, p. 43. i ORIS, I, p. 46. 142 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia monastery of Arannikas for this Mahathera by the king. The story of the Jinakalamall indicates that there were friendly relations between Ceylon, Sukhodaya and Siridhammanagara. From the fragmentary inscription of SundaramahadevI, the Culavamsa and the Pujavaliya, it is known that close religious ties existed between Ceylon and Tambarattha (Siridhammanagara) and the latter was an important centre of Theravada Buddhism. These sources also reveal that Siam’s relations with Tambarattha was very friendly. The Jinakalamall gives an indication about the important role played by Siridhammanagara in establishing contact between Ceylon and Siam in the middle of the thirteenth century. It may be possible to conclude from this that Siam established its religious and cultural contact with Ceylon through the medium of Siridhammanagara, in the middle of the thirteenth century. Although there is no evidence regarding direct cultural connections between Ceylon and Siam for the first half of the fourteenth century the Jinakalamall refers to the establishment of the Sinhalese Buddhist Sangha in Sukhodaya during the reign of Dhammaraja of Sukhodaya, identified as Lodaiya or Lothai (ad 1317-1347), the son of Rama Khamheng. 1 Coed^s and Hall are of opinion that he acquired the title of Dhammaraja or Dhammika- raja ‘the pious king’ for his contribution to the development of Buddhism. 2 In this case Burma like Ligor acted as an intermediary in the religious intercourse between Ceylon and Siam. According to the Jinakalamall, 3 a famous Sinhalese Mahathera named t Udumbara MahasamI ‘Great Sage’ arrived in the Ramanna country i.e. Lower Burma from Ceylon. We are also informed of the visit of a Siamese monk named Sumana from Sukhodaya to the Ramanna country to receive theupasampada ordination at the hands of the Sinhalese Mahathera and to study the religious texts under his guidance. 4 The Jinakalamall does not explain the reason f or the visit of the Mahathera from Ceylon to the Ramanna country. But his arrival indicates mutual ties between the Buddhist Sangha of Ceylon and Ramanna as well as of Ramanna and Sukhodaya and Ceylon’s strong religious influence over the neighbouring Buddhist countries. 1BEFEO, XXV, p. 95. •LEffn, p. 366; AHSEA, p. 164; TMSEA, p. 140. 3 BEFEO, XXV, p. 95; TSGEC, p. 117. 4 ibid, p. 95; ibid, p. 1 17. Ceylon’s’ Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 143 The king of Sukhodaya on hearing of the reputed Sinhalese Mahathera Udumbara MahasamI sent an envoy requesting him to send a monk who would be able to perform all ecclesiastical functions of the Sangha in Sukhodaya . 1 It would seem that the knowledge of the Sihala Buddhist Sangha was widespread in the Buddhist countries of South-east Asia during this time and the Siamese king with a view to establish the Sinhalese form of the monastic discipline and in order to reorganise and model the Buddhist Sangha of Siam on that of Ceylon sought the help of the Sinhalese Mahathera. Udumbara MahasamI received the envoy of the king of Sukhodaya and he sent the Elder iSumana to Dhammaraja of Sukhodaya . 2 His arrival in Sukhodaya helped to introduce the Sihala Sangha in Siam. Elder Sumana stayed at the Wat Pa Mamuang or the Ambavanarama or Mango Grove monastery, to the east of. Sukhodaya and devoted his time to popularise the Sinhalese form of the monastic discipline there. According to the Jinakalamall, Lideyya or Luthai, the son of Dhammaraj, who was then viceroy at Sri Sajjanalai (or Sri Sachanlai or Svargaloka ) 3 also paid his. respects to the Elder Sumana when the latter visited him . 4 The Jinakalamall which deals with the • introduction and the establishment of the Sihala Sangha 'in Siam refers to Udumbara MahasamI. It is possible to treat the story of the Jinakalamall relating to Udumbara MahasamI as fairly accurate. It is probable that Udumbara was not the personal name of this reputed Sinhalese Mahathera. He belonged to the ArannavasI fraternity , 5 whose’ centre of activity was at Udumbaragiri or Dimbulagala in Tamankaduva . 8 This group became very prominent in the twelfth i BEFEO, XXV, p.' 95; TSGEC, p. 1 17. *ibid, XXV, p. 95; ibid, p. 1 17. 8 ibid, XXV, p. 95; ibid, p. 117: A town situated a little way up-river from Sukhodaya. “ibid, XXV, pp. 95-96; ibid, p. 118. 6 JCBRAS, XXXII, p. 198; TSGEC, p. 117 fn. 4 and p. 129 fn. 5. «EZ, III, p. 188; UCHC, I, part II, p. 754; JKM, p. XIII: “This name Udumbara must be the shortened form of Udumbaragiri, the Sinhalese form of which is Dimbulagala. Dimbulagala is a great rock situated in the North Central Province of Ceylon, in which province the ancient cities of Anurvdhapura and Pulathinagara are situated. The monastic establishment of Dimulagala was well- known for its erudite Elders, such as Mahakassapa who was the adviser to king Parakramabahu the Great.” 144 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia and thirteenth centuries in the history of Buddhism in Ceylon . 1 Udumbara MahasamI has been identified at Sangharaja Medhankara, the author of the Lokappadlpasara . 2 According to Coedes and Reginald Le May, the king of Ceylon used to give titles Sami or MahasamI to foreign priests who visited the island to study the Sinhalese form of Buddhism . 3 They suggest that probably Udumbara Mahasaipl came from the neighbouring country of Burma. But there is sufficient evidence to show that many Sinhalese Mahatheras are also known by the title MahasamI. The Culavarnsa refers to the MahasamI Sangharakkhita in the reign of Vijayabahu III . 4 The Nikayasangrahava, a work of the fourteenth century ad, also refers to the name of the second Dhammakitti MahasamI in the reign of Virabahu II . 8 Even the Jinakalamall refers to Vanaratana MahasamI, in the reign of Parakramabahu VI . 6 So all these facts indicate that the title MahasamI was also used by Sinhalese monks. Therefore it is possible that Udumbara MahasamI who belonged to the island of Lanka helped in the introduction of the Slhaja Sangha to Siam and the propagation of the Theravada form of Buddhism in that country through Siamese monks like Sumana. The Mulasasana, a history of Buddhism, which was written at Nabbisipura in the fifteenth century ad, mentions the same episode. It refers to two Siamese Mahatheras, Anomadassi and Sumana. They belonged to Sukhodaya and were the disciples of the Sangharaja of Sukhodaya, who was known as Malta Pabbata. From Sukhodaya they went to Ayotlhya (or Ayuthia) in Southern Siam and studied the three Pitakas there. After finishing their study they returned to Sukhodaya and stayed at the monastery of the Sangharaja of Sukhodaya with other monks. While they were staying there they heard of- the fame of the Sinhalese Mahathera Udumbarapuppha MahasamI . 7 They came to Martaban and i JCBRAS, XXXII, p. 198; PLC, p. 211. *UCHC, I, part II, p. 754; TSGEC, p. 117 fn. 4. 3 BEFEO, XXV, p. 95 fn. 5; ACHBAS, p. 120. *CV, ch. LXXXI, v. 76. WKS, p. 29. 6 BEFEO, XXV, p. 105. ’TheSinhalese monk Anumati, who wasknown as Udumbarapuppha MahasamI, was the disciple of a reputed Sinhalese Mahathera Mahakassapa, the Sangharaja of the Udumbara ArafinavasI Fraternity (or Forest Monastery) of Ceylon. Udum- bara is the Pali name of a wild fig. the ficus glomerata. The Pali noun puppha is flower. The Elder Anumati from Ceylon came to Martaban is Lower Burma in 1331 AD with twelve Mon-Burmese monks who went to Ceylon to receive ordination and to study religious texts at the Udumbaragirivihara in Ceylon. He 145 Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam received their reordination at the hands of Udumbarapuppha Mahasaml. They studied the religious texts for five years under him at his monastery. Then he asked them to go to Sukhodaya and to stay there for five years. He also told them to come back to see him again so he would give them Nissayamuttas with the title of Mahathera. They then returned to Sukhodaya and stayed there for five years and came back to Martaban again in ad 1341 or 1 342 with eight monks namely Ananda, Buddhasagara, Sujata, Khema, Piyadassi, Suvannagiri, Vessabhu and Saddhatissa from Sukhodaya and stayed at the monastery of Udumbarapuppha Mahasaml. These eight monks received their re-ordination there. Anomadassi and Sumana received Nissayamuttas with the title of Mahatheras from Udumbarapuppha Mahasaml. They studied there for three months and returned to Sukhodaya. The Mahathera Anomadassi stayed at the Rattavanamahavihara (Red Forest Monastery) as Sajjanalaya and the Mahathera Sumana stayed at the Ambavanarama (Mango Grove Monastery) at Sukhodaya. They both devoted their tinje to popularise the Sinhalese form of the monastic discipline there. The Elder Piyadassi went to Ayuthia to establish the religion there. The people of Ayuthia gave him the title of Mahasaml. The Elder Suvannagiri came to Luang Pra Bang. Here he established the religion there and he received the title of Mahasaml. The religion of the Nan country flourished after the arrival of the Elder Vassabhu there and the people of this country offered him the title of Mahasaml. 1 When the Mahathera Sumana went to Nabbisipura the Elder Ananda stayed at the Mango Grove Monastery to popularise the religion there. The Elders Buddhasagara, Sujata, Khema and Saddhatissa came to Son Gve near Visuloka in Northern Siam to practise the religion there. 2 The Majfiithera Sumana was an important figure in the religious history of Siam. He rendered valuable services to the cause of Buddhism in Sukhodaya in the reign of king Lothai, who was a great patron of Buddhism. The Mulasasana refers to the establish- established the ArannavasI Slhajabhikkhusangha in Martaban. He also gave his full support to the development of Theravada Buddhism there. The king and the people were so happy with his religious activities that the king of Martaban gave him the title of Udumbarapuppha Mahasaml — TSSJ, January, 1 972, vol. 60, part I, pp. 50ff. VSSJ, January, 1972, Vol, 60, part I, pp. 50ff. •ibid, p. 59. 146 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia ment of Buddhism in Sukhodaya during his reign. The Mahathera Sumana while on a visit to Sajjanalaya is said to have heard of the wondrous nature of a miraculous relic of the Buddha which was sent by ASoka from India in the third century bc. He with the help of the local people discovered the relic which performed many miracles. Lothai, the king of Sukhodaya, on hearing of the miraculous sacred Relic sent an envoy requesting the Elder Sumana to come to the city with the Relic. The Elder Sumana brought it to Sukhodaya. The king received it with great honour. The fame of Udumbara MahasamI also reached Nabbisipura. 1 The Jinakalamall gives details of the religious contact between the king of Nabbisipura and Udumbara MahasamI. 2 The king of Nabbisipura at this time was Kilana or Kuena or Phra Chao Kuena. According to the Jinakalamall, 3 king Kilana who was born in ad 1339 was consecrated ruler at the age of sixteen i.e. in ad 1355. The king sent an envoy to Udumbara MahasamI in the Ramanfia country with a request that a monk, capable of performing all religious acts be sent in Nabbisipura. 4 The Mahathera complied with the king’s request and sent Ananda thera to king Kilana. 5 * According to Ananda thera’s advice the king sent an envoy to the king of Sukhodaya requesting him to send the Elder Sumana to Nabbisipura. 8 The Elder Sumana with the permission of the king went to Nabbisipura. According to the chronology of the Siamese kings, Luthai or Lideyya, the son of king Lothai or Dhammaraja and the grandson of Rama Khamheng, was the ruler of Sukhodaya at this time. 7 He occupied the throne of Sukhodaya in ad 1347. The Jinakalamall 8 refers to Dhammaraja, the king of Sukhodaya about this time. Several kings of Sukhodaya in the fourteenth and in the first half of the fifteenth centuries had the title of Dhammaraja. So Luthai who took the title af Sri Suryavathsa Rama Mahadhamma- rajadhiraja at the time of his accession to the throne is 1 BEFEO , XXV, p. 96; TSGEC, p. 118. a ibid, XXV, p. 96; ibid, p. 118. 3 ibid, p. 116: The Sakkaraja or Sakaraja or the Cullasakaraja used by the Siamese starts with 638 AD. (KIS, I, p. 13). Sakaraja 701-638 AD — 1339 AD. This has been calculated on this basis. 4 ibid, p. 118; BEFEO , XXV, p. 96. 5 ibid, p. 119; ibid, XXV, p. 96. •ibid, p. 1 19; ibid, XXV, p. 96. '’BJS, 1, p. 84. s BEFEO, XXV, p. 96; TSGEC, p. 119. Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 147 Dhammaraja of the Jinakalamali. 1 * He was Dhammaraja II.* The inscription found in the Talavanarama or Wat Pa Ten in Sukhodaya consists of three parts. 3 The second part of the inscription which is in Cambodian characters but in the Siamese language refers to the visit of Mahasamanathera to Northern Siam from Sukhodaya in Sakaraja 731 i.e. in ad 1369. According to Coedes, Mahasamanathera of the inscription is Elder Sumana of the Jinakalamali. 4 The reference to the north as related in the inscription is Nabbisipura and Haripunjaya in Northern Siam. Another inscription, dated Sakaraja 731 =ad 1369 found at the monastery of the standing Buddha images or Wat Phra Yun near Haripunjaya both in Pali and Thai, deals with the arrival of Sumana at Nabbisipura in the reign of Kuena. 5 This inscrip- tion refers to the king as Son Sen Na. It refers to the father of Son Sen Na as Phayu and his grandfather as Kham Phu. According to the chronology of the kings of Nabbisipura as given in the Ponsavadan Yonok, the father of Kilana was Phayu and the grandfather was Kham Phu. 6 According to the Jinakalamali, he is Phayu and Kham Phu is Hariplava. 7 In the Sfihinganidana, Phayu is spelled as Prayu 8 and afterwards it is Phayu. This is because the people of Northern Siam pronounce the word Pra as Pha. 9 According to the Ponsavadan Yonok, Kilana is Kuena. 10 He is known as Kilana in the Jinakalamali. Tbps king Son Sen Na is king Kilana of the Jinakalamali. 11 Therefore these two inscriptions would help to confirm the facts relating to king Kilana and Sumana’s contribution to the establishment of the Sihaja Sangha in Northern Siam as narrated in the Jinakalamali. King Luthai was a man of culture. He was also a devout Buddhist. He showed mercy towards all beings. He devoted his time to the propagation of Buddhism which became very popular in Siam during his rule. An inscription refers to him: “This king 1 BIS, I, p. 97; ibid, p. 118 fn. 1. a TMSEA, p. 140. 3 JUS, I, pp. 131ff. 4 ibid, I, p. 137 fn. 2. b BEFEO, XXV, pp. 195fif. *ibid, XXV, p. 30, B. ‘Rois De Xieng Mai’; TSGEC, p. 116 fn. 2. 7 ibid, XXV, p. 30; ibid, p. 116, fn 2. ZTSGEC, pp. XLI-XLII: The meaning of the word Phayu is one who is advanced in age (Pra-j-ayu). ®ibid, pp. XLI-XLII. 10 BEFEO, XXV, p. 30 B. “ibid, XXV, p. 30 B. 148 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia observed the ten royal precepts. 1 He showed mercy towards all his subjects. When he saw another Man’s rice he did not covet it, and when he saw another’s wealth he did not behave unworthily If he arrested people guilty of cheating or insolence, those who put poison in his food so as to cause him illness or death, he never killed or beat them, but forgave those who behaved evilly towards him. The reason why he repressed his heart and restrained his temper, and did not give way to anger when he might have done, was that he desired to become a Buddha and to take every creature beyond the ocean of the affliction of Transmigration.” 2 Under his instruction several Buddhist centres and temples were established in the kingdom. The king studied the Abhidhammapitaka, the Vinaya, the Vedas, the Sastras, the Dharmanayas, the JyotiSastra (astronomy) and other Brahmanical texts. 3 The Traibhumikatha, a large treatise on Buddhist Cosmology, now known as Traiphum p’a Ruang, was composed by him. It is clear from the above facts that Sukhodaya was a great centre of Buddhist studies in the middle of the fourteenth century ad. The second half of the fourteenth century witnessed direct religious intercourse between Ceylon and Siam. From that period onwards several inscriptions, found at different places in Siam, give details of direct contact with Ceylon. King Luthai, who is popularly known as Suryavamsa Rama Mahadhammarajadhiraja or Dhammaraja II gave his full support to the development of the Slhala Sangha in Siam. Under his patronage Sukhodaya became the centre of Buddhist activities. The Nagara Jum inscription dated Sakaraja 1279 i.e. ad 1357 written in the Siamese language and belongiftg to the reign of Luthai, states that a sacred and authentic relic of the Buddha “!§rl Ratanamahadhatu” was brought from Ceylon and was installed with great solemnity by the king in Ab 1357 at Nagara Jum. It also mentions that a branch of the sacred Bo-tree was brought to Siam from Ceylon and was planted near this sacred Mentioned before. 'LEIIII, pp. 368-9; JUS, I, p. 107; AHSEA, p. 176. mCS, p. 45. Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 149 relic at Nagara Jum. 1 According to Prof. Parana vitana, it was brought from Anuradhapura. 2 The second part of this inscription is fragmentary. It refers to the establishment of several Buddhapa- das in Siam on the model of the Buddhapada of the Sumanakuta- parvata in Ceylon by Dhammaraja. 3 The Sumanakutaparvata inscription found at Sukhodaya has received this name because a replica of the Buddhapada from the Sumanakutaparvata in Ceylon was installed in Siam in ad 1359 by king Suryavamsa Rama Mahadhammarajadhiraja. 4 Two inscriptions, one in the Khmer language and the other in Siamese found at Sukhodaya, were installed by king Luthai. They refer to the invitation sent by king Luthai to Mahasami Sangharaja of Ceylon. These inscriptions were specially composed to commemorate the arrival of the Sangharaja from Ceylon, his installation at the monastery of the Mango Grove and the ordain- ing of king Luthai. 5 The Khmer inscription contains more information than the Siamese inscription and it is better preserved. It gives details of the arrangements made by the king of Sukhodaya in honour of the Mahathera. It would seem that these arrangements were extremely elaborate and on a lavish scale. 6 The king then invited the Mahasami Sangharaja as well as the theras, anutheras and the whole assembly of bhikkhus to ascend the Golden Tower in the Royal Palace and then entered the Sangha as a novice When he had pronounced his vows and had received ordination, he descended from the Golden Tower and IRIS, I, pp. 77-90: Nagara Jum Or Nagara Brah Jum is situated on the right bank of the Mae Phing river in Central Siam. P.N. Bose and Prince Damrong have identified Nagara Jum with modern Kampheig Phet (TICS, p. 45; TSSJ, III, p. 90). The Jinakalamall refers to it as Vajirapakara ( BEFEO , XXV, p. 99 fnl). VCBRAS, XXXII; UCHC, I, part II, p. 754. 3 RIS, I, pp. 89-90. 4 ibid, I, pp. 123ff. sibid, I, pp. 91-102ff; and pp. 103-109ff. °ibid, I, pp. 91-109: When the king received the news of the arrival of the Mahathera and a group of bhikkhus from Ceylon, he asked for the ministers and the members of the royal family to go and receive them and pay them homage from the land of Chaut ( AMG , 27, p. 53: Today it is known as Pitsartulok) as far as Iyan Don ( RIS , I, pp. 88 fn 2: It is located between Tak and Kambaen Pejra), then at Pan Candra, Pan Bar (AMG, 27, p. 53: It is identified with modern Bang Phang or Pan Ban) and then at Sukhodaya (AMG, 27, p. 174 fn 3: These localities are 150 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia went on foot to the Mango Grove. The king’s action caused deep disappointment to his lay subjects who requested him to l&ave the Sangha and undertake the administration of the country while the monks asked him to remain in the Sangha. The king reported this matter to the MahasamI Sangharaja who decided in favour of the people and consequently king Luthai after leaving the Sangha, reassumed royal power . 1 The personal name of the MahasamI Sangharaja does not occur in the Siamese inscription. MahasamI Sarigharaja has been identified with the Sangharaja Medhahkara, the author of the Lokappadlpasara and Udumbara MahasamI . 2 Part IV of the inscription mentions that the Mahathera who came from the island of Lanka composed Pali gathas (verses) in praise of king Sri Suryavamsa Rama Mahadhammarajadhiraja . 3 This composition is of great literary merit and is undoubtedly the work of a distinguished scholar. The first part of the Pali inscription describing the ordination of king Luthai is in verse and the rest is written in prose. According to Prof. Paranavitana , 4 the style and composition of the inscription are similar to such Pali works such as Hatthavanagal- laviharavaihsa and the Samantakutavannana, composed in Ceylon during the thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries ad. A fragmentary inscription in the Siamese script found at the WatMahadhatu of Sukhodaya refers to a monk named Mahathera between the land of Chaut and Sukhodaya). The king then hastened to sweep and cleanse the royal avenue extended from the eastern gate to the western gate and to the Mango Grove where Kutis (dwelling houses for monks) and the viharas were being built. On all sides, he covered with cloth of different colours as protection from scorching heat of the ^sun; he then made draperies and garlands to be fixed and ordered that cloths of the five colours be spread at intervals so that the feet of the Buddha ( RIS , I, p. 100 fn 2; JCBRAS, XXXII; Here the MahasSmx Sangharaja is meant by this term. Therefore the feet of the Buddha here indicates feet of the Sangharaja) should not touch the ground at any spot Afterwards the king invited the MahasamI Sangharaja to enter into retreat during the three months of the rainy season, the king offered him valuable presents The royal gifts were as follows: 10 jyan (RIS, I, p. 100 fn. 3: Ancient cambodgian weight) of gold, 10 jyan of Silver, 10 lar (RIS, I, pp. 95 and 100: Lar is meant in Siamese by lan which signifies actually million) of Khvad (this word is unknown). 2 lar of areca, 10 boundles of civaras, bowl fuls of alms cushions mats . MMG, vol. 27, p. 177; HB, in, p. 83; UCHC,, I, part II, p. 754 “ibid, I, part II, p. 754. 3ibid, I, part II. p. 754; RIS, I, p. 102. ‘JCBRAS, XXXII. 151 Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam Srlsraddharajaculamupi Sriratanalankadipa, Mahasami, the. grandson of Pha Muang, the chief of Mo’an Rat, who^ helped the father of Rama Khamheng to establish the independent Thai kingdom of Sukhodaya. 1 He had given up his royal robes for the life of a monk. The inscription states that he meditated in the middle of the forest and lived on fruits and roots and behaved in every respect after the manner of the monks of Sihaja. He is said to have visited Ceylon and having obtained two sacred relics, he returned from thence accompanied by several laymen from Ceylon. The latter are said to have taken up residence in five villages in Siam. No date has been recorded in this inscription. Coedds dates this event in the reign of Lothai (ad 1317- 1347). 2 According to Reginald Le May, it took place in the reign of Luthai (ad 1347). 3 The accession of Sri Indraditya who was a contemporary of Pha Muang, the grandfather of Mahathera SrlsradharajacQlamuni Sriratanalankadipa Mahasami is dated in circa ad 1238. Therefore the inscription in question could be ascribed to any one of the reigns of Indraditya s immediate successors who were Rama Khamheng (ad 1275- 1317), Lothai (ad 1317-1347) and Luthai (ad 1347). As several Siamese, Khmer and Pali inscriptions refer to direct religious intercourse between Ceylon and Siam during the reign of Luthai, we may agree with Reginald Le May that the Mahathera Srisradharajacu- lamuni Sriratanalankadipa Mahasami belonged to the reign of Luthai. Another undated fragmentary inscription has been found on the summit of Khau Kap in Central Siam. 4 It refers to a prince, who travelled up to the island of Lanka in order to find out a sacred relic (Maharatanadhatu). The prince of the Khau Kap inscription has been identified with the prince who received the title of Mahathera Srisradharajaculamupi Sriratanalankadipa Mahasami as mentioned in the inscription of the Wat Mahadhatu of Sukhodaya. According to Coed6s, they are one and the same person. 6 Thus the evidence of the Buddhist inscriptions of Siam makes it quite clear that the monks of Ceylon were held in high esteem and the Siamese Buddhist turned to Ceylon for religious inspiration. The middle of the fourteenth century witnessed the rise and growth of the kingdom of Ayuthia in Southern Siam. This new IRIS, I, pp. 49ff. % LEBII, p. 366. S ACHBAS, p. 124. i RIS, I, pp. 1451T. s ibid, I, pp. 49ff; LEHII, p. 367. 6 ibid, p. 367. 152 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia kingdom was founded in about ad 1350 by a Thai prince who belonged to the family of the rulers of Jayasenapura (Xieng Saen) in Northern Siam. 1 He married a Mon princess of U T’ong or Uthong and after his father-in-law he became the ruler of U T’ong. 2 The capital of the kingdom was kpown as Dvaravati Sri Ayudhya (Ayuthia). The founder of the kingdom took the title of Ramadhipati. 3 He ruled over the central and lower Menam valley i.e. Lopburi, Suvarnapura (Suphan), Rajaburi (Ratduri), Pejrapuri (Phetburi) and Candrapuri (Canthaburi) and a greater part of the Malay Peninsula including Tenasserim, Tavoy (are now in Burma), Ligor and Singora. His rule even extended over Sukhoday in the north and Malacca in the south. 4 He was succeeded by his son Ramasuen, the Governor of Lopburi in 1369 ad . 5 But after one year he abdicated in favour of Boromoraja or Paramaraja or Paramarajadhiraja (ad 1370-1388), his uncle. He was Boromoraja I. The Pali Annals refer to him as Banumahanayaka. 8 Under his rule Ayuthia extended its territory further from Kamphaeng Phet to Pitsanulok and Sri Sacbanlai or Sajjanalaya in Northern Siam. 7 The establishment of the new kingdom at Ayuthia and the changing of the political centre of Thai power from Sukhoday a to Ayuthia marked the beginning of a new era of great cultural prosperity. Under royal patronage Buddhism flourished and Ayuthia became an important Buddhist centre. The rulers of this dynasty like the rulers of the Sukhodaya kingdom patronised cultural and religious intercourse between Ceylon and Siam and encouraged and supported the deyelopment and propagation of SIhala Buddhism in Siam. There is sufficient reason to believe that strong religious ties existed between the two countries and the SIhala Sangha played an important role in Siam during the Ayuthia period. Boromoraja or Paramaraja is said to have built a residence, named the Lankarama at Ayuthia, for the Siamese monks. 8 Dhammakittithera of Ayuthia and the author of the Saddhamma- sangha stayed at the Lankarama. 9 In the Colophon to the Saddhammasangha, the author says that he came to Ceylon to 1 LEHII, p. 369; AHSEA, p. 165; TMSEA, p. 140. * AH SEA, p. 176 3 ibid, p. 165; LEHII, p. 370; TMSEA, p. 141. * AHSEA, p. 165; TMSEA, p. 147. mCS, p. 58. «ibid, p. 58. ’’AHSEA, p. 1 66; TMSEA, p. 147. ACHBAS, p. 145. *SDS, JPTS, 1890, p. 90. 9 ibid, p. 90; JKM, pp. VII-VIII. Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 153 receive the upasampada ordination. 1 After studying under the able guidance of the famous Sinhalese Mahathera named Dhammakitti Mahasami of Gadaladcni he returned to his native country the city of Ayuthia and stayed at the Lankarama where he composed the Saddhammasangha. 1 According to Dr. Malalasekera, the author of the Saddhammasangha was a native of India and composed this book in India. 3 Cocdes is not quite sure of the nationality of the author of this book, 4 which mentions the name of king Paramaraja who built the Lankarama. There were several kings by the name of Boromoraja or Paramaraja in the dynasty of Ayuthia. Paramaraja I ruled from ad 1370 to 1388.® Paramaraja II ruled from ad 1424 to 1448.® According to Prof. Malalasekera, Dhammakitti thera held the office of Sangharaja in the reigns of Bhuvanekabahu V and Virabahu II (circa 1372-1 410). 7 As Dhammakitti thera and Paramaraja I belonged roughly to the same period it is possible to conclude that Paramaraja I built the Lankarama and during his reign Dhammakitti thera from Ayuthia came to Ceylon and studied under Dhammakitti Mahasami in Ceylon. An inscription, dated 750 of the small Siamese era i.e. ad 1388 written in the Thai language and belonging to the reign of Boromoraja I, refers to --several monks who occupied important positions in the religious history of Siam during this period. 8 It states that Tanhankara Mahathera became the chief monk after the death of Padumuttara Mahathera. After Tanhankara Mahathera Vessabhu Mahathera occupied his place. Then the latter was succeed- ed by Mantrisavinnanaka Mahathera. Many monks used to live in Ayuthia at that time. Among them prominent were Sumangala Maha- thera, Khemamangala Mahathera, Dharmaghosa Mahathera, Nana- gambhira Mahathera, Sumanadeva Mahathera, Buddhavaqisa Mahathera, Suriya Mahathera, RamarasI Mahathera, Dharmasena- pati Mahathera, Ananda Mahathera and Dharmakitti Mahathera. It indicates that Ayuthia was a great centre of Buddhist culture and Buddhism flourished there. There was a good administration in the Sangha and the Sangharaja was its head. The monks followed the rules of the Buddhist discipline faithfully. They used to study the l i SDS, p. 90. 3 PLC, p. 242. *AHSEA, pp. 166-167. 7 PLC, p. 242. •ibid, p. 90; UCHC, I, part II, p. 794. 4 BEFEO , XV, p. 43. •ibid, p. 168; BEFEO, XXV, p. 105. *TICS, p. 60. 154 History of Theravada Buddhism in South-east Asia Buddhist texts thoroughly. Ai the end of the study of the whole Tipitaka they used to get the title of Traipitaka. The reign of Boromoraja I was an important period in the history of kingdom of Ayuthia which became the famous centre of Siam both from the political as well as from the religious point of view. After Boromoraja I, Ramesuen, Rama Raja, Boromoraja II, Boromo Trailokanath, Boromoraja III, Ramadhipati, Boromoraja IV, Maha Chakrap’at, Mahin, Maha Dhammaraja, Naresuen, Indraraja II, Srisudhammaraja, Narai ascended the throne of Ayuthia. 1 Some of these kings seem to have carried on the traditional Ayuthia dynasty policy of expansion within Siam and into Cambodia. They conquered Nabbisipura in Siam and Angkor in Cambodia. This period of Ayuthian history is marked with continuous warfare between the Siamese kings and the Cambodian rulers. Such a political situation in Ayuthia evidently did not give the rulers an opportunity to work f or the progress of the religion. Practically they were'not free to work for the religion. Therefore we do not hear much about the progress of Buddhism during this period. But from the religious history of the country it is quite clear that the rulers were followers of Buddhism. The fifteenth century is an important period in the history of Buddhism in Siam. The Sasanavamsa and the Jinakalamall provide us with evidence relating to direct cultural relations between Ceylon and South-east Asia at this time. The Sasanavamsa while discussing the introduction, establishment and the development of Buddhism in the Yonaka country, 1 delates that in the year 762 of the Kali age i.e. ad 1400 when the emperor of China 2 had conquered the whole Yonaka country, two Elders Mahadhamma- gambhira and Mahamedhankara with many other Siamese monks went to Ceylon. Being disturbed by a famine then prevailing in the island of Ceylon they returned to Sokkatanagara, 3 in Siam and from that place they went to Lakunnanagara. 4 These two Elders helped in the spread of Buddhism everywhere in Siam and the Yonaka country. According to the Sasanavamsa, this is the fifth time that the religion was established in the Yonaka country. The Sasanavainsa, while narrating the history of Buddhism in 1 AH SEA, p. 178. *Sas, p. 50: Cinarattha. 3 BEFEO, XXV, p. 184 fn. 5: Sukhodaya. 4 Muang Khelang in Northern Siam. Ceylon’s Religious and Cultural Relations with Siam 155 Maharattha, refers to the same story. 1 Thus the religious intercourse between Ceylon and Maharattha and Yonakarattha was the religious intercourse between Ceylon and Siam. The same episode is mentioned in the Jinakalamall/' which states that 1967 years after the Parinibbana of the Buddha i.e. in about ad 1423, twenty-fi ve monks from Nabbisipura together with eight monks f rorp Cambodia came to Ceylon to receive the upasampada ordination and there they were joined by six Mon monks from the Ramanna country. Tissaraja, who is also known as Sam Fang Ken or Sam Phang K aen, the son of Sen Muang Ma or Saen Muang Ma or Lakkahpuragama 3 of the city of Nabbisi reigned in the first half of the fifteenth century ad. 4 He honoured demons and worshipped wooded groves, trees, rocks, forests, spirits etc. with cattle and buffaloes. 5 In his domain many people worshipped demons. It is possible that the Siamese monks from Nabbisipura came to Ceylon to get the assistance of the Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon to put an end to this state of religious affairs and to establish Theravada Buddhism and the higher ordination in Siam. The king of Ceylon about this time was Parakramabahu VI. The / Jinakalamall gives the name of some of the prominent Mahatheras from Nabbisipura’ who ca-tae to Ceylon: Mahadhammagambhira, Mahamedhankara, Mahananamangala, Mahasllavamsa, Mahasa- riputta, Maharatanakara and Mahabuddhasagara. 6 After their arrival in Ceylon they paid their respects to Vanaratana MahasamI in Ceylon, who played a key role in the ordination ceremony at KalyanI during this time. He was the Sangharaja of Ceylon in the reign of Parakramabahu VI. 7 The Hamsasandesa 8 refers to him as Vanaratana Sangharaja of Karagala Parivana. This institution was located in Colombo district. Thirty-nine monks studied the sacred texts thoroughly and also learnt the correct manner of recital of the sacred texts from the Buddhist monks in Ceylon. The Jinakalamall refers to an ordination ceremony held at Yapapattana in KalyanI in Ceylon at which thirty-nine monks / iPLB, p. 8: The author of the Sasanavamsa identifies Maharattha with Siam. * BEFEO , XXV, pp. 49ff; TSGEC, p. 129.' 3 TGSEC,p. XXXVIII: Lakkha is Saen, in Thai; 100,000 in English. Pura is Muang in Thai; city in English. Agama is ma in Thai, coming in English. It is the name of a king. 4 BEFEO , XXV, p. 30. 5 ibid, XXV, p. 49. «ibid, XXV, p. 49; TSGEC, p. 129. ’’PLC, p. 248. »HS, w. 183-197. 156 History of Thera vada Buddhism in South-east Asia were ordained in the presence of a Chapter consisting of twenty Mahatheras of Ceylon. 1 * This ceremony took place 1968 years after the Parinibbana of the Buddha i.e. in ad 1424. Vanaratana MahasamI and the Elder Dhammacariya acted as Kammavaca- cariya and upajjhaya respectively. 3 The Girasandesa, a Sinhalese book, refers to a certain Dhammacariya. 3 He is said to have beeh the chief monk at Kotte. The upasampada ordination of the Siamese monks was held in Ceylon but the Ceylon chronicles make no mention of any such event. Such events are not important for Ceylon’s religious history. That is why the Ceylon chronicles are silent on this subject. Although there is no reference to it in Ceylon sources it would seem that the Jinakalamall presents accurate information regarding Siam’s religious and cultural relations with Ceylon in the first half of the fifteenth century ad. The Sasanavamsa also refers to it, although the date of the visit of the Siamese monks to Ceylon given in the Sasanavamsa is earlier than the Jinakalamall. Therefore this Burmese evidence would help to confirm the arrival of the Siarriese monks in Ceylon to receive the upasampada ordination in the first half of the fifteenth century as narrated in the Jinakalamall. There are different opinions regarding the exact location of Yapapattana of Jinakalamall, where the ordination was held. The contemporary Sinhalese literature makes it quite clear that Jaffna was known as Yapapatuna in the fifteenth century ad. It cannot be Jaffna because Jaffna was not at that time under the rule of Parakramabahu VI. It came under his rule in the latter part of his reign i.e. in ad 1447 or 1448 4 and this event took place in ad 1424. The Jinakalamall specifically mentions that it is in Kalyanl. 5 Butin KalyanI we do not know of any place by the name of Yapapattana. It is difficult to identify this place with any certainty. According to Prof. Paranavitana, the name of Yapapattana is used in Sinhalese as Yapapatuna which means the port of Yapa or Yavaka. 6 The name Java or Javaka is used as Yavaor Yavaka a