← Volver a la ficha del textoTraces of Gandharan Buddhism
An Exhibition of Ancient Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection
Traces of Gandharan Buddhism
An Exhibition of Ancient Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection
Jens Braarvig and Fredrik Liland
With contributions by:
Jens-Uwe Hartmann, Kazunobu Matsuda, Richard Salomon, Lore Sander
Hermes Publishing • Oslo
in collaboration with
Amarin Printing and Publishing Public Co. Ltd • Bangkok
2010
Hermes Academic Publishing & Bookshop A/S,
P.O.Box 2709 Solli, N-0204 Oslo
© Jens Braan’ig and Fredrik Liland 2010
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
without the prior permission in writing of Hermes Academic Publishing & Bookshop.
Exceptions are allowed in respect of any fair dealing for the purpose
of research or private study, or criticism or review.
Enquiries concerning reproduction outside these terms should
be sent to the publisher with the address as stated above.
ISBN 978 82 8034 075 0
Contents
Contents
PREFACE
Acknowledgements
Foreword, H.H. Somdet Phra Buddhacharya
Foreword, Jens Braarvig
Conventions and abbreviations
INTRODUCTION
Gandhara
The Origin of the Manuscripts
The Scripts
The Manuscript Project
The Schoycn Collection in Context, Jens-Uwe Hartmann
On the Importance of the BMSC, Kazunobu Matsuda
An Analysis of the Scripts, Lore Sander
KharosthI Manuscripts in the Schpycn Collection, Richard Salomon
THE MANUSCRIPTS
1. Agama Sutra
• Cahglsutra
• Mahaparinirvanasutra
• Andhasutra, Sutra on the Three Moral Defects of Devadatta, and Kauvikumaravadana
• Sikhalasutra
2. Mahayana Sutra
• Astasahasrikaprajnaparamita
• The Mahayana Sutra Manuscript
• Vajracchedikaprajnaparamita
3. Vinaya
• Pratimoksa-Vibhahga
• Karmavacana
• On the Qualifications of a Vinayadhara
4. Abhidharma
• Sariputra- Abhidharma
• A Commentary on the Mahasamajasutra
• Fragments of an Early Commentary
5. Avadana
• The Asoka Legend
• Jyotiskavadana
• Avadanasataka
6. Miscellaneous
• A Bactrian Buddhist Manuscript
• A Mlmamsaka Among the Buddhists
• Buddhastotras of Matrceta
• Aryasura’s Jatakamala
• An Unusual ye dharma Formula
• A Jar with a KharosthI Inscription
• A Fragment of a Play
• A Copper Scroll Inscription
ix
x
xiii
xv
xv ii
xviii
xxi
xxiii
xxvi
xxviii
xxx
xxxiii
2
6
10
14
18
22
26
32
38
42
72
74
78
82
86
88
90
92
APPENDIX
Bibliography
100
Acknowledgements
Acknowledgements
It is with great joy that we present this catalogue of a selection of the Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpy-
en Collection (BMSC) to the public. It serves the purpose of a companion to the first exhibition of these invaluable
manuscripts to be held at the Buddhamonthon park at Nakhon Pathom, Thailand from November 2010 to Febru-
ary 201 1. We would like to express our sincere gratitude to His Holiness Somdet Phra Buddhacharya, President
of the Executive Committee for the Supreme Patriarch of Thailand, the Supreme Sangha Council and the Thai
National Buddhist Affairs, whose steadfast commitment and generous support have made this exhibition possible.
We would also in particular like to thank the Norwegian Institute of Palaeography and Historical Philology for the
invaluable role it has played as the Norwegian counterpart in this joint venture.
The manuscripts presented here may be dated to the period between the second and the eight century
A.D., and most of them were probably found in the Bamiyan valley, part of the ancient kingdom of Gandhara, in
what is today north-eastern Afghanistan. It is a great reward to Buddhist scholarship that these fragile manuscripts
have been so well preserved that they may still inform and inspire us even today. For this we may thank the me-
ticulous work of the monk-scribes, they way in which they preserved these texts in earthen jars, and the favourable
dry climate of Afghanistan. Today these treasures are in the custody of Martin Schpyen who has generously made
his large collection of manuscripts available to the scholarly world, thereby greatly enhancing our understanding
of the history of Buddhism.
The authors would like to express their particular gratitude to the Venerable Phra Dhamsitthinayok of Wat
Sraketrajavaramahavihara, Bangkok. We would also like to thank Mr. Siam Saenkhat who has been in charge of
communications with our hosts in Thailand, and has provided translations of materials into the Thai language.
Arthur Sand and Kirsten Berrum of the University of Oslo have generously contributed their services
within their respective fields: Mr. Sand helped us with issues related to images and printing, while Mrs. Berrum
has contributed her expertise in matters related to visual presentation. She has also produced the map of Gandhara
on page xvii.
The beautiful images of Gandharan art that illustrate the book were generously provided by the Preus-
sian Cultural Foundation, and the originals can be enjoyed at the Museum of Asian Art, Berlin (see page xv for
details).
The members of the BMSC project group - Professors Paul Harrison, Jens-Uwe Hartmann, Kazunobu
Matsuda, and Fore Sander - have been an invaluable help throughout the work with the manuscripts, providing
images, written material, and advice. The photographs on pages xxiv-xxix were kindly provided by Kazunobu
Matsuda.
A particular thanks must go to all the scholars involved in the Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen
Collection project. They are too many to be named here, but their respective contributions are noted in relation
to each particular manuscript presented in this book. It is our sincere hope that these short presentations will do
justice to their work. For any mistakes we are of course solely responsible.
Oslo, August 2010
Jens Braarvig and Fredrik Filand
Preface
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Foreword
Foreword
Following the Way of the Buddha
Any conduct that is wholesome, firm, and enduring will bring benefit and merit. When acting in this man-
ner one can say that one is following the Way of the Buddha. As we know, the Buddha attained Enlightenment and
taught the Four Noble Truths. He established the Teaching for the benefit of all, and his noble tenets have been
handed down through history to the Buddhist generations of today.
On this occasion the Thai Senior Buddhist Monks ’s Council has given their approval to the Thai National
Buddhist Affairs to collaborate with the Most Venerable Phra Dhamsitthinayok, the assistant abbot of Wat Sraket,
Prof. Jens Braarvig, Mr. Fredrik Filand, and The Schpyen Collection, Norway, in bringing Buddhist scriptures
and hold an exhibition of Buddhist manuscripts from the Schpyen Collection at Buddhamonthon, Nakon Pathom
Province. This important occasion can undoubtedly be considered practical worship of the way of the Buddha, and
is indeed a significant event.
To mark this occasion, and in honour of the Buddha, Amarin Printing and Publishing Public Co. Ftd. is
launching this supplementary catalogue entitled Traces of Gandharan Buddhism: An Exhibition of Buddhist Manu-
scripts in the Sch0yen Collection.
With sincere appreciation I hereby offer my congratulations.
His Holiness Somdet Phra Buddhacharya
President of the Executive Committee for the Supreme Patriarch of Thailand
Wat Sraket
Foreword
Foreword
The heritage of the Buddha is indeed important and valuable - thus what he has left us is called ratanat-
taya, the "Three Riches" or the "Three Jewels". These are the ideal of the Buddha himself, then it is his teachings,
and of course the congregation of monks, which has taken care of and guarded the Buddha’s teachings through the
almost two and a half millennium since he lived.
During this long period of time the teachings of the Buddha has helped, inspired and given innumerable
people comfort and peace in all kinds of life situations, and it has helped preserve humanity and dignity in adverse
situations. In the teachings of Buddhism one talks about two "bodies" of the Buddha - one is the body in which
he was present in the world during his corporeal life, the rupakdya, and the other the body of his teachings, his
dharmakaya. The last mentioned body, which is the presence of the Buddha after his nirvana, is represented also
in scriptures - thus writing and texts were always important throughout the history of Buddhism, wherever it was
spread, to keep the teachings of the Lord continually communicated to everyone.
And it is thus an important task to help preserve this dharmakaya of the Buddha, to help promulgating
his teachings as time passes. So we should help guarding the Buddhist scriptures, wherever they are found, and
in whichever form, and make them available to a greater public. It is thus very meaningful to display the remains
of the some of the oldest written testimonies of Buddhism, as those found in this exhibition - being really part of
the Buddha’s dharmakaya. The manuscripts as here displayed were found in Afghanistan, in Bamiyan near by the
great Buddhas which once were there, and where ancient Buddhist kingdoms once ruled. We all should hope that
this unhappy and war-torn country will regain its peace.
We would like to express our great thankfulness to the Supreme Sangha Council and the Thai National
Buddhist Affairs, that made it possible to produce this exhibition, and created a splendid venue for it to take place.
Jens Braarvig
Oslo, 27th April 2010
Conventions, Abbreviations and Images
Conventions
Description of a fragment:
recto and verso, abbreviated r and v, if a fragment is identified
A and B, if the beginning cannot be decided
Symbols:
()
[]
< >
« »
{ }
+
~<number>+
III
h
h
m
o
restorations in a gap
damaged aksara(s)
omission of (part of) an aksara without gap in the ms.
interlinear insertion
superfluous (part of an) aksara
one destroyed aksara
approximate number of lost aksaras, e.g. ~60+
one illegible aksara
illegible part of an aksara
indefinite number of lost aksaras
beginning or end of a fragment when broken
virama
avagraha, not added in transliteration, but added without brackets in reconstruction (note, how-
ever, ’pi and pi)
upadhmamya
jihvamullya
double circle with rosette
string hole
Abbreviations
AN Anguttara-Nikaya; Morris and Hardy (1885-1900).
BMSC Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection; Braarvig (Braarvig, 2000-2006).
DN DTgha-Nikaya; Rhys Davids and Carpenter (1890-1911).
G Gilgit Manuscripts; Dutt (1939-54).
It-a Itivuttaka-Atthakatha Paramatthadlpanl; Bose (1934-36).
MN Majjhima-Nikaya; Trenckner and Chalmers (1888-99).
Q Peking (Qianlong) version of the Tibetan bKa’ ’gyur; Suzuki (1957).
T Taisho Shinshu Daizokyo AlilAtiMA'M M ; Takakusu and Watanabe (1924-34).
Images ofGandharan art
National Museums in Berlin
Prussian Cultural Foundation
Asian Art Museum, Art Collections of South, South East and Central Asian Art
-Large Buddha head (p.l). No. 43180; photography by Roman Marz.
-Standing Bodhisattva (p.17), No. 42119; photography by Iris Papadopoulos.
-Buddha Preaching (p. 3 1), No. 42103; photography by Georg Niedermeiser.
-Meditating Monk (p.45). No. 40222; unknown photographer.
-Animals asking the Wise about what they fear most in life (p.57). No. 24453; photography by Iris Papadopoulos.
-Buddhist reliquary (p.71), No. 29738; unknown photographer.
xv
Gandhara
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
Gandhara
The Buddhist manuscripts of the Schpyen Collection are reported to have come from a cave near
Bamiyan, in central Afghanistan, and are dated to the time between the second and the eight centuries A.D. The
label Greater Gandhara has recently been coined, most notably by Richard Salomon (Salomon, 1999), for the area
of influence within which Bamiyan found itself at this point in history. It is therefore with reference to the ever
changing history of the Gandharan kingdoms and their culture that we will seek a common ground for understand-
ing the environments within which these manuscripts were produced, read, and venerated.
Gandhara is the ancient name of the Peshawar valley in what is today the Northwestern Frontier Region
of Pakistan, between the Suleiman mountains along the Afghanistan border in the west, and the Indus river in the
east. The Kingdom of Gandhara is considered to have lasted from the first century B.C., until the eleventh century
A. D., and to have attained its height under the Kusana kings in the first to the fifth century A.D. Greater Gandhara
comprised the Swat valley to the north, the region around the great city of Taxila to the east, and the eastern edge
of Afghanistan to the west. This area had a far-reaching influence in ancient times as the principal point of en-
counter of the Indian world to the east with the Iranian world to the west.
In general terms one can say that three main waves of immigration from the west have shaped the history
of this region. First there were the Indo-Aryan immigrations that probably took place in the second millennium
B. C., bringing with them the Vedic religion. In the centuries before and after the beginning of the Common Era
came the conquests by Greeks, Scythians, Kusanas, and associated ethnic groups, creating cosmopolitan kingdoms
of diverse ethnic origin, often heavily influenced by Hellenistic culture. After the fall of the Sassanid Empire to
Introduction
the Arabs in the seventh century there was a growing Muslim pressure from the west. The so-called Muslim inva-
sions, a series of Afghan, Turkish, and Mongol incursions, came between the eight and sixteenth centuries, and in
this period the term Gandhara is gradually no longer in use.
Buddhism is said to have been first introduced to the region around the third century B.C. by the emperor
Asoka, at which time Gandhara was a part of the pan-Indian Mauryan kingdom ruled from Pataliputra (mod-
ern day Patna). After the decline of this empire Buddhism was eagerly supported by the succeeding rulers of
Gandhara, the most famous being the second century Kusana ruler Kaniska. At Purusapura (modern Peshawar)
his capital still boasts the foundations of a truly colossal stupa , originally nearly a hundred meters in diameter, and
reliably reported to have been two hundred meters high.
Under the Kusanas Gandhara became one the major centres of Buddhism in India. Kaniska seems to have
revived Asoka’s policy of patronising the Buddhist Sahgha, and at some point in this period Buddhism began to
make its way beyond the borders of its Indian homeland to establish itself in parts of Persia and China. It was the
Gandharan form of Buddhism that was first encountered by the peoples in these parts of Asia, when monks began
to travel along some of the routes that have so famously been labelled the Silk Road. Traditionally the route is
supposed to have proceeded from Peshawar up the valley of the Kabul river, past Jalalabad, and on to Bamiyan,
before crossing the Hindu Kush into Bactria. In the opposite direction came Chinese pilgrims, such as the famous
Xuanzang who visited Bamiyan in 632 A.D., describing to us the impressive giant Buddhas carved into the side of
the cliff that met him there.
The language of Gandhara has come to be known as Gandhaff, one of the regional dialects of the Prakrit,
or more precisely Middle Indo- Aryan, tongues spoken across India. It was from early times written in KharosthI,
a script adapted from the Aramaic employed in the Achamenian Empire of Persia. The earliest written records
from the area are the multilingual rock and pillar inscriptions of Asoka, employing the KharosthI script, as well
as Brahmi and Greek. Some of the earliest of the Schpyen manuscripts, from the second century A.D., are written
in Gandhaff using the KharosthI script. However, as is also illustrated by the collection here presented, this script
was gradually abandoned for Brahmi, and the written language developed towards a standardized Sanskrit, with an
intermediate stage of semi-colloquial Sanskrit that has come to be known as Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit.
The manuscripts presented here is a selection from the Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collec-
tion that have so far been analysed. They give us a glimpse of the genres of literature that were important for the
Buddhist community of the area. The original nature of the collection is, however, uncertain. Based mainly on
comparisons with Chinese translations, there are some indications that a sizable amount of texts in the collection
belong to the Mahasamghika-Lokottaravadin school. Can it then perhaps be considered part of a Buddhist canon
of this school? Perhaps it was part of a library in a monastery belonging to this school in Bamiyan? Such questions
cannot be answered at the moment. It is however intriguing that Xuanzang did in fact report on the existence of
[Mahasamgh i ka- ] Lokottaravadin monasteries in Bamiyan in the seventh century (Beal, 1884: 50). Much work is
indeed needed if we are to connect all the events of the history of this influential region.
The Origin of the Manuscripts
The Buddhist manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection were according to scanty and partly confirmed
information found by local people taking refuge from the Taliban forces in caves near the Bamiyan valley, in
Afghanistan, in 1993-95. There are certain indications, however, that some of the material come from other places.
The manuscripts, which are mostly in fragments, were probably damaged already in the late seventh or early eight
century A.D., since the latest examples of scripts in the collection are from this period. According to information
passed on by the manuscript dealers, many manuscripts were further damaged when Taliban forces blew up a
stone statue of the Buddha in one of the caves. Local people trying to save the manuscripts from the Taliban were
chased by them when carrying the manuscripts through passes in the Hindu Kush to the north of the Khyber Pass.
The first fragments of the collection were acquired by the Schoycn Collection in the summer of 1996
from the London bookseller Sam Logg. The bulk of the material was acquired between 1997 and 2000. The collec-
tion comprises around 5,000 leaves and fragments, with around 7,000 micro-fragments, from a library of originally
up to 1,000 manuscripts. They span from the second to the seventh century A.D., and are written on palm leaf,
birch bark, leather and copper.
The Origin of the Manuscripts
XIX
Introduction
A certain effort has been made with regard to establishing the origin and the Buddhist school from which
the material stem. Regrettably most of the information available about the physical origin is quite scanty, and any
archaeological survey has up until now been difficult. One probable place of origin has, however, been suggested,
as discussed below. The question of whether the collection represents a uniform body or canon that can be at-
tributed to a particular sect has not been settled, although there are some clear indications. As the material spans
over a time period of more than five hundred years it is quite unlikely that it was intended as a uniform canon as
such. Also, some of the earlier manuscripts are imports, most likely written in what is today Pakistan and India.
Certain manuscripts, notably the CangTsutra , Pratimoksa-Vibhanga, and Karmavacana, have, when compared to
Chinese translations, been shown to exhibit clear indications of belonging to the Mahasamghika sect, and possibly
its Mahasamghika-Lokottaravadin sub-sect. Such an affiliation for the collection as a whole has therefore been a
working hypothesis, but so far no conclusion has been reached.
In October 2003 Mr. Kazuya Yamauchi of the National Research Institute of Cultural Properties, Tokyo,
Japan, visited the Bamiyan area. His findings and the photographs above were kindly presented to the manu-
script project. Mr. Yamauchi went to Zargaran, a settlement some 1.2 km east of the site of the smaller of the two
giant Buddha statues carved into the cliffs on the northern side of the Bamiyan Valley, that were demolished by
the Taliban in 2001. There he was told by villagers that about ten years before one of the caves had collapsed in
an earthquake, revealing a large quantity of manuscript fragments which, when gathered together, made a pile
approximately 10 cm high. Although the locals claimed to have burned them, it may be that not all of them were
destroyed. It is therefore possible, though not absolutely certain, that a substantial proportion of the Buddhist
manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection come from this location. Further archaeological work is required to confirm
this as the findspot.
The Scripts
The Scripts
The scripts employed in the manuscripts on display represent three different writing systems: Brahml,
KharosthI and the Bactrian variant of Greek. The overwhelming majority use various versions of the Brahml
script, while the latter two systems are represented by, respectively, two and one examples each.
If one disregards the still undeciphered Indus Valley script, the history of writing in India consists es-
sentially of the Brahml and KharosthI scripts and their derivatives. Brahml is the ultimate source not only of the
indigenous scripts of South Asia but also of the major Southeast Asian scripts (Burmese, Thai, Lao, Khmer, etc.),
of Tibetan, and of other Central Asian scripts no longer in use. The KharosthI script on the other hand was es-
sentially a regional script, used only in northwestern region of the Indian subcontinent, in what is today northern
Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan. It died out in ancient times.
The Greek script is represented by one leather manuscript written in Bactrian, an eastern Iranian lan-
guage, and inscribed with the cursive Graeco-Bactrian script (no table represented here). The Bactrian language
was employed in Bactria, in what is today the border region between Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and
Turkmenistan, and the Bactrian cursive script was in use from the third to the ninth century A.D.
BrcihmT
The oldest datable records in Brahml are the rock and pillar inscriptions of the Mauryan emperor Asoka,
from the middle of the third century B.C. It has been suggested that the script was created during the Mauryan
period, possibly under Asoka himself. Its origin is controversial, the theories generally falling into two camps:
that which sees it as a derivative of a Semitic prototype, whether Phoenecian, Arameic, or South Semitic, and that
which views it as an indigenous Indian invention, often associated with the Indus Valley script. The latter theory
is not supported by available data, and has mostly been abandoned. The Brahmi has a characteristic diacritically
modified consonant-syllabic structure, where each consonant is accompanied either by the internal vowel a, or an-
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Introduction
other vowel symbolized by one of several standard additions to the basic consonant. It is written from left to right
(although some examples of the opposite have been found).
The Brahml scripts employed in the manuscripts illustrate the development of the script from the second
to the eight century A.D. This development is here generally characterized in the displayed manuscripts by four
sub-scripts of Brahml: Kusana (lst-3rd century A.D.), Gupta (4th-6th century A.D.), and Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I
(6th century A.D.) and II (7th-8th century A.D.). These, as well as their predecessor Asokan Brahml, are repre-
sented in the script tables above and below. 1
The tables are extracted from Sander (1968).
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KharosthT
KharosthI evidently came into being as an adaptation of the Arameic script for Gandharl, the Middle Indo
-Aryan dialect of the area of Gandhara. The Aramaic script was widely used in the Achamenian Empire of Persia,
and the area of Gandhara was incorporated into this empire from the sixth to the fourth century B.C. The oldest
datable records of KharosthT are also from the rock and pillar inscriptions of Asoka, and is well attested until the
third century A.D. when it began to fall out of use in South Asia, replaced by derivatives of Brahml. It was also
used for official documents and epigraphs in the Central Asian kingdoms of Khotan and Kroraina in the third and
fourth centuries A.D., and appears to have survived in the cities of the northern Silk Route as late as the seventh
century A.D.
Unlike Brahml it is written from right to left, and in contrast to the monumental appearance of early
Brahml had a decidedly cursive look. It does not distinguish vowel quantity like Brahml does, and although there
are a few specimens of Sanskrit written in KharosthI, the script lacks characters for some Sanskrit sounds, such
as diphthongs ai and au. An alternative character order known as “Arapacana”, widespread in Buddhist tradition.
The Manuscript Project
probably originated in association with Kharosthi (Salomon, 1990): a ra pa ca na la da ba da sa va ta ya sta ka sa
ma ga tha ja sva (sva) dha sa kha ksa sta jna rtha (ha, pha, ita) bha cha sma hva tsa (sta) gha tha na pha ska ysa
sea ta dha (sta). In the table below the script is represented in the standard Indian character order.
1
7
P-
7
a
i
u
e
0
h
r
ka
kha
ga
gha
r
V-
<r>
7
J
J*
ca
cha
ja
jha
na
i'
7
*1
7
/
ta
tha
da
dha
na
>
/
?
)
ta
tha
da
dha
na
h
t>
P
J
a
pa
pha
ba
bha
ma
-7
V
1
7
ya
ra
la
va
f 1
y
7
l
sa
sa
sa
sa
ha
Kharosthi; 1 st-2nd century A.D.
The Manuscript Project
The Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection (BMSC) project was established on the basis of an
informal meeting during the International Institute of Asian Studies (HAS) conference held in Leiden in 1996.
The initial project group consisted of professors Jens Braarvig (University of Oslo), Jens-Uwe Hartmann (Ludwig
Maximilian University, Munich), Kazunobu Matsuda (Bukkyo University, Kyoto) and Lore Sander (Berlin), later
joined by Paul Harrison (Stanford University). Formal arrangements with the owner of the collection, Martin
Schpyen, was established in January of 1997, and the bulk of the initial work of systematization and cataloguing
was carried out during a series of seminars held in Oslo, Berlin and Kyoto in the years 1997-1999.
Initially the leaves and fragments were systematized according to scripts and material, establishing that
they probably dated from the period between the first and seventh centuries A.D. The first fragments to be iden-
tified with specific texts were some apparently belonging to the Prajhdparamita, later particularly identified as
Introduction
belonging to the Astasahasrika, and the leaves belonging to the Ajatasatrukaukrtyavinodana. In identifying the
manuscripts one relied upon other editions of the texts in Sanskrit and/or Pali, and when these were no longer ex-
tant, on translations into Tibetan and/or Chinese. The Chinese translations were of particular importance as many
of them were made already in the second century A.D., giving us indications of the developments and changes that
have happened to a text, and (mostly with regard to vinaya material) the Buddhist sect it might belong to.
In presenting the manuscripts here we have relied on the work of analysing the texts carried out by vari-
ous scholars and published in the series Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schoyen Collection (BMSC; Braarvig, 2000-
2006). Each manuscript is accompanied by a description giving the background for the text, its origins, contents,
etc. and a description of the manuscript as presented here, its material, script, date, special textual characteristics,
etc. Along with a photographic reproduction of the manuscript we give the transliteration and/or a translation
of the preserved sections (or in some cases translations of parallels). Largely due to the fragmentary nature of
the manuscripts, translations of some have not been possible. In these cases the contents are abbreviated in the
descriptive section. The interested reader is referred to the original published versions in the BMSC volumes for
more detailed descriptions.
Kazunobu Matsuda, Jens Braarvig and Jens Uwe-Hartmann analysing the manuscripts at the University of Oslo, Norway.
The Manuscript Project
The BMSC project group; from left to right: Kazunobu Matsuda, Lore Sander, Jens Uwe-Hartmann, Paul Harrison, and Jens Braarvig.
Introduction
The Sch0yen Collection in Context
Jens-Uwe Hartmann, Ludwig Maximilian University
Compared to other classical cultures like Egypt or China, India was very late in creating its own writing
system. Prior to the monumental rock inscriptions of king Asoka in the middle of the third century B.C. there are
no reliable indications for the existence of an indigenous script. All the major Indian religions originated consider-
ably earlier, and thus they had to depend on an exclusively oral transmission for their continuously growing corpus
of religious lore. Oral transmission facilitates the exclusion of those who are seen unfit for or unworthy of par-
ticipation in the tradition, and in the case of the Vedic religion this led to an ongoing orality of the transmission.
Contrary to that, the Buddha made a strong point of the exoteric nature of his teachings and their accessibility for
everybody, independent of gender and social status, and it is quite likely that his followers were the first to rec-
ognize the many advantages of the art of writing. According to an historical tradition, the Buddhists in Sri Lanka
started to write down their canonical texts in the first century B.C. when various calamities like war and famine
threatened the continuity of the oral transmission.
This information from the southern edge of the Buddhist world is now corroborated by the new manu-
script finds in the northwest of the Indian subcontinent. According to a radiocarbon dating of the latest finds, at
least one manuscript may originate from the first century B.C. This makes it not only the oldest Buddhist, but by
far also the oldest Indian manuscript presently known, and this is one of the many reasons why the recent finds
from Pakistan and Afghanistan are considered so sensational. Taken all together they allow us to reconstruct some
A pile of inscribed birch bark fragments, illustrating the state in which
some of the manuscripts were first presented to the project work group.
The Sch0yen Collection in Context
of the major developments of Buddhism in the area from the beginning of the Common Era up to the eighth or
even the early ninth centuries.
Three times during the last hundred years our knowledge and our understanding of the early history of
Buddhism has been decisively advanced by large manuscript finds. The first occurred in the beginning of the last
century. When rumours of lost Buddhist cultures in Central Asia reached the West, explorers from several Europe-
an countries went to the Tarim basin. They followed the ancient Silk Road, and in the ruins of long deserted mon-
asteries and stupas they found an incredible amount of Buddhist cultural relics. Among them were ten thousands
of Buddhist manuscripts written in a number of scripts and languages, but mostly reduced to mere fragments. The
following decades saw scholars working hard, trying to decipher the fragments and to reconstruct the texts they
contained. A comparatively high number of Sanskrit manuscripts proved that the original texts of several forms
of Indian Buddhism were held in high esteem and continued to be used for various purposes, although the local
scribes and owners spoke quite different languages. The earliest manuscripts were imports from India written on
palm leaf in the second or third centuries A.D. All the others are local products written on paper and ranging from
the 4th to probably the 10th or 1 1th centuries. Those found in the cave monasteries at the northern branch of the
Silk Road mostly preserve literature of the (Mula-)Sarvastivada school, both canonical and non-canonical, while
those coming from the southern branch contain Mahayana sutras. The overwhelming majority of all those manu-
scripts from Central Asia contain texts the Sanskrit original of which had been lost in India. They are now kept in
various collections in Berlin, London, Paris and St. Petersburg.
In the thirties of the last century another sensational manuscript treasure came to light. It was found in a
ruined building near Gilgit in Northern Pakistan, and it consisted of several dozens of Sanskrit manuscripts, a few
complete, but again many of them in a more or less fragmentary condition. Yet, their state of preservation was
much better than that of the Central Asian manuscripts, and this facilitated research and publication. While many
of the fragments from the Silk Road still await to be studied and published, nearly all of the so-called Gilgit texts
have been made accessible through scholarly editions. They convey an interesting picture of the form of Bud-
dhism practiced in the area between the fifth and the seventh centuries: Regarding the vinaya, it was the version
of the Mulasarvastivadins that was followed by the local monastics, and a number of manuscripts preserve Jataka
stories that belong to the narrative lore of the same school. On the other hand, there is a fairly high number of
manuscripts containing Mahayana sutras, some of them clearly used for apotropaic purposes. It has to be assumed,
then, that the local Buddhist community drew on various traditions for specific purposes and that their monks
combined the monastic code of a school of earlier Buddhism with the views and the dogmatics of the Mahayana in
a fashion very similar to the practice followed by the monks and nuns in Tibet up to the present day.
The third great find is the recent one of manuscripts from Afghanistan and Pakistan. In all three cases,
the finds were unexpected since they happened in areas nowadays dominated by Islamic cultures. They brought to
light a very vivid Buddhist past of those areas, and a Buddhist past that was, although outside India proper, fully
Indian with regard to its literary traditions. All the finds are sensational, and all provided us with the Indian origi-
nals of texts so far known only from translations into Chinese or Tibetan. At the same time, they brought us large
numbers of texts that were previously unknown, and this yields at least a vague impression of the tremendous
amount and richness of the Buddhist literature that once existed in India. Apparently, most of it has been lost, and
all the finds, especially the recent ones, suggest that what we have now is, despite the sheer amount of new mate-
rial, still the tip of the iceberg.
Introduction
On the Importance of the Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schdyen Collection
Kazunobu Matsuda, Bukkyo University
During the early 1990s a huge cache of Buddhist manuscripts written in various kinds of Indie script were
discovered in the ruins of a stone monastery in the Zargaran district located in the eastern part of the Bamiyan val-
ley. The manuscripts discovered spanned a range of centuries, and comprised Buddhist documents in Gandharl and
Sanskrit transcribed on palm leaves, birch bark, and vellum. The entire cache amounted to more than ten thousand
items if we count also the smallest fragments, while the documents of several lines or more that would contribute
to Buddhist research amounted to about two thousand items.
Among the discovered manuscripts, the oldest stratum, judging from their palaeographic style, dates back
to the third century A.D., and include the Mahayana texts Bhadrakalpikasutra and Bodhisattvapitakasutra, both in
Gandharl written in KharosthT script; the Astasahasrikd Prajhaparamita (p. 18) in Buddhist hybrid Sanskrit writ-
ten in Kusana-Brahml script; the SrlmaladevTsimhanadanirdesasutra (p. 22) and the Mahavastu both in Sanskrit
written in Gupta-Brahml script; and the Larger Sukhavativyuha in Gilgit-Bamiyan type I script, which is a sixth-
seventh century variation of the Gupta-Brahml script. A great deal of them contain astounding finds with regard to
contents and dates. Even for Buddhists in Japan the existence of a Sanskrit fragment of the SrTmaladevTsimhanada-
nirdesasutra and that of a sixth century Sanskrit fragment of the Larger Sukhavativyuha , of which only post-twelfth
century Nepalese manuscripts were formerly known, are important literary discoveries that cannot fail to impress
the research-oriented. Among these finds the Bhadrakalpikasutra and the Bodhisattvapitakasutra mark the first
Sorting the fragments
On the Importance of the BMSC
for Mahayana Buddhist manuscripts in Gandhaff, providing concrete evidence to support the view that the early
Mahayana Buddhist canon was written in Gandhaff, a theory that Buddhist researchers have long asserted, but up
until now were unable to prove.
Although a great number of Buddhist archaeological sites and Buddhist artworks have been discovered
in the Gandhara region, which broadly includes Bamiyan, the discovery of written Buddhist documents have long
eluded researchers. It is only in recent times that large caches of written materials from Bamiyan have been un-
covered, well deserving of our attention. What we can detect in these written materials is the living breath of the
Buddhism of ancient times as it was transmitted at its peak of prosperity. At present, these various manuscripts are
preserved by different collectors in Europe and America, as well as Japan, with the most representative one being
the Schoycn Collection of Norway. An international joint research team, headed by my dear friend Professor Jens
Braarvig, has been working on deciphering these documents since 1997, when we first visited Mr. Schpyen’s villa
in Spikkestad near Oslo. The results of our research findings have been published in three volumes, the fourth to
be released in the near future.
Kazunobu Matsuda at work
Introduction
An Analysis of the Scripts
Lore Sander
The exhibition displays manuscripts remains written in different scripts on different materials by differ-
ent hands in different times. Similar to the famous manuscripts from Xinjiang, the mainly Buddhist manuscripts in
the Martin Schpyen Collection give an idea of the rich Buddhist literature housed in the monastic libraries around
Bamiyan. The manuscripts reflect scribal traditions in a region which was frequently conquered by invaders from
different nations, who sometimes put their stamp on its culture, and in other cases accepted or even patronized it.
The oldest manuscripts in the exhibition date from the second to third century A.D. This was the time of
the greatest extent of the Kusana Empire, when the trade between China and the western world flourished. Even
though most Kusana rulers practised their own heroic cult, they supported the creed of the population under their
rule, which was mainly Buddhist. It was during their rule that Buddhist monks successfully began to work in the
oases round the Taklamakan, and in China. Since Martin Schpyen generously allowed working on his impor-
tant collection, it has been established that the scribal tradition of the monasteries in Xinjiang goes directly back
to their western neighbours. With the Arabian invasion in the 8th century the leading Buddhist culture around
Bamiyan came to an end. From then on the region was dominated by Islam, and the Arabian script.
The analysis of their script is especially important for fragmentary manuscripts. None of the manuscripts
in the catalogue are complete. Colophons containing historical facts, such as dates, names of kings or famous
donors, are missing. Even when colophons are preserved, the early manuscripts in general mention only the title
of the text. In collective manuscripts uddanas, short verses summarizing the titles, give an idea of their content.
Therefore the only means to date and localize the manuscript remains is comparison with dated inscriptions. In
more recent times radio-carbon dating has helped to assign an approximate date, but it can not tell us from where
the manuscripts originated. With a few exceptions the manuscripts in the Martin Schpyen Collection have not
been radio-carbon dated. 1
Most manuscripts and inscriptions published in this catalogue are written in different types of Indian
BrahmT, derivations of which have been in use on the Indian subcontinent since the time of Asoka in the third
century B.C. until today. Like the Greek and other European scripts it is written from left to right. But differently
it is a syllabic script, as one sign represents one syllable including the vowel a. Diacritic signs representing short
and long vowels are added to the basic signs. Varieties of Brahml are wide-spread. They are the basis for many
Southeast Asian scripts including the Thai script. The name “BrahmT” has a mythological background, as it is said
that the script was given to the Indians by the god of wisdom “Brahma”.
BrahmT was not the only script used in the area round Bamiyan. One palm leaf manuscript containing the
Dharmaguptaka version of the Mahaparinirvdnasutra (p. 6-9), and one inscription on a pot (p. 88-89), in which
most likely debris of old manuscripts were formerly stored, is written in KharosthT. As with Brahml, this script
also dates back to the time of Asoka, but it was locally bound to the area embracing modern Afghanistan and Pa-
kistan. From there it spread to the east, where it became the main script of the oases on the southern trade route to
China (Xinjiang), ranging from the kingdom of Kroraina (Miran) in the east to the kingdom of Khotan in the west.
For unknown reasons it lost its importance around the fourth to fifth century A.D., when it was gradually replaced
by the Brahml. Different from the BrahmT, the origin of which is still disputed, KharosthT is an offspring of an Ara-
maic alphabet. It is written from right to left, and was adopted to the Indian vernaculars by adding signs for only
short vowels to those representing consonants. Most of the documents written in the KharosthT script contain texts
composed in a gradually sanskritized local middle-indic language, named “Gandhari”. The meaning of the word
KharosthT and its orthographic variants is not sure. There are many explanations ranging from “lip of an ass” to
“empire placed”.
Another local script known from the same region is the Bactrian script. One fragmentary folio in the
exhibition (p. 72-73) is written on leather, the traditional Greek writing material. It belonged to a Buddhist manu-
script cut in Indian book format {pothi ). The use of leather even for Buddhist text is a good example for the mutual
influence of the different cultures active in this region. The basis for the Bactrian script is a cursive variety of the
Greek script. Since Alexander the Great conquered the region followed by Indo-Greek successors, Greek scripts
were wide spread. Many coins, which were introduced by the Greeks, bear on one side a Greek and on the other a
KharosthT inscription. Roman coins point towards a vivid trade with the Roman Empire. Bactrian documents in the
Martin Schpyen Collection are rare. Most Bactrian documents come from northern Afghanistan, the region round
Kunduz, the old Bactria. They date from the third to the ninth century A.D.
Only the many debris of Brahml manuscripts in the collection show how the script developed to a local
1 See Braarvig (2006: 279-291). Fragments from three manuscripts in the Schoyen Collection have been radio-carbon dated, among them the KharosthT Mahaparinirvana-sutra
presented on pages 6-9, which was assigned the age range A.D. 53-234.
XXX
An Analysis of the Scripts
standard script between the second to third and the sixth to seventh centuries CE. The development is charac-
terized by an increasing tendency towards ornate shapes. The fully developed standard script is named “Gilgit/
Bamiyan,Type I”, because it is also frequently present among the manuscripts from Naupur, near Gilgit (Pakistan).
Most manuscripts in the Martin Schoycn Collection are written in this script; the following examples are pub-
lished in this catalogue: Asoka legend (p. 58-61; the last folio written in a cursive script with a pen having a pointed
tip.), Prdtimoksa-Vibhanga (p. 34-35), Mahaparinirvanasutra (p. 8-9), Andhasutra etc. (p. 10-13), Kamiavdcana
(p. 38-41), Mimdmsaka (p. 74-77), JyotTskavadana (p. 62-65), Buddhastotras of Mdtrceta (p. 78-81), Aryasura’s
Jbtakambla (p. 82-85); Vajracchedikdprajndpdramitd (p. 26-29), A Commentary on the Mahdsamdjasutra (p.
50-51), Avadanasataka (p. 66-69), and A Fragment of a Play (p. 90-91). In the Kusana and Gupta period (second
to fifth centuries A.D.) the scribes used palm leaf for writing down Buddhist texts, a material which had to be
imported from India, because palm trees do not grow in this region. Around the sixth century it was gradually
replaced by the local birch bark, which is cut in Indian pothi shape imitating a palm leaf. The development of the
BrahmT from the Kusana time towards the local “Gilgit/Bamiyan, Type I” is shown in the following table, which is
basically the same already published from manuscripts originating from Qizil (oasis of Kuca) and Sorcuq (oasis of
Qarasahr) on the northern Silk Route (Xinjiang), which show the same development of BrahmT (Sander, 1968: 27).
Kusana
2 nd -3 rd c. CE
Gupta period
4 th -5 th c. CE
Gilgit/Bamiyan I
6 lh -7 lh c. CE
A
*
H
E
<3
<t
<5*
kha
'l
•a
(3
'a
ns
0 1
da
i
?
f
na
06
«"»v
->* yr'
tha
&■
e-
O’
g;
Or cr
bhu
* ^
*
*
ma
Jf
H" It)
hr
V
ya
oil
ov
Vf
ru
l
l
X
Hr
sa
(K
n
A
SI
sa
& 9*
at
Excluding manuscripts written in “Gilgit/Bamiyan, Type I”, which were listed above, most of the remain-
ing manuscripts in the catalogue can be assigned to one of the scripts represented in this table. Two manuscripts
are written in the BrahmT current in the Kusana period, the Astasahasrikd-Prajhbparamitd manuscript (p. 18-21)
and An Early Commentary (p. 52-55). The following manuscripts range between the Kusana- and Gupta period:
CahgTsutra (p. 2-5), Sariputra-Abhidharma (p. 46-49), and the fragments from an early Prdtimoksa-Vibhanga
manuscript (p. 32-33). Excluding some peculiarities the script comes closest to the examples in column three. The
CahgTsutra and the Prdtimoksa-Vibhanga manuscripts show a considerable slant to the right, which is also char-
acteristic for many manuscripts written in “Gilgit/Bamiyan, Type I”. Two manuscripts show the same letters as
in column four; they are the composite manuscript containing Mahay dnasu.tr as (p. 22-25), and the manuscript On
the Qualifications of a Vinayadhara (p. 42-43). The script of the manuscript with remains of the Sikhdlakasutra (p.
14-15), written by a comparably untrained hand, is a bit closer to the examples in column 5, which approximately
date from the fifth century. Because the script slowly develops towards the “Gilgit/Bamiyan, Type I”, the dating
of the manuscripts between the fourth and fifth centuries remains vague. The writing material offers little help,
because they are written on palm leaf. The change towards the local birch bark begins only when the ornate script
Introduction
was standardized, which means not much before the sixth century.
Around the seventh century the local “Gilgit/Bamiyan, Type I” was gradually replaced by another, wide-
spread current BrahmT. In slightly varying types it became a standard script, not only in north-eastern India, from
where it originates, but also in Nepal. Among other names it is known as “Siddhamatrka”. As “Siddham” script it
still exists in China and Japan. One variety written with straight lines was introduced into the region under discus-
sion, which was named “Protosarada”, because it is a predecessor of the “Sarada” script of Kashmir, or “Gilgit/
Bamiyan, Type II” according to their main finding spots. All manuscripts from the region under discussion are
written on the local birch bark. In the catalogue they are represented by the remains of Matrceta’s Varnarhavarna
(p. 78-81), and Ary a sura’s Jatakamala (p. 82-85).
Only the earliest manuscripts dating from the Kusana period may have been presented by Indian monks
or by Buddhist laymen to the monasteries around Bamiyan, because the script is very close to that of the Mathura
inscriptions. All the other manuscripts were likely written where they were found. The long donation inscrip-
tion on a copper scroll prepared for the foundation of a Stupa under the reign of the Alchon Hun ruler Mehama
(p. 92-96) is incised in the same local script, which is represented in column five. The historical background of
this inscription confirms the date formerly only assigned to this type of script by its gradual development toward
“Gilgit/Bamiyan, Type I”. The inscription is therefore not only important for its content and composition, but is
also a fixed point for dating the undated Buddhist manuscripts in the Martin Schpyen Collection.
Kharosthi Manuscripts in the Sch0yen Collection
Kharosthi Manuscripts in the Sch0yen Collection
Richard Salomon, University of Washington
Besides a vast number of Buddhist texts written in Sanskrit, the Sch0yen collection of manuscripts from
the Bamiyan area also includes over two hundred small fragments written in the Kharosthi script and the Gandharl
language. Kharosthi and Gandharl were the normal literary media in the northwestern region of the Indian subcon-
tinent, known in antiquity as Gandhara, between the third century B.C. and the third century A.D. During the latter
part of this period, Gandharl and Kharosthi were gradually supplanted by Sanskrit written in local varieties of the
Brahml script. This transition is vividly illustrated by the Schpyen Bamiyan collection, where most of the earliest
manuscripts are in Kharosthl/Gandharl, while the later ones are in Sanskrit.
Kharosthi script, written from right to left, is apparently an adaptation for an Indian language of late
forms of the Semitic -derived Aramaic script which had been used in the Indian territories of the Achaemenid
empire of Iran. The Gandharl language is a member of the Middle Indo- Aryan family, so that it is a daughter to
Sanskrit and a sister to Pali and the various Prakrits. Until recently, Gandharl was known primarily from Buddhist
dedicatory inscriptions, legends on the coins of Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian kings, and secular documents found
in Chinese Central Asia. But within the past fifteen years large numbers of birch bark and palm leaf manuscripts
of Buddhist texts in Gandharl have come to light, including those in the Schpyen collection. As a result, it has
now become clear that Gandharl was in ancient times one of the major literary languages of Indian Buddhism,
and during the period in question Gandharl was probably as important as the better-known Pali and Sanskrit. The
rediscovery of Gandharl Buddhist literature is particularly significant in that it appears to have been the source for
many of the earliest Chinese translations of Buddhist texts.
All of the Kharosthl/Gandharl texts in the Schpyen collection are small fragments of palm leaf folios
from an undetermined number of different manuscripts, datable to around the late second to early fourth centuries
A.D. Although parallels in previously known Buddhist literatures have not yet been located for the majority of
them, a few well-known texts have been identified. These include several fragments of the Mahaparinirvanasutra
(p. 6), which describes the last days of the Buddha’s life and is one of the fundamental texts common to all Bud-
dhist literatures.
Of particular interest are three texts associated with Mahayana Buddhism, which are among the earli-
est documentary evidence of Mahayana literature. Among these are several dozen small fragments of a single
manuscript of the Bhadrakalpikasutra , which describes the one thousand Buddhas who have lived and will live
during the current “fortunate aeon” of Buddhist cosmic history. The Bhadrakalpikasutra was an extremely popular
text in the northern schools of Buddhism and is extant in many translations in languages such as Tibetan, Chinese,
and Khotanese, but the newly discovered Gandharl fragments are the first record of this text in an original Indian
language. The same is the case with two other Mahayana sutras, the Sarvapunyasamuccayasamadhisutra and the
Bodhisattvapitakasutra. Both of these texts had previously been known only from later Chinese and Tibetan trans-
lations, but now one small fragment of a Gandharl text of each of them has been identified among the Schpyen
Bamiyan materials.
The presence of these Mahayana texts provides valuable new information for the much-contested early
history of Mahayana Buddhism in its Indian homeland, for which until now hardly any early documentary evi-
dence had survived. These manuscripts also show that such early Mahayana scriptures were not originally record-
ed in Sanskrit, as had generally been assumed, but rather in Gandharl, and presumably also in other local Indian
vernaculars.
The discovery of such early Mahayana manuscripts in the “Greater Gandhara” region might also be taken
to lend support to those historians of Buddhism who hold that Mahayana Buddhism originated in the northwest,
possibly under the influence of Iranian religious concepts. However, we must be cautious about jumping to conclu-
sions at this preliminary stage of study. For Mahayana Buddhism must have also been present in other parts of
India at this period, and it is probably only because of the more favorable climatic conditions in the northwest that
manuscript evidence happens to survive only there. Nonetheless, the new evidence from the Schpyen Kharosthi
fragments does clearly confirm that Mahayana texts and concepts were prominent at an early date in the Gandhara
region, and it is anticipated that future study of this material and identification of other texts will further clarify
this central issue of Buddhist history.
Agama Sutra
Early Discourses
Agama Sutra
Can gi sutra
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schfiyen Collection vol. I, pp. 53-62 and vol. II, pp. 1-16
Editors: Torkel Brekke/Jens-Uwe Hartmann
Material: Palmleaf
Script: Kusana Brahnil
Date: 4th century A.D.
Language: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
2
Cangisutra
T he sutra relates the story of the brahmin Cangl who
goes to see the Buddha, even though he is advised
against it by his Brahmin friends. The main theme is
the question of what constitutes religious authority in Bud-
dhism as opposed to Vedic tradition. The 24 fragments of the
manuscript preserve roughly 83% of the text. The text cor-
responds to the Cankisutta of the Theravadin tradition.
Background
The story begins with the Buddha and his entourage travelling
across the plains of the Kosala country. They come to a village called
Upasaya where there lives a wealthy and learned Brahmin named
Cangl. He wishes to pay Gautama a visit, but is advised against it
by his brahmin friends. They argue that Gautama should instead
pay Cangl a visit due to his high standing and good qualities. Cangl
argues that Gautama is knowledgeable and of good moral behaviour,
and is also after all their guest and should be treated well (This is
where our first fragment starts). He gets his way and sets out towards
the Buddha’s dwelling. Upon arrival he is greeted, seated, and a
conversation starts.
Among the crowd there is a young Brahmin named
Kamathika. He is here the main interlocutor of the Buddha, and
another version of the sutra does indeed bear the more fitting title
Kdmathikasiitra. Kamathika interrupts the conversation, and the other
Brahmins insist that he is allowed to speak due to his high status.
Transliteration, folio 3, verso
1 /// + + [brajhmanagrhapatika 0 a[py] ekatya bhagavata sardhdham samm[o] .. [n]. + [k]. [th
2 HI + + .. nte || pe || apy ekatya bhagavatah samntike svakasvakani matapaitrkani namagotrani
3 III + + kehi brahmanehi jlrnnehi vrddhehi mahallakehi adhvagatavayam anupraptehi sardhdl
4 HI ,[u]s[i] samnipatitah daharo caiva vutta[s]irah so pidam bhagavatah amntaramntara katha
5 III .. bharadvaja imehi tava ham samba[h]ulehi kosalakehi brahmanehi jlrnnehi vrddhehi ma
6 ///+.. d avoca ma bhavam gautamah kamathikam m[ana]vam avasadayitavyam mamnyatu ]
Kamathika wishes to know whether the Buddha would consider the
Vedas as authentic knowledge because they are “transmitted by oral
tradition, by hearsay, by an unbroken line of teachers, by the handing
down of the Pitakas”, and what he has to say about the claim that they
are “the sole truth”, and that “everything else is vain”. The Buddha
answers that it is no good to insist on something being the truth, and
that a tradition handed down by hearsay does not meet his require-
ments for authenticity. One should not take the position of someone
who is the holder of truth without having experience of it personally.
In general one should be modest regarding claims to truth. He illus-
trates this with a story of a monk who is approached by a householder
and asked about the conditions of greed, hate and delusion, the point
of the story being that the best way to teach the truth is to illustrate
it through one’s own behaviour, and let people experience and decide
for themselves what truth entails. Kamathika’s interest is aroused,
and he decides to stay and learn about the Dharma. The Buddha goes
on to teach about the ways to obtain truth, but the rest of the sutra is
missing from our fragments.
If we include the present manuscript three versions of this
sutra are available, and exceptionally all of them are in Indian lan-
guages (no translations into Chinese, Tibetan or other Central Asian
languages). In Pali the CankTsutta of the Majjhimanikaya is preserved
4
Cangisutra
a], sammoditva sarayanlyam katham v[I]tis[a]retva ekatamante nis[I]demsu apy ekatya bh.[g].
i anusravayitva ekatamamnte nisldimsu tena kho puna samayena
ham kamcid eva katham vltisaresi kamadhiko pi jjidam manavah tasyam eva pari
im opatayati atha khu bhagavam kamathikam manavam etad avoca agamehi tava tvam
ihallakehi sardhdham kamci kamcid eva katham vltisaremi evam vutte
camathiko hi manavah ubhayato sujatah matrto ca pitrto ca samsuddhaye graha
in its entirety (MN II 164-177). The Sanskrit version of the [Mula-]
Sarvastivadins is available in part based on fragments from Central
Asia and a DIrghagama manuscript from Pakistan or Afghanistan
(Hartmann, 2000 and 2002).
The Manuscript
The manuscript remains consist of 24 fragments. From these it has
been possible to reconstruct the major part of six folios. The material
is palm leaf, and the leaves were probably held together by a string
that passed through a hole in the now missing left portion of the
folios. The exact size of the folios is uncertain, but estimates show
that approximately 83 % of the text has been preserved. The language
used is Sanskrit exhibiting certain Prakrit features, or so called Bud-
dhist Hybrid Sanskrit. Manuscripts from this era illustrate a general
tendency away from texts written in various colloquial Prakrits to a
more formalized Sanskrit. The palaeographical analysis reveals that
the manuscript is written in an early western Gupta style with strong
Kusana affiliations, and a probable date is set to the fourth century
A.D. Based on the language used in the text it has been suggested that
it may belong to the Mahasamghika-Lokottaravadin school, but in the
absence of comparable literary remains of other schools once present
in the same area a definite conclusion would be premature.
I
Agama Sutra
Mahaparinirvanasutra
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection vol. I, pp 243-273
Editors: Mark Allon and Richard Salomon
Material: Palm leaf
Script: Kharosti
Date: 2nd-3rd century A.D.
Language: Partially sanskritized GdndharT
y >/ •
f v i*i
PJ o
- Tv '
6
Mahap armin’ ana sutra
Transliteration, folio 3, recto (read in opposite direction)
1 III droniye niksipisu satahasya acayena teladronito udhvaritvam sarvagamdhotakehi kayam sapayisu
2 HI [strajyuvasatehi kayam vedhayisu ahatehi pamcahi vastrayugasatehi kayam vedhitva ayamsadroni telena
3 III + .v. + + + [dh. n.] ci[da] cinitva rano mahasudarsanasya sarira japayisu catumaharpathe sthuvam akarisu
T he Mahaparinirvanasutra is an account of the final
months and passing away of the Buddha. Among these
twelve fragments six are written in the KharostT script, all
part of the same manuscript, and the other six are written in a
North-Western version of the Brahmi script, remnants of four
original manuscripts.
Background
The Pali version of the Mahaparinirvanasutra is found in the
DIghanikaya, and is the longest sutta of this collection. It is one of the
most central texts of early Buddhism, and different versions of it are
also found in Tibetan, Chinese and other languages.
The story-line follows the last months of the Buddha’s life,
but the text also gives a good idea of his general teachings. After
almost half a century of ministry all that was needed to attain nirvana
had been taught, and it was therefore the Buddha’s primary concern
at the end of his life to impress on his followers the importance of
putting the teachings to good use. This culminates in his passing,
which was then, as now, perhaps the greatest event in the history of
Buddhism. In his passing the Buddha gave the strongest possible
testimony to the central tenets of Buddhism: the transitory nature of
existence, and the futility related with striving for anything perma-
nent.
The KharostT Manuscript
The manuscript consists of six fragments, and these have been found
to represent parts of five original folios. The script is KharostT, a
script written from right to left, employed in the northwestern part
of ancient India. It is reminiscent of inscriptions from the time of the
Kusana king Kaniska and his successors, and a probable date of the
second-third century A.D. has therefore been postulated. 1 A seventh
fragment from the same manuscript has been found in another collec-
tion (BMSC vol I, p. 255-258).
The fragments contain different episodes in the
Mahaparinirvanasutra'. 1) contains part of the episode in which the
Buddha tells the monks to spend the rainy season around Vaisall
1 Radiocarbon dating has also been carried out for this manuscript, yielding the
date A.D. 53-234; see BMSC vol. HI, 279-291.
while he remains in Venugramaka (Pali: Beluvagamaka) (recto), and
the beginning of the episode at the Capala-caitya (verso); 2) contains
portions of the narrative concerning the dialogue between Mara
and the Buddha, in which the former requests the latter to pass into
parinirvdna immediately; 3) contains part of the episode in which the
death and funeral ceremonies of King Mahasudarsana is described,
which is a different sutta in the Pali canon; 4) contains perhaps the
incident in which the monk Upavana blocked the deities from watch-
ing the Buddha’s parinirvdna. 1
This version of the Mahdparinirvanautra does not have
any definitively established concordance with any of the other known
editions in Indie or other languages. Still, some noteworthy parallels
to the Chinese DIrghagama version have been noted by the editors,
and this has led them to postulate a Dharmaguptaka affiliation. One
curiosity of the present manuscript is that the encounter between the
Buddha and Mara seems to be located at Rajagrha, and not Uruvela
as in the other versions.
The Brdlvni Manuscripts 2 3
The six preserved fragments belong to four different manuscripts,
three made from palm leaf (nos. 1-3), and one from birch bark (nos.
4-5). The first two are written in an early Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I
dated to the fifth-sixth century A.D., while the two last ones are writ-
ten in a somewhat later standardized Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I, dated to
the sixth century A.D.
The contents: 1 ) contains the episode in which the minister
Varsakara visits the Buddha, who then speaks about seven condi-
tions for the protection of the Vrji state; 2) contains parts of the verse
spoken by the Buddha elucidating his decision to enter nirvana ; 3)
contains the episode of Putkasa’s conversion; 4-5) contains parts of
the Mahasudarsanasutra (which in all other versions except for the
Pali is included in the Mahaparinirvanasutra) where among other
things the seven jewels are described.
Regarding school affiliation the editor has concluded that
nos. 1 and 2 come close to the Sarvastivada/Mulasarvastivada ver-
sion, while nos. 3-5 are closer to the Chinese DIrghagama belonging
to the Dharmaguptaka school.
2
3
See page 9 for a translation of the fragments.
Depicted on the following page.
Agama Sutra
Mahaparinirvanasutra
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection vol. II, 17-24
Editor: Klaus Wille
Material: Palm leaf and birch bark
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiydn Type I
Date: 5th-7th century A.D.
Language: Sanskrit
8
Mahaparinirvcinasutra
''X$w&§Q*aRKif&<8r4rs%$
T JC I? K f jfc $
Transliteration, folio 2, recto
1 III .. bhavam bhavasamskaram avasrjan munih a ,[y], .[m], + + + + + + + + nat kosam ivanda[sa],
2 HI ,.[m]ta upasamkkramya bhagavatah padau sirasa vanditva [e] + + + + + + [t]. [s]th[ita] ayusman [a]nand[o]
3 III + + [s]odaha amtarikse devadundubhayo bhinadamti + + .. [me] ananda hetavo stau pratyaya
Translation of the Kharosti Fragments 1
“ who, 0 Ananda, will remain ... they ... three (months) ...” [...] “... (-caitya); beautiful (is the) caitya of the Pair of Sala-
trees ...” [...] “. . . I (was) dwelling in Rajagrha, on the Vulture [Peak Mountain, shortly after becoming enlightened.] And then,
O Monks, evil Mara [approached] the Tathagata ...” [...] “... [Mara said:] “The Blessed One has [nothing] left to be done, ...
acting in response (?), the Blessed One, venerable Sir, (?) ...” [...] “... learned, bearers of the dharma, attained to the complete
righteousness of the dharma ... having obtained the true meaning, capable ... the teaching themselves ...” [...] “I shall not
attain parinirvana, O Evil One, until ... (female disciples), female lay followers [become] controlled, wise, disciplined ...” [...]
“... they put it in a vat ... After an interval of a week, they took (it) out of the vat of oil and bathed the body with all fragrant
liquids . . . They wrapped the body with (five*) hundred pairs of (unbeaten*) cloth. Having wrapped the body with five hundred
pairs of unbeaten cloth, (they filled*?) an iron vat with oil ... after building a pyre of (all*) fragrant [woods], they burned the
body of King Mahasudarsana. They built a stupa at the crossing of four main roads.” [...] “. . . Then [shortly] after he died. King
Mahasudarsana was born among the Brahma group of gods. Immediately . . . [horse-]jewel died. The dharma-palace disap-
peared. The dharma-lotus pond disappeared. All the golden . . . disappeared. In the capital city of Kusavatl, O Ananda, the
walls made of seven jewels disappeared. One (died?) ...” [...] ... Then the Blessed One, alone, retiring, secluded ... [...] as far
as Kusinagara and as far as Kusi ... [...] ... covered (?) ... together with ... (and) gandharvas (and) asuras ... [...] ... having
approached, ... (the Mallas of) Kusinagara ... [...] “... do what must be done.” “Good, Blessed One” ... [...] ... (five?) hundred
Mallas seated in the council hall ... [...] ... got up from (his) seat; to Venerable Ananda ...
1
BMSC vol. I, 245-248; depicted on pages 6-7.
Agama Sutra
Andhasutra, Sutra on the Three Moral Defects of Devadatta, and Kauvikumaravadana
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schdyen Collection vol. II, 25-36
Editor: Siglinde Dietz
Material: Birch bark
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiydn Type I
Date: 6th century A.D. (?)
Language: Sanskrit
-m9Sk * „
-«ry w r*>£
*
T hese manuscripts contain three different texts, the
Andhasutra, wherein the Buddha describes three types of
people, a text that concerns the moral defects of Devadatta,
and a part of the Kauvikumaravadana, a story of one of the
Buddha’s previous lives.
Background
The two folios presented here contain what appears to be three dif-
ferent texts. The first preserves the end of the Andhasutra and the
beginning of a text that concerns the moral defects of Devadatta, the
Buddha’s corrupted cousin, but that has no obvious parallel in other
collections. The other contains the Kavikumciravadana.
In the Andliasiitra the Buddha describes three types of
people: the eyeless, the one-eyed, and the two-eyed. The eyeless are
those who have no concern for their own well-being, and who do not
act in such a way that they will have well-being in the future. The
one-eyed are those who do have concern for their own well-being,
but who have no concern for others. The two-eyed are those who have
both concern from their own well-being and that of others. In the
fragments the Buddha continues with some verses of advice concern-
ing how the wise should deal with these three types. The text roughly
corresponds to the Andhasutta of the Pali Anguttaranikaya (AN I
128 f).
10
Andhasutra, Sutra on the Three Moral Defects
of Devadatta, and Kauvikumdravadana
The sutra that deals with the three moral defects of De-
vadatta is more difficult to definitively locate. It shares some similari-
ties to an episode in the Pali Itivuttaka (It-a 85.5-87.7), as well as the
Sanskrit Saiighabhedavastu (GM III.4.230.4-231.14).
In the Kauvikumdravadana 1 the story begins with the
occasion when the Buddha’s foot is injured by a stone that De-
vadatta had dropped on him. The Buddha then relates the story of
his previous birth as Kauvikumara: As the son of king Satyarata he
is ordered to be executed after an an astrologer has foreseen that he
is destined to kill the king. A minister instead smuggles him out and
gives him to a fisherman. The fragment contains the episode where
the boy has grown up, is seen by one of the king’s ministers, and a
1 This is an avadana (see section 5), not an agama sutra, but have been placed in
this section for practical reasons.
hunt begins, whereupon the boy takes refuge with the Naga king
Campaka. A parallel can be found in the 66th chapter of Ksemendra’s
Avadanakalpalata. 1
The Manuscripts
The seven fragments described here can be reconstructed as two in-
complete folios of two different manuscripts. For both the material is
birch bark and the script is Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I. Other manuscripts
with a similar script have been dated to the 6th century A.D. For both
manuscripts the folio numbers have been preserved in the left hand
margins of the recto side: [6]8 for the first and [7]3 for the second.
Some fragments are difficult to fit properly with the others as the bark
has become slightly twisted.
2 A precis of this avadana is given in Tucci (1949).
Translation of an early Chinese version 1 of the *Andhasutra
It has been heard as follows. At one time the Buddha was in SravastT, practising in the Jeta Grove in the Garden of the Benefac-
tor of the Bereft. The Buddha addressed the bhiksus : “There are three classes of people. What are the three? The first class is
those whose eyes do not see, the second class the one-eyed, the third class the two-eyed.
What is being eyeless? In the world, bhiksus, some people lack this vision (eye) [which is a] cause [for them to think]:
‘I should act so as to earn what I have not yet earned.’ Not having this thought, they also misuse what they have already ac-
quired. They also lack this vision ‘I should practise giving, I should peform acts of merit. May I, in consequence of this cause,
be happy in a future life, and in consequence of this go to heaven.’ They lack [this] idea. This is called being eyeless.
What is called being a one-eyed person? In the world, bhiksus, the one-eyed have this kind of vision: ‘May I acquire
the wealth I have not yet acquired, and act so as not to fritter away the wealth I have already acquired.’ They have only this
vision, but lack this vision ‘I should practise giving, I shall, in consequence of this cause, go to heaven.’ They lack this sort of
vision. This is called being one-eyed.
What is called being two-eyed? In the world, bhiksus, some people have this vision ‘May I acquire the wealth I have
not yet acquired, and act so as not to fritter away what I have already acquired.’ They have this sort of vision, and they also
have this vision ‘May I practise generosity. May I, in consequence of this cause, go to heaven’ They also have this vision. This
is called being two-eyed.’”'
Afterwards he spoke gdthds :
“To not have wealth and not to practise giving either, this is to fall into a double misfortune. The eyes are there
but one sees nothing [with them], in consequence of this one falls into hell. Not having eyes, one arrives there and
remains.
One who does not guard oneself is called one-eyed. [One engages in] theft, corrupt behaviour, being double-tongued,
false speech, but one has wealth and only amuses oneself in the world.
Carrying out the dharma and what is not the dharma, one is a dissembler, achieving very great wealth. One does not
[really?] enjoy it oneself and one does not give. After falling into hell, the one-eyed remains [there?].
Having two eyes is the supreme and foremost dharma. Succeeding in making a living with all that one has, one feeds
oneself and gives. In consequence of this one does (acts of) merit at will (?).
Like the unwise (?) one feeds oneself [but also] gives, when the time comes one goes to heaven, and one is never
separated from the dharma.
As for those without eyes and the one-eyed, one should just avoid them and not go near them. The wise person should
only take account of the two-eyed. The two-eyed are the foremost in this world and the next.”
Thus spoke the Buddha.
1
T 150a, 876al6-bl & 881b22-c3.
Agama Sutra
Transliteration, folio 1, recto
1 andho acaksu iha bhiksava ekatyasya pudga[l], + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + 4
2 yena caksusa samanvagatah dvayam itikr 4444444444444 sala [i] 444444444
3 ksavah pudgalah andho acaksuh .. 44.. .. 4444444444 va ekaty. 4- .. .g. 4- c. ksu. b
4 n va bhogam sphltlkuryat* tat khalu [t] . 4- 4- + 4- + + 4- + O [n] . caksusa samanvagato dvayam it:
5 te bhiksavah pudgala ekacaksuh katama 4- 4- 4- 4- 4- O dgalo dvicaksu iha bhiksava ekatyasya pu<
6 gacchet* adhigatan va bhogam sphltlkurya[t*] 4-4 4-4-0 ksur bhavati yena caksusa sama[nv]a£
7 [a]yam ucyate bhiksavah pudgalo dvicaksuh 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 s[y]a yah pu .. 4 4 4 4 [s]. mvid[y],
8 nasto sa[v a]ndham ahus tathavidham ekacaksu .. 4444444 sapu 4444444444444
9 nnah sa ekacaksur vihanyate dvicaksuh pu 44444444444444444444444444
12
Andhasutra, Sutra on the Three Moral Defects
of Devadatta, and Kauvikumaravadana
■ + .. [dhi] + ,[ch], + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +
.. + [d]. krsnam [i]dam suklam id. + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +
havati yena caksusa sama[nv]a .... + + + + [g], cch. + + + + +
i krtva janlyad idam kusalam ida[m]. .[u] .. [1], [y]avad [i]da(m) na sevitavyam i[ti] + + + +
igalasya tac caksur nar [bha]vati [y]e + + + + samanvagatah anadhigatva bh[o] + + +
;ato dvayam iti kr[tva] + + + + + + + [la]m idam akusalam yavan na se[vi] + + + +
[ma]na [l]o .e[s].im [e] + + + + + + + + + + .ati dharmadharme ’py a[k]o[v]idah u .. + + +
K + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + manaviparyayat* nira + + + +
+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + [ks]. .. + + + + + + + +
13
Agama Sutra
Sikhalakasutra
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection vol. Ill,
Editors: Jens-Uwe Hartmann and Klaus Wille
Material: Palm leaf
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiydn Type I
Date: 5th century A.D.
Language: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
T he Sikhalasutra contains a concise presentation of basic
ethical guidelines for the lay Buddhist, and it is for this
reason that it has been a particularly popular text throughout
many Buddhist traditions. These two fragments preserve part
of a folio presenting six prohibitions, the breaking of which
leads to the squandering of wealth and reputation.
Background
In the Sikhalakasutra (or Sihgalovadasutta as it is known in Pali) we
meet the Buddha who is out on his alms round and happens upon
the lay person Sikhala, worshiping the six directions in the manner
in which he has been instructed by his father. The Buddha tells him
that this is not the way to honour the six directions, and goes on to de-
scribe in detail how a lay person should relate with his surroundings
in the best possible manner. The sutra’s popularity is illustrated by the
large number of versions available both in Indie languages (Sanskrit,
Pali and Prakrit) as well as in Tibetan and Chinese translations (five
Chinese versions are available). The Pali version, the only Indie ver-
sion to be preserved in its entirety, may be found in the DIghanikaya
(DN III 180-193).
1-6
The Manuscript
The two fragments may be combined, and preserve the right part of
one folio. The manuscript is written in Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I, and
a probable date in the fifth century A.D. is suggested. The language
is Sanskrit with a large amount of Prakrit features (Buddhist Hybrid
Sanskrit). As this specific mix is typical of many of the manu-
scripts of the collection it is tempting to consider it as the standard
“church languge” of the school which produced them, perhaps
the Mahasanghika-Lokottaravadins as has been suggested for the
Cahglsutra.
The fragments preserve a section in the Sikhdlakastra in
which the Buddha describes the six places, or rather ways, in which
one decreases one’s substance (i.e. squanders one’s wealth). Curiously
all of the available versions enumerate the six differently, and in our
present fragment the list is as follows: 1 . surd (intoxication), 2. vikala
(roaming around at inappropriate times), 3. pdpamitra (bad compan-
ionship), 4. dyuta (compulsive gambling), 5. mahdsamdija (habitual
partying), and 6. alasya (laziness).
Transliteration, verso
1 III + gltam kahi vadi[t]am kahi kumbhamtuna kahi panis
2 III .. kho pun ime grhapatiputra adlnava alasyakosidye ve
3 III [t]i atiusnam ti { { } } karmam na karoti bubhuksit
4 III + pratyaveksita ksipram evam bhoga ksayavya[ya]mta
5 III .[i]va ca svapnam paricaryam kale papani mitrani kad
Sikhalakasutra
•**«**« s4?« wVl- -
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, fV x f^ *i*%*T£*jyt ^ ~\: k
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r
f „ , r
[ *kr s£^ *>
»^p*p*r*
vara kahi sobhikanagarani tasya evam ratikr[d]yanuyoga
:dayitavya katame sat* iha grhapa
;o smlti karmam na karoti atyasito ti karmam na karoti tasye
im gachati ime grhapatiputra sa adlnava alasyakosi
aryata cam ete pi sthana purusa dhvasamyamti + + +
2
if ' ' » ■ i
. ^ JgjMM
Mahayana Sutra
yWr*j+. V\ y ^ tft < - wmrry M
Later Discourses
Mahayana Sutra
Astasahasrikaprajnaparamita
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection vol. I, 1-51 and vol. II, 37-44
Editor: Lore Sander
Material: Palm leaf
Script: Kusana Brahmi
Date: Second half of 3rd cen tury A. D.
Language: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
18
Astasahasrikaprajnaparamita
T here are 66 fragments of the collection that preserve parts
of the Astasahasrikaprajnaparamita, one of the earliest
texts of the Mahayana movement. This manuscript is a further
indication the early date of this sutra of the Prajnaparamita
class.
Background
The Astasahasrikaprajhaparamita is among the earliest Mahayana
sutras, and the earliest of the Prajnaparamita class. It was probably
developed from around 100 B.C., and there are good reasons, mostly
based on textual evidence, for supposing that this began among the
Mahasamghikas of Andhrapradesa (southeast India). On the other
hand it has also been suggested, based on epigraphic evidence, that
Mahayana Buddhism may have developed in the northwest, in the
area where the present collection was found. The question remains
unresolved. What is certain is that the Astdhasrikaprajhdpdramitd
became fundamental for much of the later developments within the
Mahayana movement.
The Prajnaparamita literature is concerned with the
development of prajha, which can perhaps be translated by the term
“discriminative knowledge” (or, more popularly, “wisdom”). The goal
of prajha is to seek an accurate understanding of the phenomenal
world, for instance of the fact of the absence of self. The sutras do
Mahayana Sutra
• 5ta*w
\
'•u;; f\
\'f'
Transliteration, folio 4, recto (end of chapter 7 and beginning of chapter 8)
1 v[i]st[o] va bhav. [s]y. [t]. 0 [a]tmutk. [r]sak. .. [r], + + /// + + + + + + + + [k], [1], [p]utro
2 ti prakrosisyati pratiksipi sya 1 1 1 . + + /// + + + + + + + + [a]tha kho yusma subhuti bhagavi
3 evam eta s[u] j bhOti evam e + + /// + + + [r] . [t]t. .u[s]. ,u[l]. na durmedhena anartthiken
4 pamitropastabdena 0 asrusru[s]e + .. /// [a]nabhiyuktena 0 aha [k].va gambhlra vadayar
5 + 4 + + + + + + + + + + + .. /// + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + [h]. tu vijnana asvabhava
not indulge in elaborate philosophical arguments. They are arranged
in the traditional manner where the Buddha has discussions with his
disciples, and where assertions are made that indicate the true way of
things.
The Sanskrit text of the Astasahasrikaprajnaparamita has
been published three times, in Mitra (1888), Wogihara (1932), and
Vaidya (1960), and an English translation may be found in Conze
(1970). Early translations are available in Chinese, Tibetan, and other
languages.
The Manuscript
The present manuscript(s) consists of sixty-six fragments, all of
which can not be presented here (see BMSC vols. I and II for a full
description). Mostly larger fragments and those that are part of a
reconstructed folio are here presented. The material is palm leaf, and
the script is a square and upright Brahmi typical of the Kusana pe-
riod. A date in the second half of the third century A.D. is suggested.
The language is a mix of Sanskrit and Prakrit forms, also called
Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit, a mix found in many of the manuscripts of
the collection. Four folio numbers are preserved (or reconstructed),
indicating the large number of leaves originally constituting the
manuscript: 4) folio 152, 13) folio 243 , 14) folio 245, and 15) folio
247.
The manuscript is the oldest trace of the Astasdhasrikd in
an Indie language so far established (although news of an apparently
older manuscript from Pakistan has recently surfaced). It had always
been assumed that the text was at least this old, as the oldest Chinese
translation was done by Lokaksema in 179-180 A.D. The present
manuscript has confirmed this assumption. The text is quite close to
the later Nepalese version (eleventh-twelfth century A.D.), but differs
from Lokaksema’s translation, suggesting that more than one Indian
recension may have existed as early as the second to third century
A.D.
The manuscript preserves, among other things, a discus-
sion from the end of chapter one between Sariputra and Subhuti,
two senior disciples of the Buddha who figure prominently in the
Prajnaparamita literature. On the first and second line of the first
fragment the names Sariputra and Subhuti may be read. From later
editions of the text we know that in the section Sariputra names
Subhuti as ranking first among the teachers of the law (dharma). The
text goes: “Addressed like this the venerable Subhuti spoke to the
venerable Sariputra as follows: ‘This is the true state of things of the
Lord, venerable Sariputra, for disciples not dependant on the mo-
ments of existence (dharmas). In whatever (way) they are questioned,
they find (a way) out and do not obscure the true state of things, and
do not turn away from the true state of things.
20
Astasahasri kaprajnapa ram it a
1*^3^ >34t
kuladhlta va ima. prajnaparamitam bhas[i]y. mana. .. + + + + + + + + + + + + + +
imtam etad avoca <> duradhimucca bhagavam pra + + + + + + + + + + + + +
a [a]lpasrutena hlnavlryena [h]Inadhim. [k].T[k]e + + + + + + + + + + + +
n [bh], + + .r. [j]naparamita duradhimuccanataya aha rupam subhuti abaddham a[m]u[k]t..
tva subhDti abaddham amuktam r[u]pas[y]a subhuti p[Q]rva. to
Translation of a Sanskrit Parallel 1
[...] “Furthermore, Subhuti, a son or daughter of a noble family may come into the hands of a bad friend, or may not practise,
(rl) or may be attached to the group of five aggregates ( skandha ), or he may exalt himself, disparage others, and look to do evil.
A son or daughter of a noble family may be endowed, also with the four attributes, he may think that this Perfection of Wisdom
has to be opposed when it is preached, taught and explained.”
(r2) Then the venerable Subhuti spoke to the Lord as follows: “It is hard to strive zealously for the Perfection of Wisdom, O Lord,
for one who is without effort, who is without wholesome roots, and who has come into the hands of bad friends.”
The Lord spoke: (r3) “It is so, Subhuti, it is so. It is hard to strive zealously for the Perfection of Wisdom for one who
is without effort, whose wholesome roots are small, who is dull-witted, without abilities, who has learnt little, has inferior vigour,
inferior devotion, ... inferior knowledge, (r4) who is supported by bad friends, is neither a listener nor a questioner by nature,
without effort (with regard to) wholesome religious deeds ( dharmas ).”
Subhuti spoke: “ How deep, O Lord, is this Perfection of Wisdom, since it is so hard to strive for with zeal?”
The Lord spoke: “Form, Subhuti, is neither bound nor freed. (r5) What is the reason? Because form has no own being,
form is neither bound nor freed; in the same way, Subhuti, sensation, perception, mental formations, (and) consciousness are
neither bound nor freed. What is the reason? Because consciousness has no own being, consciousness, Subhuti, is neither bound
nor freed. Form in the past, Subhuti, (vl) is neither bound nor freed. It is because, Subhuti. form has no own being in the past.
[...]
l
Conze 1970: 60-61; text in italics is found in the fragments above.
Mahayana Sutra
The Mahayana Sutra Manuscript
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schbyen Collection vol. I, 63-218, vol. II, 45-49, and vol. Ill, 293-298
Editors: Kazunobu Matsuda, Jens Braarvig, Paul Harrison, Jens-Uwe Hartmann, and Asao Ixvamatsu
Material: Palm leaf
Script: North Western Gupta
Date: 5th century A.D.
Language: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
“1
I 1
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ssasss^.
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VS-
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jSS>.S..;,.,',. s yN'd-l-
22
The Mahayana Sutra Manuscript
m
T his composite manuscript must originally have been
well over 550 folios in length and contained many texts.
Four sutras of varying length have been identified so far. The
manuscript also presents us with the first identified attempted
forgery so far found in this collection of manuscripts from
Afghanistan.
Background
Several fragments of different sutras have been found to be-
long to a single larger manuscript, and this manuscript has been
named “The Mahayana Sutra Manuscript”. Sutra collections of
this nature are found in the Chinese and Tibetan Buddhist canons,
such as for instance the Ratnakutasutra and Mahasannipatasutra,
but the present manuscript does not correspond to any known
collection. Four sutras of the collection have so far been
identified: SnmaladevTsimhanadanirdesa, Pravaranasutra,
Sarvadharmapravrttinirdesa, and Ajatasatrukaukrtyavinodanasutra.
The SnmaladevTsimhanadanirdesa (“The Lion’s Roar
Teaching of Queen Srlmala”) is one of the most famous Mahayana
sutras representative of the Tathagatagarbha theory. In it we meet
Queen Srlmala, the daughter of King Prasenajit and wife of King
Yasomitra of Ayodhya, relating here understanding of the true
doctrine, to which the Buddha listens and gives his affirmation. The
sutra gained immense popularity in China and Japan mainly due to its
non-monastic form of religion. The Tathagatagarbha theory teaches
that all sentient beings contain the potential for awakening, and liken
it to a seed, or foetus (garbha), that is merely temporarily veiled due
the obstructions from the klesas (disturbing emotions). Apart from a
few scattered quotations the present manuscript is the only original
version discovered to far.
The Pravaranasutra is connected to the Pravarana festival
held on the final day of the rainy season. There are many versions
of this sutra, and with the exception of one Chinese version they all
belong to the Agamas (early discourses). The exception is also classi-
fied as an Agama, but in content it has no connection to the standard
Pravaranasutras. It is therefore perhaps curious that the present
Pravaranasutra is included in this collection, which is otherwise of a
purely Mahayanistic character. The sutra does, however, exhibit cer-
tain characteristics that might support its classification as Mahayana,
such as the fact that the Buddha is dwelling with eighty-four thousand
monks, a number far exceeding the that appearing in any of the
Agamas.
The Sarvadharmapravrttinirdesa belongs to the great
mass of literature representing the middle period of Mahayana sutra
literature. As such it is quite difficult to date with certainty, as it
neither represents any outstanding or special doctrinal viewpoint,
nor has been much employed as a canonical source in later scholastic
literature. It is however still interesting for, among other things, its
standpoints on the teachings and implications of emptiness, and its
views on arrogance and judging others for their religious views. It
also warns against the purely rhetorical use of Mahayana doctrines,
such as the teaching on emptiness.
The Ajdtasatrukaukrtyavinodandsutra is extant in several
Chinese and a Tibetan translation, but this is the first appearance of
a Sanskrit edition so far. It is an interesting text both because of its
content, and because it is among a small group of Mahayana sutras
already translated by Lokaksema in the late second century A.D. It
is rich in narrative incident, packed with significant doctrinal terms,
as well as being philosophically complex and demanding. Being one
of the most sophisticated and evolved Mahayana sutras we can date
to this early period, it shows that Mahayana Buddhism had attained
an advanced level of development by the middle of the second
century A.D. The most prominent figure in the sutra is the bodhisat-
tva ManjusrI, who is established to be of superior insight. The other
main character is king Ajatasatru, a contemporary of the Buddha,
and famous for being guilty of the heinous crime of patricide. The
guilt-ridden king turns to ManjusrI to find relief for his sin (thus
the kaukrtyavinodana, or “dispelling of remorse”, of the title), and
the bodhisattva uses the occasion to teach the ultimate emptiness or
unreality of all things.
23
Mahayana Sutra
Transliteration, folio 536, recto (erased aksaras on black background)
1 jnah [a] + + + + + + + + + ///
2 anyatarefn]. + + + + + + ///
3 mi sa ca puruso vi + ///
4 ..m [ma]trghatakam purusam pasye .. ///
The Manuscript
The complete Mahayana Sutra Manuscript must have been at least
550 folios long, a conclusion based on the fact that the highest folio
number reconstructed with certainty in the last part of the Ajatasa-
trukaukrtyavinodandsutra is already no. 549. Of the four texts
described above there are a total of 34 complete or fragmentary
folios preserved. In addition there are a few fragments that appear to
belong to the same manuscript, but for which the contents have not
so far been identified. The script is throughout a variant of the North
Western Gupta Book Script, which can be dated to the fifth century.
The language is Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit.
A particularly interesting feature, albeit a sad one, is that
among the fragments of this manuscript we find the first example of a
forgery that has been identified in the collection (folio 536). The mar-
gins have been trimmed, part of the text has been erased, and a small
hole has been pierced in the middle of the erased area. It is assumed
that this was done by the local dealers before the manuscript was
taken abroad, but as to the reason for this unwelcome treatment we
can only speculate. Considering the sums of money involved in the
manuscript trade, the multiplication of fragments must be an obvious
temptation. It has however been possible to partly restore the missing
part, first by using the Tibetan translation, and then by applying ultra-
violet light to the fragment, enabling a definite reading of some of the
previously invisible aksaras.
The Mahayana Sutra Manuscript
£*
III [sam]ghena • rajapy a[j]a
III purusas carimabhavika]
III marabhuto bhiksusamgha
III [a]ho tata ayam ma
•y- + +
parivarah
'ram vrksami
tasya matr MB/ //
sa t.EH///
ED ill
riafenW///
Translation of a Tibetan Parallel 1
“[...] Thereupon Prince ManjusrT rose from his seat and went forth from the palace of King Ajatasatru, accompanied by the
community of monks and his retinue. King Ajatasatru too, accompanied by his retinue, followed behind Prince ManjusrT.
As Prince ManjusrT went on his way, he saw a man sitting under a tree who, having taken the life of his mother, was weep-
ing and wailing, saying “Because I have committed an evil act, I will certainly go to hell.’' And that man was one who was fit
to be converted by Prince ManjusrT. Then Prince ManjusrT, in order to convert that man, conjured up a second man, and he
also conjured up that [second | man’s father and mother. Thereupon the phantom man, accompanied by his father and mother,
approached the matricide, and at a distance not too far from him they got into a quarrel, in such a way that the real man could
see, with the son saying “This is the way,” and the father and mother saying, “Son, this is not the way.” So saying they began to
fight, as a result of which the phantom man took the life of his father and mother, and the real man saw that phantom man take
the life of his father and mother. [...]”
1
Q tsu 269a2-b7; this section corresponds roughly with the partially preserved folio of the Ajatasatrukaukrtyavinodanasutra depicted above; translated in BMSC vol. II, 48-49.
Mahayana Sutra
Vajracchedikaprajhaparamita
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection vol. Ill, 89-159
Editors: Paul Harrison and Shogo Watanabe
Material: Birch bark
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiydn Type I
Date: 6th-7th century A.D.
Language: Sanskrit
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T his manuscript is in an excellent state of preservation,
preserving 3/5 of the complete text. When combined with
the two other significant early manuscript witnesses, it gives
us a good picture of the early stages of development of this
influential Mahayana text.
Background
The Vajmcchedikaprajhaparamita is one of the most celebrated and
historically significant works of the voluminous Prajnaparamita cor-
pus. It is most highly revered in the Buddhist traditions of East Asia,
wherefrom, in English translation, it has received its more famous
name, “The Diamond Sutra”. In regular sutra style it recounts an in-
cident where the monk Subhuti asks the Buddha a series of questions,
and in his answers the Buddha is trying to help Subhuti let go of his
preconceived limited notions about the nature of reality.
Since E Max Muller first performed an analysis of a
parallel Sanskrit and Chinese edition in 1881 several more San-
skrit editions have been made available to the scholarly world. The
present manuscript may be joined with the two other important early
manuscript witnesses found at Dandan Uiliq in Eastern Turkestan and
Gilgit in Pakistan to give a good picture of how the text looked at this
early point in its development.
The Manuscript
The manuscript is made from birch bark, and is in an excellent state
of preservation. It consists of the 2 1 folios, representing approximate-
ly 60 % of the text, and it is therefore assumed that it originally cov-
ered 35 folios. It is the second text in the manuscript, starting on folio
26, preceded by the Bhaisajyagurusutra , which suggests that at the
time Mahayana Buddhists regarded the Vajrcchedikaprajhdparamita
as one of a set of Mahayana sutras. It is written in Gilgit/Bamiyan
Type I, dated to the sixth-seventh century A.D. The language is a
fairly regular Sanskrit, without the Prakrit colouring that can be
observed in the earlier manuscript from Eastern Turkestan.
Mahayana Sutra
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Transliteration, folio 26, recto
1 bhamgam na<ma> dharma<pa>ryayam mahayanasQtram samaptah || ® || namo sakyamuna
2 yes tathagatayarhate samyaksambudhaya : || evam maya srutam ekasmin [sa]ma
3 ye bhagavan* sravastyam viharati sma • jetavane • anathapindadasyarame maha
4 ta bhiksusamghena sardham aOrdhatrayodasabhir bhiksusataih atha khalu bhagavan*
5 pQrvahnakalasamaye nivasya [pa]traclvaram adaya • sravastlm mahanagarlm pi
6 ndaya pravisat* atha khalu bhagavan* sravastlm mahanagarl pindayam cari
Translation of the Introduction'
Hail to Sakyamuni, the Realized, Worthy and Perfectly Awakened One!
This is the word as I heard it once when the Lord was staying in SravastT, in Jetr’s Grove, at the monastery of
Anathapindada, together with a large community of monks 1,250 monks strong.
Then the Lord got dressed in the morning, took his bowl and robe, and entered the great city of SravastT for alms.
Then, after walking around the great city of SravastT for alms, the Lord returned in the afternoon after eating the almsfood,
washed his feet, and sat down on the seat set out for him with legs crossed, body held erect and attention directed in front of
him. Then a great many monks approached the Lord, and after approaching him they prostrated themselves at the Lord’s feet,
circumambulated the Lord three times, and sat down to one side. [...]
t
BMSC vol. Ill, 142; corresponds roughly to the above depicted folio; the first line, containing the end of the Bhaisajyagurusutra, has not been translated.
Vinaya
Discipline
Vinaya
Pratimoksa-Vibhanga
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection vol. Ill, 161-176
Editor: Seishi Karashima
Material: Palm leaf
Script: Early Western Gupta
Date: 4th century A.D.
Language: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
rftenKY* S ■
T wo manuscripts contain various basic rules for the Bud-
dhist monastic order. The texts are shown to belong to
the Mahasamghika-Lokottaravadin school, possibly a further
indication of the sectarian origin of the collection as a whole.
Background
The Pratimoksa is the collection of monastic rales ( vinaya ) for
the ordained Buddhist community. The rules vary in degree and
importance, from the very basic rules against killing, stealing, lying,
and sexual misconduct, to lesser misdemeanours having to do with
different situations in which the ordained might find him- or herself
in daily life situations. The schisms that lead to the establishment
of the early schools of Buddhism were mostly based on differ-
ences in vinaya, such as was the case when the Sthaviravadas and
Mahasamghikas parted ways, probably the earliest such schism.
The Manuscripts
Based on comparisons it has been concluded that the present
manuscripts probably are part of the Pratimoksa-Vibhanga of the
Mahasamghika-Lokottaravadins, a subgroup of the Mahasamghika
school. This strengthens the theory suggested in relation with
the Cahgtsutra , that the origin of the collection was probably a
Mahasamghika-Lokottaravadin monastery, somewhere in the vicinity
of Bamiyan.
The material for both manuscripts is palm leaf, and they
are written, respectively, in an early Western Gupta script, probably
dated to the fourth century A.D., and Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I, probably
to be dated to the sixth century A.D. The first manuscript consists
of four fragments that preserve two incomplete folios. The second
consists of one complete folio and five fragments, preserving parts of
two more folios.
The manuscripts contain rules for the monk, all of the
pdcattika (downfall) category, requiring repentance and expiation.
The first contains a commentary on two consecutive rules, prohibit-
ing a monk from having a needle case made of ivory, bone, horn,
etc., and from having a couch or chair made with excessively long
legs. The second contains rules against allowing someone (probably
a novice) to start and stop reciting dharmas simultaneously with him,
and against boasting of having acquired superhuman dharmas. It also
contains an episode in which a monk, Dravya Mallaputra, an allocator
of meals for the Order, was blamed unjustly for partiality by the noto-
rious group of six monks who were given a coarse meal for servants
at a house allotted to them, because they went there either too early in
the morning or too late at midday.
32
Prcitimoksa-Vibhafiga
Translation of the Manuscript Written in Early Western Gupta'
“(A needle case should be made of) (lrl) ... brass, arvagata(?), pine tree, dalbergia or bamboo-tholika(?) ...”
(r2) ... The Lord, therefore, stated. “If a monk (has a needle case made) that is made of ivory, made of bone, made of
horn, made of gold, made of silver, (or made of jewels, that is a pacattika requiring destruction [of the object in question]).”
(The Lord,) (r3) (the teacher of gods) and humans, (was staying in SravastI). Details are as given elsewhere.
At that time, on the special auspicious days, namely the eighth, the fourteenth and the fifteenth (of every fortnight),
people (used to go out to salute the Lord’s feet. Princes of the King of Kosala also went out) (r4) (to salute the Lord’s feet.) Hav-
ing saluted the Lord's feet with their heads, they went to the chamber (parivena) of the venerable Nandana and Upanandana.
Then, they (i.e. the princes) said: “We salute you, o honourable ones!” (Nandana and Upanandana said: “Welcome, o princes!
Welcome, o princes!” They, then,) (r5) (said: “We wish) to see (your) dwelling.” They (i.e. Nandana and Upanandana) replied:
“Please, o princes! ... We shall show (you).” Being invited as guests, they then ... (r6) ... (Canopies of beds?) were high, rubbed,
(polished and very white.) ... (vl) ... red ... (v2) ... (Nandana and Upanandana said: “These couches) are ours.” They (i.e. the
princes), then, said: “These are, o honourable ones, (not) suitable (for monks).” They, then, said: “For whom on earth are they
suitable?” (The princes replied: “They are suitable only for a king or a prince.”) ... (v3) ... (The monks said: “Aren’t we princes?
If the World-Honoured One had not) gone forth from home into the homeless state, he would have become your Wheel-Turn-
ing King. You, in your turn, would have been the Lord’s servants, agitated by respect (for him) ... (We are princes of the Lord.
Even if we used more extravagant decorations, we would deserve them, let alone these poor articles.”) ... (v4) ... (Having heard
this, the princes) were shocked, dismayed, ashamed and nonplussed. Having heard this matter, (other) monks told the Lord
(about it). (The Lord said: “Call Nandana and Upanandana here!” When they came, the Lord said to them:) (v5) (”Is it true, o
monks Nandana and) Upanandana, as it is said, that, on the special auspicious days, namely the eighth, the fourteenth and the
fifteenth (of every fortnight), people come out (to salute) the Tathagata’s (feet. The princes of the King of Kosala also came
out to salute the Tathagata’s feet.) (v6) (Having saluted the Lord’s feet with their heads,) they went to your chamber, — the Lord
described this event in detail until — (that the princes were shocked, depressed, ashamed and abashed?” They replied: “Yes, it
is true.” The Lord said: “Why did you decorate the couches and get criticised by lay people? From now on, (2rl) when a monk
has a couch or chair made,) the legs should be made measuring eight fingers (of the standard measure) long, except for the
notched part.
A special case (which led to a modification of the rule) occurred as follows: The Lord, (the teacher of gods) and
humans, (was staying in SravastI). Details (r2) (are given elsewhere. The Lord) set forth (the rule that:) “When a monk has a
couch or chair made, the legs should be made measuring eight fingers of the standard measure long, (except for the notched
1 BMSC vol. Ill, 161.
Folio 1, recto
33
Vinaya
Pratimoksa-Vibhanga
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schfiyen Collection vol. I, 233-241 and vol. II, 215-228
Editor: Seishi Karashima
Material: Palm leaf
Script: Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I
Date: 6th century A.D.
Language: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
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34
Pratimoksa-Vibhanga
part.)” Then, the venerable (r3) (Nandana and Upanandana), leaving aside the part as long as (the Lord allowed), cut the legs,
(and then) put supports of the very same length (as the offcuts under them). Then, on the special auspicious days, (namely the
eighth, the fourteenth and) the fifteenth (of every fortnight), people used to go out (r4) (to salute the Lord’s feet.) The princes of
(the King of) Kosala went out to salute the Lord’s feet. Having saluted the Lord’s feet with their heads, they went to the cham-
ber of the venerable (Nandana and Upanandana). Then, they (i.e. the princes) said: (r5) (”We salute you, o honourable ones, ...”
... Nandana and Upanandana) said: “Welcome, o princes! Welcome, o princes!” They, then, said: “We, o honourable ones, wish
to see (your) dwelling.” (Nandana and Upanandana took them to their dwelling and) said: “Look! ... (r6) ...” (In the dwelling,
they saw?) rows of .., rows of (figures of) beasts, rows of Makara (figures), rows of (figures of) vines, creepers and of elder
monks. , The ceiling(?) was high, plastered!?), rubbed, polished and very white. ... (vl) ... (Having seen that the legs of the
couches were cut to the approved size and supports were put under the legs, the princes asked: “Why) did you (cut off? ... and)
destroy these legs of the couches?” They, then, replied: “(Leaving aside) the part as long as the Lord allowed, o princes, (we
cut off the legs).” ... (v2) ... (Having heard this matter, other monks) told the Lord (about it). The Lord said: “Call Nandana and
Upanandana (here)!” When they were summoned (and came), the Lord said: “Is it true, (o monks Nandana and Upanandana,
as it is said, that) the Tathagata (set forth the rule that:) (v3) (‘When a monk has a couch or chair made), the legs should be
made measuring eight fingers of the standard measure long, except for the notched part.’; that you(?) indeed(?) cut off the legs,
(leaving aside) the part as long as the Tathagata (allowed), (and then put supports) of the very same length (as the offcuts under
them); (v4) (that, then, on the special auspicious days, namely) the eighth, the fourteenth and the fifteenth (of every fortnight),
people come out to salute the Tathagata’s feet; that the princes of the King of Kosala, then, came out to salute the Tathagata’s
feet; and so on, until (that ...) ?” (v5) (They replied:) “Yes, o Lord!” The Lord said: “From now on, a support is not allowed
either.” Then, the Lord said to the monks: “(Assemble) all the monks who (are staying in the city of) Sravastl!” (v6) (Then,
the Lord) told the monks about this matter, and explained its evil consequences, and also, concerning this case, (... in various
ways?, and then gave?) them (a teaching which was befitting?) and suitable. (Then he said: “I set forth a rule for all monks,
for the sake of the ten sorts of benefits, and so on, until: One who has heard this once, should hear again: ‘When a monk has
a couch or chair made, the legs should be made measuring eight fingers of the standard measure long, except for the notched
part. Should he have it made in excess of that, there is a pacattika requiring cutting down.’”)
Translation of the Manuscript Written in Gilgit/Bamiyan Type P
(If [a monk recites:] “Consciousness through the eye is impermanent,” [and one who is not ordained then] starts simultaneous-
ly, stops simultaneously, recites without pausing, repeats, recites after [the monk], “Consciousness through the eye is imperma-
nent,” and the monk) (3rl) continues (?) (without stopping [him]), the monk commits a pacattika offence.
Likewise, (if a monk recites) “Consciousness through the ear,” “Consciousness through the nose,” “Consciousness
through the tongue,” “Consciousness through the body,” “Consciousness through the mind is impermanent,” (and one who is
not ordained then) starts simultaneously, stops simultaneously, recites without pausing, (r2) repeats, recites after (the monk),
“Consciousness through the mind is impermanent,” (and the monk) continues (?) without stopping (him), the monk commits a
pacattika offence.
(If a monk recites) “Contact by the eye is impermanent,” (and one who is not ordained then) starts simultaneously,
stops simultaneously, recites without pausing, repeats, recites after (the monk), “Contact by the eye is impermanent,” (r3) (and
the monk) continues (?) without stopping (him), the monk commits a pacattika offence.
Likewise, (if a monk recites) “Contact by the ear,” “Contact by the nose,” “Contact by the tongue,” “Contact by the
body,” “Contact by the mind is impermanent,” (and one who is not ordained then) starts simultaneously, stops simultaneously,
(r4) recites without pausing, repeats, recites after (the monk), “Contact by the mind is impermanent,” (and the monk) continues
(?) without stopping (him), the monk commits a pacattika offence.
(If a monk recites) “The feeling born of contact by the eye is impermanent,” (and one who is not ordained then) starts
simultaneously, (r5) stops simultaneously, recites without pausing, repeats, recites after (the monk), “The feeling born of con-
tact by the eye is impermanent,” (and the monk) continues (?) without stopping (him), the monk commits a pacattika offence.
Likewise, (if a monk recites) “The feeling born of contact by the ear is impermanent,” “The feeling born of contact
by the nose is impermanent,” “The feeling born of contact by the tongue is (vl) impermanent,” “The feeling born of contact by
the body is impermanent,” “The feeling born of contact by the mind is impermanent,” (and one who is not ordained then) starts
simultaneously, stops simultaneously, recites without pausing, repeats, recites after (the monk), “The feeling born of contact by
the mind is impermanent,” (v2) (and the monk) continues!?) without stopping (him), the monk commits a pacattika offence.
(If a monk recites) “Visible objects are impermanent,” (and one who is not ordained then) starts simultaneously, stops
simultaneously, recites without pausing, repeats, recites after (the monk), “Visible objects are impermanent,” (and the monk)
continues (?) without stopping (him), the monk (v3) commits a pacattika offence.
(Likewise, if a monk recites) “Sounds are impermanent,” “Smells are impermanent,” “Flavours are impermanent,”
“Contacts are impermanent,” “Mental phenomena are impermanent,” (and one who is not ordained then) starts simultaneously,
stops simultaneously, recites without pausing, repeats, (v4) recites after (the monk), “Mental phenomena are impermanent,”
(and the monk) continues (?) without stopping (him), the monk commits a pacattika offence.
(If a monk recites) “Perceptions of visible objects are impermanent,” (and one who is not ordained then) starts simul-
taneously, stops simultaneously, recites without pausing, repeats, recites after (the monk), “Perceptions of visible objects are
impermanent,” (v5) (and the monk) continues (?) without stopping (him), the monk commits a pacattika offence.
(Likewise, if a monk recites) “Perceptions of sounds,” “Perceptions of smells,” “Perceptions of flavours,” “Percep-
tions of contacts,” “Perceptions of mental phenomena are impermanent,” (and one who is not ordained then) starts simultane-
2 BMSC vol. II, 218-219, 223-225, and vol. I, 236-239.
35
Vinaya
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Folio 3 (136), verso
ously, (stops) simultaneously, (recites without pausing, repeats, recites after [the monk]), “Perceptions of mental phenomena are
impermanent”; ([and the monk] continues (?) without stopping [him], the monk commits a pacattika offence.) ...
... (If a monk ...) (4rl) says, “I have attained and realised ... ,” and it is true, he commits a pacattika olfence.
If a certain monk, in regard to himself, concerning himself, says, “...,” (he commits a transgression) of the Vinaya
rules which can be redressed by self-restraint.
If (he) says, “ ...,” (r2) he commits a transgression of the Vinaya rules which can be redressed by confession.
If (he says), “I have attained and realised concentrations and the fruit of (these) concentrations,” (and it is true, he
commits a pacattika olfence.)
Likewise, these dharmas which one who is concentrated in his mind, ... (?)
(If a certain monk, in regard to himself, concerning himself,) (r3) says, “ ... One ought to rely on these dharmas.
These dharmas have been attained and realised,” he commits a transgression of the Vinaya rules which can be redressed by
self-restraint.
(If he) says, “ ... have been attained and realised,” (he commits a transgression of the Vinaya rules which can be
redressed) by confession.
(If he ...) says, “(I have attained) (r4) and realised ...,” and it is true, he commits a pacattika offence.
If a certain monk, (in regard to) himself, concerning himself, says, he (commits a transgression) of the Vinaya
rules which can be redressed by self-restraint.
(If he ...,) (r5) he commits a transgression of the Vinaya rules which can be redressed by confession.
If (he says), “I have attained (and realised) tranquillity and insight,” (and it is true, he commits a pacattika offence.)
If (a monk), in regard to himself, concerning himself, says, “ ..., (vl) mental concentration, knowledge, and release,”
he commits a transgression of the Vinaya rules which can be redressed by self-restraint.
(If he says, he commits a transgression of the Vinaya rules which can be redressed by confession.
If he says, “I have attained and realised ...,” and it is true,) (v2) he commits (a pacattika olfence.)
If a certain monk, in regard to himself, concerning himself, (says:) “The three kinds of knowledge, the three states,
the three kinds of concentrations are thus,” he commits a transgression of the Vinaya rules which can be redressed (by self-
restraint.)
(If he says, “...,”) (v3) he commits a transgression of the Vinaya rules (which can be redressed by confession).
If he (says), “I have attained and realised the three kinds of concentrations,” and it is true, he commits a pacattika of-
fence.
(If a certain monk), in regard to himself, concerning himself, (says, “ ...”), (v4) he commits a transgression of the
Vinaya rules (which can be redressed by self-restraint).
If he says, “The four applications of mindfulness of mine,” he commits a transgression of the Vinaya rules which can
be redressed by confession.
If he says, “I have attained and realised ...,” (and it is true, he commits a pacattika offence.)
Pratimoksa-Vibhanga
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(If a certain monk), (v5) in regard to himself, concerning himself, (says:) “The four right exertions, the four bases
of transcendental knowledge, the four concentrations, the four ..., (the four) practices, the four kinds of logical analysis ... are
thus,” ...
(5rl) ... (The elder monks were graceful in deportment) in carrying (their cloaks, bowls and) robes. Their sense facul-
ties were turned inwards; their minds were not turned outwards. They stood as one who had attained the essential rightness.
Having accomplished their task, they were like elephants. When they entered (a village), they were graceful . . .
(r2) ... They came out (of the village) with bowls, filled with (much steaming boiled rice, from which all the black
specks had been removed, served with) various sauces, flavours and seasonings. Then the group of six venerable (monks) said
(to Dravya ): “Honoured sir, it is laid down by the Lord that acquisition of almsfood should be equal . . .
(r3) ... libhdvetill Now, is this (almsfood) and that one equal?”
The elder monks said: “You, venerable (monks) of the group of six (monks), entered (the village) thus too early!”
Then, at another (time), they (went to the village.) ...
(r4) . . Look! Look at the ox! Look at the ram! Look at the goat! Look at the owl!”. They waited for the closing of
the proper time. The women thought: “Perhaps there was (an offered meal) at Je(tavana) . . .
(r5) ... After having served (their husband[s?] and children) with food, (the women) themselves ate and sat down.
Now, they (i.e. the monks) entered the village) at the (very closing) of the proper time and said: “How are you? Give us a meal,
upasikasV ’ Then they (replied): “...
(r6) ... (We thought: ‘Perhaps at Jetavana there was an offered) meal. For that very reason, these honourable ones of
the group of six (monks) do not come.’ We served (our) husband[s?] and children with food and we ourselves ate. Then . . .
(vl) ... Then they gave (the monks) what (they) had cooked for the servants, slaves and labourers. (The monks) were
given whatever (the women had cooked) and were obliged to go away. Then they ran out in all haste. Jetavana . . .
(v2) ... (The elder monks were graceful in deportment) in advancing and in coming back, in looking forwards and
looking around, in extending and withdrawing their arms, in carrying their cloaks, bowls and robes. Their sense faculties were
turned inwards; (their minds) were not turned outwards.
(v3) (... were graceful), making the hearts of gods and men devoted to (them). Then they (came out of the village)
with bowls, filled with much steaming boiled rice, from which all the black specks had been removed, served with various
sauces, flavours and seasonings.
(v4) ... (We) ... entered (the village) at midday. Now, is this (almsfood) and that one equal?”
Then the elder monks said: “You entered (the village) thus very late at midday.” Then they said: “Did not ... ?”
(v5) ... It is laid down (by the Lord that acquisition of almsfood should be equal ...) It seems that the venerable Dra-
vya Mallaputra like an enemy by birth, causes almsfood to be acquired unequally. The venerable Dravya Mallaputra (told) this
matter (to the Lord).
(v6) ... The Buddha said: “Is it true, monks of the group of six (monks), that Dravya Mallaputra was chosen (as an
allocator of meals, lodgings, etc.) nine times by consent of the Samgha ...?”
37
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schdyen Collection vol. II, 229-237 and vol. Ill, 177-187
Editor: Jin-il Chung
Material: Palm leaf and Birch bark
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiydn Type I
Date: ca. 6th century A.D.
Language: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
i <r 3?
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38
Kctrmavacana
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K annavacana are texts containing formulae for official
acts in the Buddhist order, such as for example ordina-
tion.
Background
Various fragments preserve parts of different karmavdcana collec-
tions, i.e. texts containing formulae for official acts in the Buddhist
order. They deal with such matters as ordination, confession, instruct-
ing others in the dharma , and acts to be carried out when a monk has
passed away. Some fragments show some indications of belonging to
a karmavdcana for nuns. There are also indications in some that they
belong to a sub-branch of the Mahasamghika school.
The Manuscript
The 17 fragments belong to two, or perhaps three, manuscripts, one
or two made from palm leaf and one made from birch bark. They are
all written in Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I. No date has been suggested by
the editor, but a probable date can be set to about the sixth century
A.D., the approximate period for the use of this script. The first four
folios are concerned with the upasampada ceremony, the ritual of
ordination. They contain parts relating to six out of the ten steps of
the procedure, namely (3 ) instruction regarding the obstructive condi-
tions ( antarayika-dharma ), (4) consent of the order to the appear-
ance of the ordinand ( upasampadya ), (5) equipment of the ordinand
with alms-bowl and robes ( patra-civara ), (6) request of ordination
by the ordinand ( upasampada ), (7) questioning of the obstructive
conditions, and (9) granting of ordination. The other folios contain
official acts in relation to visuddhiposatha (declaration of one’s own
purity on posatha day), kathinastara (ritual spreading of the kathina
robe), manatva (practice of humility because of grave offences),
ovadopasamkramana (going over towards nuns to instruct them),
dhvaycma (rehabilitation), and mrtapariskara (personal belongings of
a dead monk).
Vinaya
Transliteration, folio 55, recto
1 yenopadhya[y], + samghamadhyam upasamkkrameya upa .. + + H
2 madhyam ksamate tam samghasya yasma tusnT evam etad dhara 4
3 rvesam pada[bh]ivanditavya yava[n] n. + .. [O] ..m + + + + + + +
4 nislditavyam tata smarayitva patraclva .. + + + + + ,[y], vandamy
5 gam idam antarvvasam idam trclvaram adh[i] . [th]. + + [m]e trcl\
40
Karmavacana
- + + + + + + + [lo] dha.[ma]pryenopadhyayena [s].[m] + +
- + + + + + + + + v[y]o tenagacchitva vrddhantato pra + + +
+ + + + + + .. [ant]o hastapasasya utku + +
ary [as], gha. [a] + + + [l]o idam me clvaram idam me uttarasam
'arena [a] + + + + + evam dvir api evam trr api || va
Vinaya
On the Qualifications of a Vinayadhara
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schdyen Collection vol. Ill, 189-193
Editors: Shizuka Sasaki and Nobuyuki Yamagiwa
Material: Palm leaf
Script: North Western Gupta Brdhmi
Date: 5th century A.D.
Language: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
' <rN :
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T his unidentified manuscript contains a description of the
fourteen qualities of a Vinayadhara , as well as a praise
of Upali as the foremost vinaya-expert. Some parallels have
been found in various other texts.
Background
A Vinayadhara is a monk who is learned in the vinaya. The most
famous Vinayadhara we find in the Buddhist literature is Upali, a for-
mer barber of “low birth”, who became one of the Buddha’s ten chief
disciples. Upali figures in the present fragment, as he frequently does,
as the foremost example of a Vinayadhara (except for the Buddha
himself). Descriptions of the qualities of the Vinayadhara are also
frequent in the literature, but the descriptions together with a state-
ment making Upali someone who possesses these qualities are only
found in three places in the Chinese Mahasamghika Vinaya, and in
only one of these are the 14 conditions enumerated (T 22, 429a). We
would expect then to have found a parallel to our fragment. However,
the second part of the fragment does not fit with this text, but is found
to be parallel with other texts in the Pali canon. A definite identifica-
tion of the fragment can therefore not be made at present.
The Manuscript
The fragment is made of palm leaf and preserves the major part of a
folio with the enumeration 80. It is written in North Western Gupta
Brahmi dating approximately to the fifth century A.D.
On the Qualifications of a Vinayadhara
Transliteration, folio 80, recto
1 m. tth. tvam[i]ti prajanati .. m. hi caturddasahi amgehi samamnvagato vinaya[dh]aro bhoti • agro
sarvvavinayadharanam sthapa[yi](tva tathagate)
2 na arhata sammyaksambuddhena: imehi ca bhiksave caturddasahi amgehi sama(mn)vagatam upalim
ttheram dharetha agram sarvvavinayadharanam sthapa
3 yitva tathagatena O arhata sammyaksambuddhena upali hi bhiksa[v]e tthero apattim janati • anapattim
janati • garu[ka]m .. + +
4 + + + + + + + 0 channam janati • acchannam janati • uttanlkrta[m] janati • anuttanlkrtam janati •
vyotthitam ja[n](at)i .. + +
5 + + + + + + + + + + + .. caturnnam ddhyananam vistarena divyena pi [cak](su) + + .i . [e] + + (t)i(kra)
ntamanusyakena vi[s](tarena) + +
verso
1+ + + + + + + + + + + nusmarati vistarena asravanam pi ksa[y](au) [an](as)r. + + + + + + + ..
jnavimukti[m] drste ’va dha[r]m[e] + + + +
2 + + + + + + + + 0 sampadya viharati kslna se jati usitam brahmacaryyam krtam karanlyam naparam
itthataye [t]i + + + +
3 imehi bhiksave catu O rddasahi amgehi samamnvagatam upalim vinayadharam dharetha : 0
sthapayitva tathagatena arhata samm(yaksambu)
4 ddhena • s pamcahi amgehi samamnvagato vinayadharo bhoti : katamehi [pajmcahi 0
pratimoksasamvarasamvrto viharati • aca[ra]goca
5 r(a)sammpanno • anumat[t]rehi vaj[j]ehi bhayadarsavi • samaday[a sjiksam siksati siksapadehi
kayakarmma[va](kka)r(mma) .. .o
Translation 1
(rl) He knows it is so ... Possessed of these fourteen qualities he is a Vinayadhara , the foremost among Vinayadharas except
for the Tathagata, (r2) Arhat, and Samyaksambuddha. Indeed, Monks, you should consider the Elder Upali who is possessed of
these fourteen qualities as the foremost of all Vinayadharas except for (r3) the Tathagata, Arhat, and Samyaksambuddha. Elder
Upali, Monks, knows what is an offence, knows what is not an offence, (knows what is) a serious offence, (r4) (knows what is a
slight offence,) knows concealment, knows non-concealment, knows confessing, knows non-confessing, knows rehabilitation,
(r5) (knows non-rehabilitation, ... ) of the four dliyanas, read in full, the divine vision which excels the human, read in full, (vl )
... bears in mind, read in full, ... the destruction of the cankers ... here and now the freedom (v2) ... enters and abides therein.
Destroyed is his birth, lived in the Brahma-faring, done is what was to be done, there is no more of being such and such. (v3)
Indeed, Monks, you should consider the Elder Upali who is possessed of these fourteen qualities as the foremost of all Vinay-
adharas except for the Tathagata, Arhat, and Samyaksambuddha. (v4) Possessed of five qualities he is a Vinayadhara. What are
the five qualities? He lives controlled by the moral control under the Prdtimoksa, he is possessed of right conduct and resort,
(v5) he sees danger even in the slightest faults, he trains himself by undertaking the precepts of training, conduct of body and
conduct of speech ...
1 BMSC vol. IU, 190.
43
m /
Abhidharma
Commentary
Abhidharma
Sariputra-Abhidharma
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schbyen Collection vol. II, 239-248
Editor: Kazunobu Matsuda
Material: Palm leaf
Script: Kusana Brahmi
Date: 3rd-4th century A.D.
Language: Sanskrit
'-Tv |
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is * *»fAi - ^ *-tv , „ v. * ^0
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" Jv r. Z^7~?
B«k
L
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ie* r
«x =r ^ - * r-
Sariputra-Abhidharma
T his manuscript exhibits clear parallels with the Chi-
nese Sariputra-Abhidharma. It presents a list of the ten
anusayas, propensities that bind one to the three types of
existence.
Background
Several manuscripts in the collection are clearly of the abhidharma
category, i.e. systematic representation of the contents of the sutras.
These have however been difficult to identify, in part because of the
fact that most abhidharma material in Chinese translation belong
exclusively to the Sarvastivada school. The material also ostensibly
predate the Chinese translations, making it unlikely that any of the
texts would correspond to those translated into Chinese. The present
manuscript has however been found to exhibit clear parallels with the
Chinese Sariputra-Abhidharma (T 28, 690c3-691a4).
The Manuscript
Nine fragments preserve parts of seven folios that probably belong
to the same palm leaf manuscript. The second folio is numbered 160,
which means that this is a text considerably longer than the Chinese
Sariputra-Abhidharma. The script is Kusana Brahmi, and it probably
dates to around the end of the third and the beginning of the fourth
century A.D.
The manuscript presents a list of the ten anusayas, propen-
sities that bind one to the three types of existence, kamadhatu (desire-
realm), rupadhatu (form-realm), and arupadhatu (formless-realm).
The Sariputra-Abhidharma presents a similar list, but refers to them
as samyojana (fetters). The two texts are also different in other re-
spects. They might possibly have the same origin, but be two versions
belonging to different sects, the Chinese being a Dharmaguptaka text,
while the sectarian affiliation of the present manuscript is uncertain.
If all the fragments here presented do indeed occur in the context
of the presentation of the anusayas, this would mean that this is a
unique list: (1) drsti, (2) vicikitsa, (3) sTlavratardga, (4) kdmaraga, (5)
pratigha, (6) ruparaga, (7) avidya, (8) bhavardga, (9) danaraga, and
(10) mana.
Translation of a Possible Chinese Parallel 1
Of the ten samyojana, how many belong to the kamadhatu, how many belong to the rupadhatu, and how many belong to the
arupyadhatu? Two of them belong to the kamadhatu, one of them belongs to the rupadhatu, and one of them belongs to the
arupyadhatu. One of them is divided into two, belonging to both the kamadhatu and the rupadhatu. Five of them are di-
vided into three, belonging to both the kamadhatu, the rupadhatu, and the arupyadhatu. What are the two that belong to the
kamadhatu? Kamaraga and pratigha belong to the kamadhatu. What is the one that belongs to the rupadhatu? Ruparaga belongs
to the rupadhatu. What is the one that belongs to the arupyadhatu? Arupyaraga belongs to the arupyadhatu. What is the one di-
vided into two, belonging to both the kamadhatu and the rupadhatu? Silavrataraga is the one divided into two, belonging to both
the kamadhatu and the rupadhatu. What are the five that are divided into three, belonging to both the kamadhatu, the rupadhatu,
and the arupyadhatu? Drsti, vicikitsa, avidya, mana, and auddhatya are the five that are divided into three, belonging to both the
t
BMSC vol. II, 242-244; bold marks correspondence between fragments and Chinese parallel; italics marks divergence.
Abhidharma
Transliteration, folio 160, recto
1 tupa .yy. panna k[a] + [ar], pyadha[tupar]yy. [pa] + + + + /// +
2 sllavratarago kamarago pratigham avidya .. + + + + /// + ryyaf
3 tuparyyapanna <> drsti vicikitsa bhavarago a[vid]y. .. .. /// + an
4 hatav[y]a pancanam bhamgo dvikotlko siyanti + + r.. .. /// [ta]i
kamadhatu, the rupadhatu, and the arupyadhatu.
How many of the ten samyojana belong to the kcimadhatul Eight (asta) excluding ruparaga and arupyaraga. How
many of the ten samyojana belong to (paryapanna) the rupadhatu? Seven excluding kamaraga, pratigha, and arupyaraga. How
many of the ten samyojana belong to the arupyadhatu? Six, namely drsti, vicikitsa, arupyaraga, avidya, mana, and auddhatya.
Of the samyojana that belong to the kamadhatu, how many (kati) are darsanaprahatavya, how many are
bhavanaprahatavya? Three of them are darsanaprahatavya. Five of them (panca) are divided into two (bhamgo dvikotlko),
being both darsanaprahatavya and bhavanaprahatavya. Which are (katare) the three (traya) that are darsanaprahatavya?
Drsti, vicikitsa and sllavrataraga are the three that are darsanaprahatavya. Which are the five (panca) that are divided into
two, being both darsanaprahatavya and bhavanaprahatavya? Kamaraga, pratigha, avidya, mana, and auddhatya are the five
that are divided into two, being both darsanaprahatavya and bhavanaprahatavya.
Of the eight (asta) samyojana that belong to the kamadhatu (kamadhatuparyapanna), how many of them are
darsanaprahatavya? All of them are darsanaprahatavya. How many of them are bhavanaprahatavya? Excluding drsti, vicikitsa,
and sllavrataraga, five of them (panca) are bhavanaprahatavya.
Of the seven (sapta) samyojana that belong to the rupadhatu (rupadhatuparyapanna), how many of them are
darsanaprahatavya, how many of them are bhavanaprahatavya? Three of them are darsanaprahatavya. Four of them (cature) are
48
Sariputra-Abhidharma
[ajropyadhatuparyyapanna 0 katare asta kamadhatupary[y]a III
tanna 0 kamaraga pratigham bha[varaga]m [ca] .. + .. Ill
usayanam kati darsanaprahatavya 0 .. + + + + + ///
re traya darsanaprahatavya drsti da .. + + + + + ///
divided into two, being both darsanaprahatavya and bhavanaprahatavya. Which are the three that are darsanaprahatavya? The
three that are darsanaprahatavya are drsti, vicikitsa, and sllavratarago. Which are the four that are divided into two, being
both darsanaprahatavya and bhavanaprahatavya? Ruparaga, avidya, mana, and auddhatya are the four that are divided into two,
being both darsanaprahatavya and bhavanaprahatavya.
Of the seven samyojana that belong to the rupadhatu, how many of them are darsanaprahatavya? All of them are
darsanaprahatavya. How many of them are bhavanaprahatavya? Excluding drsti, vicikitsa, and sllavrataraga, four of them are
bhavanaprahatavya.
Of the six samyojana that belong to the arupyadhatu, how many of them are darsanaprahatavya, how many are
bhavanaprahatavya? Two of them are darsanaprahatavya. Four of them are divided into two, being both darsanaprahatavya and
bhavanaprahatavya. Which are the two that are darsanaprahatavya? The two that are darsanaprahatavya are drsti and vicikitsa.
Which are the four that are divided into two, being both darsanaprahatavya and bhavanaprahatavya? Arupyaraga, avidya, mana,
and auddhatya are the four that are divided into two, being both darsanaprahatavya and bhavanaprahatavya.
Of the six samyojana that belong to the arupyadhatu, how many of them are darsanaprahatavya? All of them are
darsanaprahatavya. How many of them are bhavanaprahatavya? Four of them are bhavanaprahatavya, namely arupyaraga,
avidya, mana, and auddhatya.
■'. 4 , '
Abhidharma
gj 1 *' fir ,
iViyiif
A Commentary on the Mahasamajasutra
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Sch0yen Collection vol. Ill, 195-206
Editors: Siglinde Dietz, Olle Qvamstrom and Peter Skilling
Material: Palm leaf
Script: Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I
Date: 6th century A.D.
Language: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
T he manuscript comments on an unknown version of the
Mahasamajasutra, a text in which the Buddha returns to
his ancestral city. Any parallel commentaries have not been
identified.
Background
The Mahasamajasutra is one of the most ancient and popular of early
Buddhist texts. It recounts the event when the Buddha returns to his
ancestral city to manifest the Great Assembly ( mahasamaja ), just as
previous Buddhas had done, to display happiness and sovereignty
surpassing that of a cakravartin, and to display gratitude. The gods of
the age flock en masse to pay homage to the Buddha and the Saiigha,
after which they witness an unsuccessful assault by Mara and his
army. The text is found in the Long Collections (DIghanikaya and
DTrghagma), and is to this day recited as a text for protection (paritta )
in the Theravada Samgha.
The Manuscript
The fragment is part of an unknown commentary on the Mahdsamd-
jasutra , as no parallel texts can be located. The fragment opens
with some verses of a recension of the sutra itself, whereupon some
didactic questions about the text are posed: “Why are there precisely
five hundred arhats, no more no less?”, “Why did it occur to [the
Brahmakayika gods], ‘This Blessed One [is staying] in Kapilavastu of
the Sakyas’?”, etc. These are then seemingly answered.
The preserved manuscript is a single fragment made of
palm leaf. It is written in Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I, and compared with
other manuscripts written in this script it can perhaps be dated to the
sixth century A.D. The language is Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit. It ap-
pears that the leaf has been re-used, and that the first three lines of the
verso are written over an erased text.
50
A Commentary on the Mahasamajasutra
Translation 1
(rl) ... travelled (?) ... up to:
Let us listen to what happened.
The Abrha gods have come
So also the Atapas have arrived
The Sudrsas and Sudarsanas as well
And the Akanisthas have arrived.
They filled the six directions
One ...
(r2) ... Rejoicing they approached
The gathering of monks in the forest.
Indeed, let us see the Sambuddha
Pure like the sun in the sky.
The Hero is expounding the Dharma,
Let us listen to what happened.
Mara approached these.
(r3) ... The Teacher announced
To the Auditors devoted to his teaching:
“Mara’s forces have come-
Of these be well aware, O monks.”
Those monks were energetic
Those sons of the Victorious One
They all have attained (a state, in which they cannot) be agitated.
(r4) ... although (the Blessed One) was liberated from the noose of suffering, affection, attachment, and aversion, in the an-
cestral city (he) experienced the splendour of the Great Assembly in full. Why “exactly five hundred arhats,” no more and no
less? “Ten” ... (r5) ... these “Brahmakayika” [gods]. Why did it “occur to them, ‘This Blessed One [is staying] in the Sakyan’s
Kapilavastu’", etc.? Why did “each of them praise [the Blessed One] in verse”? In order to announce the glory of the Great As-
sembly. Who ...? (r6) ... they are bound to the “control of the sense-faculties.” They are constantly dwelling (in this state) (scil.
indriyagupti). Herein the reason should be given: “Having broken,” the kila etc. should be mentioned. How “tamed”? What is
the meaning of “young elephants”? Why the name(s) of the god(s) ... ? (r7) Indra, the Moon, Dhanada, Vyada, Asuras, the Sun,
the planets ( grahas ), with devotion, thirsting for the gift of the taste of Dharma, gave up their desired pleasures. Where the
gods etc. dwelling in the ten world systems have arrived, this I shall tell, (v 1) ... the fruitfulness of his vow and of [his] exertion
for the sake of the purification of [his] mother ... the Blessed One, in the ancestral city, experienced the perfection of the Great
Assembly. How? It is said: When he was a Bodhisattva [he saw the four sights:] an aged person, a sick person, a corpse [and an
ascetic] ... (v2) ... by him, who felt disgust generated by the notion of a charnel-ground when gazing upon [the sleeping harem],
who was accompanied by a single attendant and single horse, who felt the glorious rising of the going forth, which was effected
by the retinue of deities. Not long after he had left the city, the city gods ordained ... (v3) ... in order to establish ( niydtand °) the
resolve (of a bodhisattva) the so-called display of the Great Assembly may take place in the ancestral city. This is the occur-
rence-or alternatively, when the bodhisattva was born, having heard from Asita such interpretations (of the signs): “He will be
a Cakravartin King or (a Buddha?).” (v4) ... They, owing to the Bodhisattva’s departure their aspirations were unfulfilled, and
as if mounted on steeds with impaired eyesight, they set out on the wrong road and became sunk in despair and grief-stricken.
(v5) ... Thus showing them happiness and sovereignty far surpassing that of a Cakravartin, the Blessed One removed that
anxiety through the display of the Great Assembly ... [showing that this was no| inferior sovereignty ... (v6) ... (in the ances-
tral city) displayed the Great Assembly. As a result of the Bodhisattva’s departure Sakyavardhana and other local deities of
Kapilapura were reproached by the Sakyas [saying] ‘What is the point of worshipping them, by whom the prince ...?’ (v7) ... in
the ancestral city displayed the Great Assembly. It was customary for former Buddhas as well to display the Great Assembly in
their ancestral city in order to show gratitude, or (in order to) ... the residents of the ancestral city ...
1
BMSC vol. Ill, 201-206.
Abhidharma
Fragments of an Early Commentary
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schdyen Collection voi. II, 249-254
Editors: Lambert Schmithausen, Jens Braarvig and Lore Sander
Material: Palm leaf
Script: Kusana Brdhmi
Date: 2nd century A.D.
Language: Sanskrit
52
Fragmen ts of an Early Commentary
£ ■
-v r'_T*
wTji *(
T he manuscript comments on various partly identified
sutra sections, but only the Lavanapalopama(-sutra ) has
been identified with certainty. The manuscript was probably
written sometime in the second century A.D.
Background
No parallel to this commentary has been found, and it has been very
difficult to identify the sections upon which it comments. Some refer-
ences have however been identified with certainty, and for one section
the interpretation is also fairly certain. This is a comment on
the Lavanapalopama(-sutra), “The (Sermon of the) Simile of
the Ounce of Salt”, preserved in the Chinese Madhyagama
(T 26, 433al4-17), and corresponding to a section in the Pali
Anguttaranikaya (AN III 99). In this section the Buddha discusses
karmic maturation in relation to place ( desa ), time ( kata ), and
state ( avastha ). Another reference is to an instance, also in the
Anguttaranikaya (AN IV 173), where the Brahmin Veranja reproach-
es the Buddha for not greeting old Brahmins and ascetics respectfully.
Some other topics are also discussed, for instance the two types of
gifts, worldly and religious, and the qualities of these.
The Manuscript
The manuscript consists of five fragments belonging to five different
folios. The material is palm leaf, and the script is a Brahmi dating
to the Kusana period, a characteristic of which is the square form of
the characters. The manuscript was probably written during the time
of the Kusana kings Kaniska or Huviska, sometime in the second
century A.D. The language is Sanskrit.
53
Abhidharma
O
V
^<a\a-7
V <3S^ IT £^ TO J
O i2 ^ ^ \ -|\ *-*
v* v-j-f-f^ gA^R' '
iA
Transliteration, folio 1, verso
1 HI .. yatha yatheti yena samudraparvvatanavanagarajanapadadisu dese
2 III ry[y]avakaso na bhavati 0 taddesagamanavigamad iti • kala iti • ye
3 /// + + + .i evam sati brahmacaryyavaso na prajnayati tatkalapratiksan
4 /// + + + + va[ranr]pacamdalabrahmanaksat[r]iyavaisyasudrastrlpurus
Translation'
The ‘[Sermon of the] Simile of the Ounce of Salt’: “If, o monks, somebody should say thus: ‘However one performs a [kar-
mic] action, in just the same way one experiences it[s result],’ then no practising of religious life would be possible, [and
hence] there would be no chance for making an end to suffering.” ‘However (yatha yatha)’: [1. Place:] If by somebody a certain
action — a wholesome one or an unwholesome one — was performed at [a certain place as,] e.g., the ocean, a mountain, a forest
(?), a town or a region, he would [according to that theory have to] experience [its result] in precisely these places; in this case,
1 BMSC vol. II, 253; a translation of the comment on the Sermon of the Simile of the Ounce of Salt found in folio lrz-v4.
54
Fragments of an Early Commentary
:su yad yat karmam krta[m] kusalam akusalam va 0 sa tesv eva desesu
:na hemantagrsme varsa ratrabalavrddhayuvakale karmmam
aviniyamad iti • avasthad iti yena devabhDtena
avipurusavasthe m + .. + + bhuta eva p[ra]ti
there would be no chance for religious life, because he would necessarily have to go to that place. [2.] Time: If by somebody
[a certain] action was performed at [a certain] time [as, e.g.,] in winter, in the hot season or in the rainy season, <in daytime
or (?)> at night, when he was a child, an adult or a youth, he would [have to] experience [its result] at precisely that time; in
this case, there would be no religious life, because he would necessarily have to wait for the [corresponding] time. [3.] State: If
by somebody a certain action was performed [in a certain state, e.g.,] as a god or a human being, ... in the state of a ... king or
outcaste, brahmin, ksatriya, vaisya or sudra, woman, man or eunuch (?), he would [have to] experience [its result] in precisely
the same [state]; in this case, there would be no chance to practise religious life, ...
55
Avadana
Legendary Accounts
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schdyen Collection vol. I, 219-231
Editor: Klaus Wille
Material: Palm leaf
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiyan Type I
Date: 6th century A.D.
Language: Sanskrit
^**•23*
-'^5F'9r»r'8 y< ;w r
» iSl?-* 1 * 41 ~ U *
rwr®*9g\
‘Kr
■8 J .y*
; ! ;a * -
r*9 *. ■
v* £*> T * W» £ S <* r * »**•
^ wy * (?^*n ,, ;^s ,w «(ir
58
The Asoka Legend
> v y S 4f '• h- rV'w ^
<mSw
«*jc-
. _<Cr fWcVJgQ-Z/F < "'V
f »*«•
!(•■!*» ¥
ftgJk***"*?
t^VV'K'
)«« *^>-
frJUfdfywsyj
-*. w r ^fcy>» v
T he fragments preserve parts of various manuscripts relat-
ing to Asoka, the legendary ancient king who united India
and converted to Buddhism.
Background
Asoka (304-232 B.C.) has a place of special importance within most
Buddhist traditions. He is seen as the preeminent example of the ideal
ruler, and played a significant role in the transformation of Buddhism
from a local movement to a world religion. The legends relating to
his accomplishments are preserved in the Divyavadana, a collection
of avadanas (“achievements”) preserved in Sanskrit (Cowell and
Neil, 1886), as well as in translations of this and other collections in
Chinese and Tibetan.
The Manuscripts
The fragments (47 in total) of these manuscripts in the Schpyen
collection preserve sections parallel to those found in the four
avadanas related to Asoka in the Sanskrit Divyavadana collec-
tion: Pamsupradanavadana (fragments 1 and 2), Kunalavadana
(fragments 6-8), VTtasokavaddna (fragments 4 and 5, and part
of 3), and the Asokdvaddna (fragment 9). In addition parallels
can be found in the Chinese *Asokardjdvaddna (T 2042) and
*Asokardjdsutra (T 2043) (fragments 10 and 1 1), and in the Tibetan
Asokamukhandgavinayapariccheda (fragment 18; cf. Mette, 1985), the
last being a fragment that belongs to a different manuscript. Six frag-
ments (12-17) belong to the Asoka legend, but could not be identified.
The remaining 30 fragments have no relation to Asoka, but may pos-
sibly represent parts of a larger collection of avadanas.
The manuscripts are written in a tiny delicate upright
script on very small palm leaves, only 3.5 cm in height. The script is
Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I of an ornate character, and can be dated ap-
proximately to the sixth century A.D.
******
*****
'““ ■ ^sST
-£ 1 ^*
i; »»^y'^ I y(T¥T%
*$T,§^jp>ir'3frn.5J>B* W!
iHB
Transliteration, folio 18 ( Asokamukhanagavinayapariccheda ), recto
1 III sruyate varsasata[parinir]vrte bha O gavati buddhe • pataliputre [nagare] .. [a]
2 III (an)purvvena mahasamudram a[nu]pra O pta . manika[naka]ra[jatava]jravaidu
3 III (a)[nu]purvena patallputram na[ga] O [ra]m anupraptah rajiia asokena srutam * 1 2 3 4 5
4 III (a)[t]rptapurvam hi jagat sa[d]indri O yaih || ta[s]ya la[bha]he[t]or buddhir utpt
5 III ]man]ojna[v]idhupita<h> puskiri O nya . himasalilasampurnah sphatika[v]alik
60
The Asoka Legend
' - v -
■K* ?> %-$■ &C-* .
r>. ■/ f '■$ ' «? « -T ,? ^va&v;
3*7 4^* •W’l Cy” ^ -T y^V'. J
rr ~*&r$&$s+rif.v£>#*.'rzt-a
l r T ' 9 t V*
%«d?*Yr-. I §•'[*$*' * ' :ffr ! 'f- - Sr- r< ^ir, ', .-: ;■
T$ - r-‘tp- tffevi'f f y ri ff&f4r§rz
.. ko nama raja babhuva • caturbhagacakkravartl tena dha[na]hetoh pa[mca] + + III
ryasa[m]khasilapravadabahuratnapotah samudanltah sa aga[c]ch. + III
v’anijam abhyagamanam tato raja idam uvaca • || trnair hutaso [d] . Ill
mna • arthakarane nisldisyami • prabhutadhanarthaya • tatah [a] + III
a<h> [sadrjsa. utpalapadmaku[muda]pumdarlkasamcchadi[t](a) .. Ill
Avadana
Jyotiskavadana
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schdyen Collection vol. II, 287-302
Editor: Stefan Baums
Material: Birch bark
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiyan Type I
Date: 6th-7th century A. D.
Language: Sanskrit
* v*«r rtc ‘ifXiff
Ja<» a && ■cyu-u *s^tK*/e ui
: r .-.?u *, t'V' , ***#«• fe *«f t.c% W* ‘
*,<*£*> ->0‘C . VZ: \‘-, *-#'' '** i
r «■?#*!« t**. *
j.*r <5 * r *?'
62
Jyotiskavadana
T he manuscript preserves the beginning and end of the
well known Jyotiskavadana, the story of the life of
Jyotiska. It provides several improvements to the previously
published Sanskrit version.
Background
The story of Jyotiska’s miraculous fire birth and further career has
enjoyed great popularity in the Buddhist tradition, as evidenced by
the multitude of literary versions of and references to it, as well as
pictorial representations. The story has come down to us as part
of two collections, the Mulasarvastivada Vinayaksudrakavastu (in
Tibetan, Q de-ne, and Chinese, T 1451) and the Divyavadana (in
Sanskrit, Cowell and Neil, 1886, no. 19), the latter probably extracted
from the former.
In the story we hear of a prophecy the Buddha has made
about the wife of the householder Subhadra, concerning the fact that
she will give birth to a son “who will make the family shine, experi-
ence semi-devine happiness, enter my discipline and through the
abandoning of all impurities realise arhatship.” The only problem is
that she has died and been carried off to the funeral ground. A crowd
gathers to witness the miracle of Jyotiska emerging from his mother’s
womb after she has been cremated. He, indeed, goes on to excel in
worldly affairs, and then becomes a disciple of the Buddha.
The Manuscript
The ten fragments belong to three different folios, numbers 222, 223
and 230, preserving the beginning and end of the story. The material
is birch bark, and the script is Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I, placing it in the
sixth-seventh century A.D. The leaves are approximately 41 cm wide
and 6,2 cm high. The manuscript provides us with several improve-
ments to the Diviyavadana text.
Translation of the Reconstructed Text 1
Two young boys, a brahman boy and a ksatriya boy, went outside Rajagrha and played. Of the two, the ksatriya boy was im-
mersed in the faith, but not so the brahman boy. The brahman boy said to the ksatriya boy: “Friend, the Lord has prophesied
to the wife of the householder Subhadra: ‘She will give birth to a son, he will make the family shine, experience semi-divine
happiness, enter my discipline and through the abandoning of all impurities realise arhatship.’ And she has died, passed away,
and been carried down to the Sltavana funeral ground. But what is said by the Lord may not be false!” The ksatriya boy spoke
a verse:
“The sky with moon and stars may come falling down,
the earth with rock and mountains may rise to the sky,
the water of the great oceans may dry up,
but the great sages would not speak lies.”
The brahman boy said: “Friend, if that is so, let’s go to the Sltavana funeral ground. Let’s go, friend, let’s see.” They set out
together. And the Lord left Rajagrha. The ksatriya boy saw the Lord from far away, and seeing him spoke another verse:
“Since this calm saint free from passion
walks surrounded by a crowd of people
doubtless, crushing the teachers of rival groups,
he will raise the highest roar of the king of the beasts.
Since these restless winds facing the Sltavana
blow forth with the coolness of snow
many heaven-dwellers must be coming forth
to watch the miracle of the Sakya sage.”
King Bimbisara heard: “The Lord has prophesied to the wife of the householder Subhadra: ‘She will give birth to a son, he will
make the family shine, experience semi-divine happiness, enter my discipline and through the abandoning of all impurities
realise arhatship.’ And she has died, passed away, and been carried down to the Sltavana funeral ground. And the Lord with the
community of disciples has set out for the Sltavana funeral ground.” On hearing this the following occurred to him: “The Lord
does not without reason go to the Sltavana funeral ground. Surely the Lord, coming to the wife of the householder Subhadra,
will wish to perform a great act of conversion. Let’s see.” And surrounded by his household of women, the princes and minis-
ters, city and countryside dwellers, he began leaving Rajagrha. The ksatriya boy saw the King of Magadha, Srenya Bimbisara,
from far away, and seeing him spoke another verse:
“Since this Srenya, ruler of Magadha,
has come forth from Rajagrha together with his friends
the certainty arises in my heart:
the uplift of many people is about to happen.”
When the assemblage of people saw the Lord, they made an opening. The Lord entered the middle of the great crowd with a
l
BMSC vol. II, 297-299; the reconstruction is based on the version found in the Divyavadana; the manuscript preserves only the beginning and end of the story..
Folio (222), recto
smile on his face. When the Nirgranthas saw the Lord with a smile on his face, they reflected: “Judging from how the men-
dicant Gautama entered the middle of the great crowd with a smile on his face, surely this being has not passed away.” They
said to the householder Subhadra: “Householder, surely this ill-fated being has not passed away.” He said: “Good man, if that is
so, what is to be done here?” They said: “Householder, we have undertaken vows, you’ll have to find out yourself.” He placed
his wife on the funeral pyre and began burning her. Her whole body was burned except for the area around the womb. Then
this womb burst open, a lotus appeared, and in its upper lotus protuberance there sat a boy, beautiful, handsome, and graceful.
Seeing him many hundreds of thousands of living beings were struck by utter amazement. The Nirgranthas got humbled in
their pride, arrogance, and dignity. Then the Lord addressed the householder Subhadra: “Householder, take the boy!” He began
looking at the Nirgranthas’ faces. They said: “Householder, if you enter this blazing pyre, you will completely and totally cease
to exist.” He did not take him. Then the Lord addressed JTvaka Kumarabhr ya: “Take the boy, JTvaka!” He reflected: “It is a
complete impossibility that the Lord will charge me with the impossible. I’ll take him.” Without hesitation he plunged into the
funeral pyre and took him.
As he plunged into the pyre at the Jina’s command
and took the boy lying in the flames,
from the great power of the Jina the fire
in an instant became cold as snow.
Then the Lord said this to JTvaka Kumarabhrta: “JTvaka, aren’t you hurt or injured?” He said: “I was born in a royal family,
master, and have grown up in a royal family, but do not know such a coolness as that of the funeral pyre controlled by the Lord,
not even of GosTrsa sandal paste.” Then the Lord addressed the householder Subhadra: “Now take the boy, householder!” Af-
flicted by false views, he however did not go near, but it was the Nirgranthas he looked to. They said: “Householder, this boy
64
Jyotiskavadana
is extremely ill-fated, because he has not been burned by the all-consuming fire. What more do you need? If you let him enter
your house in this way, inevitably your house becomes heirless and you lose your life.” There’s no love like self-love. Therefore
he did not take him. Then the Lord addressed King Bimbisara: “Take the boy, great king!” He excitedly stretched out his hands
and took him. Then looking all around he said: “Lord, what shall be this boy’s name?” The Lord said: “Great king, because this
boy has been obtained from the middle of fire, therefore the boy shall be called ‘Jyotiska’.” He was given the name ‘Jyotiska.’
... And Jyotiska went to Ajatasatru’s house. The wealth disappeared from that house and went wherever Jyotiska did. In this
way it disappeared and reappeared as many as seven times. Ajatasatru reflected: “I can’t carry off Jyotiska’s jewels this way
either. I’ll use another method.” He instructed rogues: “Go carry off the jewels from Jyotiska’s house.” They began climbing by
means of ropes and hooks. They were seen by one from the womens’ quarters who had gone to the top of the palace. She raised
a cry of “Rogues, rogues!” and Jyotiska heard it. Out of his heart he uttered the words: “Stop, rogues!” All of them stopped still,
exactly where they had climbed up, until night turned into morning. A great crowd of people saw it. They said: “Sirs, this evil
king has deprived his father, the righteous dharma king, of his life. Now he also robs houses. Why should we put up with this?
Ajatasatru sent Jyotiska a messenger: “Release them! This is ill-treatment of me.” Out of his heart Jyotiska uttered the words:
“Go, rogues!” They went. Jyotiska reflected: “He who indeed has deprived his father, the righteous dharma king, of his life,
will not kill me. Why is that? It has by all means been prophesied to me by the Lord: ‘He will enter my discipline and through
the abandoning of all impurities realise arhatship.’ Let’s go and enter the ascetic life.” With that he gave his wealth of all sorts
to the miserable, the helpless, and the poor. The penniless were made wealthy. Then the householder Jyotiska said farewell to
his friends, relatives, and family and went where the Lord was. Having gone there, he did homage to the Lord’s feet with his
head and sat down on one side. Having sat down on one side, the householder Jyotiska said this to the Lord: “May I, master,
obtain entry in the well-taught dharma and vinaya, ordination, and the life of a monk. May I live the religious life at the Lord’s
side.”
65
Avadana
Avadanasataka
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Sch0yen Collection vol. Ill, 207-244
Editor: Mitsuyo Demoto
Material: Birch bark
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiyan Type I
Date: 6th century A.D.
Lanugage: Sanskrit, with some Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
K Ajpatefeivit.. ;
■B •*
66
Avadcinasataka
T he Avadcinasataka contains legends primarily related to
the Buddha and the emperor Asoka. The present manu-
scripts are probably the earliest versions yet discovered.
Background
Avadana is a type of Buddhist literature that explains the present
with reference to worthy deeds in the past. The Avadanasataka , “A
Hundred Noble Deeds”, is an anthology of such legends primarily
concerning the Buddha and the emperor Asoka. The collection has
been preserved in Sanskrit manuscripts from Nepal (Speyer, 1902-9),
as well as in Tibetan and Chinese translation. The present manuscript
is probably the earliest version yet discovered.
The Manuscripts
The 37 fragments belong to ten folios, nine of which belong to the
same manuscript. The material is birch bark, and the script is Gilgit/
Bamiyan Type I, which probably places the manuscript in the sixth
century A.D., or somewhat later. The first manuscript preserves frag-
ments of 16 avadanas : nos. 23) Cakram, 34) Sibhih, 35) Surupah, 37)
Sasah, 38) DharmagavesT, 39) Anathapindadah, 40) Subhadrah, 47)
Julxandha. 48) Sresthi, 52) Candrah , 53) Sdlah, 62) Sugandhih, 63)
Vapusman, and 87) Sobhitah. The second manuscript preserves part
of avadana no. 51) Krsnasarpah. The latter tells the story of a poison-
ous snake which has developed faith in the Buddha and which, after
its death and rebirth as a deva, adorned with many ornaments, visits
the Buddha in order to thank him for his favour.
T«
< #
Transliteration, folio 1 ( avadana no. 23, Cakram ), recto
1 /// + + + + + + + + + + + + + + /// + + + + [ca]kram pradasyamlti tatas tasya svam
2/// + + + + + + + + + + + + + + /// + + .. [p]r.[s]th.ta atramtare nasti kimcid buddha
3/// + + + + + + + + + + + + + + /// + + + [sy]ina viharina[m] trdamatha vastukusala
4/// + + + + + + + + + + + (O) /// + + + + + + [ma]tikra. tanam • sadamgasamanvag
5/// + + + + + + + + + + + (O) /// + + + + + dik[s]amapQrnayasam dasasatavasavart
6/// + + + + + + + + + + + (O) /// + + + + kah sambadhapraptah ka krcchrasamka a;
7 III + .[u] .dhr[t]ya .. + [mo]kse ca [p]r. + + + + /// + .[dh]. .. m anupradadyam kam
8 III .[y]. varopayeyam kasya pari[pa] .v. [n], .. Ill + d v[e]lam sagaro makaralaya n;
9 III + bodhe kusalamulany avaropayi + III traclvaram adaya bhiksusamghaparivrto
68
Avadanasataka
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I svastiksemabhyam mahasamudrad a[su] .. + + + +
nam bhagavatamm ajnatam adrstam avidi .. + + ,[n], +
inam • caturaughotlrnanam caturiddhi[pa] + caranata
;atanam sa paramitaparipurna[n] . saptabodhyamga
iprativisistanam tr ratre tr ddivasasya buddha
sambadhapraptah ko payanimnah ko payapravanah ko pa
aryadhanavirahitam aryadhanaisvaryadhipatyai pratis[ h]apa[ye]yam • kasyanava
i tu vaineyavatsanam buddho velam atikra[m]. + + [s]yati bhagavan ayam
bhiksusamghapuraskrto [ra] .... + + [nd]aya praviksat*
Miscellaneous
A Bactrian Buddhist Manuscript
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Sch0yen Collection vol. I, 275-277
Editor: Nicholas Sims-Williams
Material: Leather
Script: Graeco-Bactrian cursive
Date: 5th century A.D.
Language: Bactrian
■ \
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72
A Bactrian Buddhist Manuscript
A s one of only two preserved Buddhist texts written in the
Bactrian language, this manuscript is unique both from
the fact that it is written in the Graeco-Bactrian script, as well
as being made from leather.
Background
Only two Buddhist texts (including this one) have so far been identi-
fied in the Bactrian language. The two are similar in containing
homages to a series of buddhas and bodhisattvas, including amongst
others DIpamkara and Lokesvararaja, a feature that has been taken to
suggest a link to the Pure Land school of Buddhism (although talking
about a “Pure Land” school outside of Chinese Buddhism is contro-
versial). The present text also includes the expressed wish that the
merit derived from it (apparently from the copying of the text itself)
may accrue to the writer’s relatives, whether living, departed, or still
unborn. Parallels to this formulaic expression are also to be found in
the colophons of other Buddhist texts from Central Asia.
The present manuscript is a good illustration of the
significant Hellenistic influence on Buddhism that took place in the
area that is today Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the northwestern border
regions of India, beginning with the conquests of Alexander the Great
in the fourth century B.C. Graeco-Buddhism, which this syncretism
has been termed, greatly influenced for instance artists, as illus-
trated by the Hellenistic features of the Gandharan statues depicting
Sakyamuni. It is perhaps the Hellenistic influence we have to thank
for having any depictions of Sakyamuni at all, as prior to this influ-
ence the Buddha was in fact only depicted indirectly, by means of for
example his footprints and the wheel of the Dharma.
The Manuscript
The manuscript consists of two fragments made of leather, a feature
unique in the collection of manuscripts presented here, and overall
quite unusual. The second unique feature is that it is written in the
Bactrian language using the Graeco-Bactrian script. Judging from the
script the manuscript seems most likely to date from the fifth century
A.D. It may have originally belonged to a book in the pothT- format,
but there is no longer any trace of a string-hole, since a certain
amount of text has been lost between the two fragments.
Text and Translation
Recto
p a' (= 101 )
1 oro oiSaoo papfo rrova8o raSo ]fiav[8jqyo • mm oayo8oyTo yoaoavSo
And whatever [punya may be] herefrom, [so] may [ ]-bandag (and) [....]sag-dukht
2 aAo paSo aAo n[i8o aAo AoySo aAo nopjavo aXo yo[a]vo aAo ftpaSpavo aXo
with (their) mothers, fa[thers, daughters, son]s, sisters (and) brothers, (and) with
3 oiono -napoXailyoaiyo afhJpaSo oro qi8[ao]o pqpo pioo novaSo
all (their) deceased relatives, obtai]n (it); and whatever further punya may be herefrom,
4 raSo mpipro ( ]8q oXo aXq pa8o aXo mSo faJXo \oavfo]
so [may] (our) heirs [with their husbands] (and) wives, (and) the mothers, fathers, sisters,
5 aAo f 3 pq 8 [a]pavo[ aJ^ipfaSo] oro qi.8q.qp papo pi qo novaSo
(and) brothers (of the latter) [ ] obtain (it); and whatever further punya may be herefrom,
6 ra8o 0180 <pavo> pto[o]q p[ Jo.pl 1 ° oaua/ao aAo aqro oravo oto-
so whatever [servants] now [belong] to my dwelling or home - may they all
7 qfoj jio8f“]yo afifipaSo oro oihaao papo pioo JrroyqSo •[••]fiavofiav8q<yo>
ob[tain it; and whatever further] punya may be [herefrom], so may [ ]ban-bandag,
8 k[i]8o Xifio rq[ ]•[ ]8o af 3 ipa 8 [o] vapioo jSo-
who [copied] the text, [ ......] obtain (it). Homage to the bu-
Verso
1
88o otSaqo pap[o pioo novaSo raSo ] qo papyq pop8o
ddha. Whatever [further punya may be] herefrom, [so may ] (both) dead
oSo t,ooav8ayo[ ] o yap u>o oaqicopavo
and living [..... obtain it]. Homage to Sakyamuni
jSoSSo vapioof v]q pioo Xu)yoao<f>apopa£o f$o88o vq-
buddha, homage [to buddha, h]omage to LokeSvararaja buddha, ho-
pcoo oipoyp’l 7 / 0/3 ) 3 o 6 So uapui o pa8avoK-
mage to [ buddha, homage to ] buddha, homage to Ratnak-
turapo fio88[o vapioo Jo fi[o]88o vapioo oavSapoftavo j 8 o-
ottama buddh[a, homage to ] buddha, homage to Candrabhanu bu-
88o vapioo pi vajpipo paSavoCavo floSSo vap-
ddha. homage to R[atna(?)- buddha, ho]mage to Ratna buddha, hom-
ioo pa8avcr[ aojpqpqfiqpapo f$o88o vapw-
age to Ratna[ buddha, homage to Su]meru buddha, homage
o oopqpoifl ]fi°J,q @0880 vapioo £i*o jSoSSo / /
to Sumeruk[alpa buddha, homage to ] buddha, homage to buddha ...
Miscellaneous
A Mimamsaka Among the Buddhists
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Sch0yen Collection vol. II, 269-285
Editor: Eli Franco
Material: Birch bark
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiydn type I
Date: 6th century A.D.
Language: Sanskrit
A Mimamsaka Among the Buddhists
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T his Brahmanic treatise is the only one of its kind found in
a collection of Buddhist texts from this area.
Background
This manuscript is unique in the Schpyen Collection in two ways.
First, it is the only philosophical text that has been identified so far,
and, secondly, it is the only one that belongs to a non-Buddhist work,
namely a MImamsa treatise. As far as we know, no fragments of any
Brahmanical school of thought has so far been found in the available
collections of Buddhist Central-Asian manuscripts.
That the text is a MImamsa treatise is easily recognizable,
as no other philosophical tradition connects in such an intimate man-
ner philosophy of language in general with the issue of the validity of
the Veda. The general background of the discussion can be identified
as the Tarkapada section of the MTmamsasutra, and therefore the
manuscript probably belongs to one of its lost commentaries. The
opponent is most likely a Nyayika who held a minority opinion in
that school concerning the impermanence of means of knowledge
( pramdna ) and the permanence of number. The proponent can prob-
ably be identified as Bhavadasa (early fifth century A.D.), the first
commentator on the M imams d, sutra , and supposedly the first one to
introduce a discussion of the pramdnas other than pratyaksa (direct
perception) into the MImamsa tradition.
Miscellaneous
The Manuscript
The manuscript consists of three fragments that all belong to the same
folio. It is written in Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I, and can consequentially
be dated to the sixth century A.D. The language is Sanskrit. The left
portion is missing. The order of the recto and verso side of the folio
can be deduced from the contents of the discussion.
From the fragments the following tenets held by the op-
ponent may be extracted: 1 ) The relation between word and object is
created; 2) The meaning of a word is established by convention; 3)
(By implication:) The object of a word is a (impermanent?) jati; 4)
All the means of knowledge are impermanent; 5) Numbers, etc., are
permanent; 6) (By implication:) The Veda is authoritative; 7) The
Veda is impermanent. The proponents view does not deviate from
the well-known Mhnamsa position. The terminology is however ex-
ceptional at least on two points. First, when referring to the object of
a word ( sabdartha ) only the term jati is used, and not the usual akrti
and dravya. Secondly, the relationship between the word and object is
said to be derived from their own being ( svabhavika ).
Translation 1
recto:
1. ... before the usage of words the cognition exists in a different manner, so that (it) c/would be penetrated by a previous word.
And it is not [the case that the performance of] Agnihotra, etc., would be purposeless/meaningless. This is not [the case] (i.e.
they are not meaningless) because [of the undesired consequence that] there would be no everyday practice by means of these
[sacrifices]. For [everyday practice] is not [accomplished] by means of purposeless [actions]. ... [In the case of everyday prac-
tice e.g., if one claims that planting seeds etc., will lead to fruit, etc.] a previous relation [between an activity such as planting of
seeds and its purpose] has been observed, but this is not so in the case of Agnihotra etc. [because the connection between their
performance and their supposed future results has not been previously observed]. ...
2. ... [Objection: Your position is not correct] because without convention there would be no apprehension/understanding of
an object of an aggregate. [Reply:] In [the case of objects] such as the hare’s horn, etc., the apprehension of the object of an ag-
gregate is observed to depend on the apprehension of the parts [of the aggregate] without convention. ... Non-existing objects/
things like ... because [their] parts do not have an apprehended object ...
3. ... The apprehension [of the object by convention] is not established because in this manner an infinite regress [would re-
sult]. That too is a refutation indeed because if [the relation between word and object] is produced [then] because the relation
[involved in establishing the convention] too is produced, there would be an infinite regress. Thus, in respect to the effect (i.e.
in respect to a specific relation between word and object which is to be effected) too ... the objects [of the involved words are
already known]. In this [case, the apprehension of the object of] an aggregate [is established] without a convention.
4. ... Would [the word used to establish a new convention be one whose object is apprehended] or [would it be one] whose
object is not apprehended? If it is one whose object is not apprehended, the convention [that a certain new word designates a
certain object] cannot be effected by it. If [on the other hand, it is one whose object] is apprehended, this [last word], in its turn,
is one whose object is not apprehended without a convention. Thus, for it too by means of which [word] ... the convention is
effected, that [would be a word whose object] is apprehended [or a word whose object is not apprehended]. ...
5. ... [If an unapprehended] object has to be understood for the latter [word], [then] when there is no apprehension of the object
of the earlier [word], the convention [to be established for the latter word] is not successful. Precisely by these reasons the
permanence of the relation [between word and object] should be known. Just as in the case with ratna (diamond) and rauta{l),
[the assumption olj creating the relation [by a certain person/God] ... [would lead to the same] inadmissible consequence as
[above]. In that [case] ...
6. ... [He] negates [the impermanence of the relation between word and object by saying:] “because there would not be a usage/
employment [of a word] for the sake of another [person].” In this manner he negates that [not only the word, but] also the rela-
tion [between word and object] is a result. ... For if/when there is no relation based on own-being [between word and object]
the usage [of a word] for the sake of another [person] is not possible. ... albeit impermanent, just as a word ...
7. ... a permanent object. And no one holds the view that the universal is impermanent. For, surely, [the universal is not estab-
lished as impermanent] neither for those who hold the view that the [universal] does not at all exist, such as the Samkhyas and
the Buddhists, nor for those for whom, in as much as it is existing, it is permanent, such as the Vaisesikas. ...
verso:
1. ... [No]thing [meaningful/helpful] has been said [by you]. [Reply:] This is no fault. This [statement of ours] does not have the
purpose of/does not amount to showing that the universal does not exist, rather this, [namely] that the universal is not imperma-
nent is [our] point of view. This [point of view] amounts to [the point of view] that [the universal] exists. The truth, however, is
this position: There is permanence of the universal. ... but it is not ...
2. ... they are deluding [their] opponent. Therefore, the universal exists and it is permanent. Here, according to the purvapaksa,
the mere admission (i.e. mere assumption) is without a fault; everything else is faulty. This is the meaning. In which way (i.e.
the reason why) everything is not faulty ... the universal [is/is not established by means of?] perception ...
3. ... [Kanada?], Kapila, etc., accept the validity of the Veda. [They do] not [have] the purpose [of establishing] by argumenta-
tion [the permanence of the Veda]. For it is not [the case that] when the validity of the Veda is established, [i.e.] when it is
admitted because of the prosperity of all those who are familiar with the Veda ( traividya ), a certain ... having been contradicted/
l
BMSC vol. U, 272-277.
A Mimamsaka Among the Buddhists
negated [previously] ...
4. ...[Objection:] The appropriateness [of your reason] in respect to the validity [of the Veda] is [not] possible because there is
no instance [for your reason] “[The Vedic sentences are valid] because they are permanent.” How could a permanent means of
knowledge possibly be observed? And for the contrary (i.e. the observation of a permanent means of knowledge) there is no
instance because it is contradictory. For perception [Reply:] That is not correct. It is not established ...
5. [Objection:] Because it is permanent, the Veda would be no means of knowledge. And the permanence of the Veda is not
established in the position of another [philosopher] because there is a reason for impermanence: The Veda is not permanent
because it is an aggregate of words, [like] the Ramayana . ... [An impermanent means of knowledge?] is observed, but nothing
permanent is observed [to be] a means of knowledge. ...
6. ... [Reply:] This turns out to be the same [issue/point for my opponents]. For they too are able to say by mere admission that
number etc., are something permanent . In this case, both (i.e. a permanent means of knowledge and permanent entities) have
to be admitted by you, or if numbers etc., although they are permanent ... are said [to be impermanent] by mere admission [then
you would have to admit] numbers, etc., which are perishable. ...
7. ... In this case, if it is said that number, etc., are not means of knowledge, [then] just as they are permanent and not means
of knowledge, in the same way the Veda too [is so]. If, on the other hand, it is said that they too are means of knowledge, this
being the case, both means of knowledge (i.e. number, etc., and the Veda) [are permanent]. ... Being permanent does not deviate
(i.e. is common to both of them). Thus, these too [are accepted as permanent?] a means of knowledge. ...
Miscellaneous
Buddhastotras of Matrceta
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schdyen Collection vol. II, 305-311
Editor: Jens-Uwe Hartmann
Material: Palm leaf and birch bark
Script: Late Gupta to Gilgit/Bdmiydn Type II
Date: 5th century A.D. to 7th-8th century A.D.
Language: Sanskrit
' s'--** r »■: s-vuvirr
ryt' -
78
Buddhastotras of Matrceta
T he manuscripts contain the two famous hymns to the Bud-
dha written by the Indian poet Matrceta. The fragments
are a welcome aid in the further restoration of the partially
preserved longer hymn Varnarhavarna.
Background
Hymns ( stotra ) to the Buddha were popular in the monaster-
ies of Central Asia, if we are to judge from the large quantity of
manuscripts that have been preserved. Among these we often find
manuscripts containing one or both of the hymns composed by
the Indian poet Matrceta (first century A.D.), the Satapahcasatka/
Prasadapratibhodbhava (PPU) and the Catuhsataka/Varndrhavarna
(VAV). Judging from the manuscripts presented here these texts were
also well known in the northwest of the Indian subcontinent.
The Manuscripts
The twelve fragments belong to six different manuscripts, two writ-
ten on palm leaf and four on birch bark. The scripts range from a
late Gupta variety (fifth century A.D.) to Gilgit/Bamiyan Type II
(seventh-eight century A.D.). Two preserve verses from the PPU (1
and 2), while four preserve verses from the VAV (3-6). The frag-
ments of the VAV are an especially welcome find since this text has
not yet been recovered in its entirety in the original Sanskrit (only
80% is preserved).
80
Buddhastotras of Matrceta
Transliteration, folio 4b ( Varndrhavarna ; folio no. 19), recto
1 + + .. [v]Im anuyasyamti katham ekamsavad[i]nah [[ ida[m], + + III
2 na prakasandhakarayauh prakrstam antaram yadvat t[v]adva[d]. + + III
3 vagvastumattram evasav ayam padapadarthavan* vyakhy. + + III
4 t[v]advadaparavadayau || asam[pradhary]am evaitad [bh]avamoksa .[t]. Ill
verso
1 [ta]d eva jina v. tvadvadaparavadayau || ihaikantayathatatvam [mau] III
2 ntantarayikah vimatratastu kato [nya] tvadvadaparavadayau + + III
3 pas te sarve idam ekam subhasitam dhrtam balabalam [te tva] + + + + ///
4 + .a cit karha cid yena yanti vikk[r]antagaminah t[u] + + + + + ///
Miscellaneous
Aryasura’s Jatakamala
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schdyen Collection vol. II, 313-322
Editor: Jens-Uwe Hartmann
Material: Birch bark
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiydn Type I and II
Date: 6th century and 7th-8th century
Language: Sanskrit
*3» j/itgn/sfy ■) *3tngv'*ta? 9 t *<r ?}(j w »* 3?
82
Aryasura’s Jatakamala
. < '**•*'**^3’
, 3 TT» V
wf-v-i var«r> - jw»
* wiwj
t.'.-S'
< ^ T . 'r*? %’ *«,■ w »f 7
H? w T4T' >
‘v wf *rv, v f «•»
***»•»-
■** ''it*
' *• ^
w'rwn*.
? w*g, 3 », v ,
'**r
T he Jatakamala tells the stories of 34 of the Buddha’s pre-
vious lives. Its author Aryasura is considered one of the
foremost of Indian Buddhist poets.
Background
The Jatakamala (“Garland of Birth Stories”), written by the Indian
poet Aryasura (first century A.D.?), retells the story of the Buddha’s
previous lives in 34 legendary accounts well known in the Buddhist
narrative tradition. Aryasura is remembered as one of the main con-
tributors to the emergence of classical Sanskrit poetics in Buddhist
literature. The Jatakamala has been preserved in Sanskrit (Kern,
1891) as well as in Tibetan translation.
The Manuscript
The 17 fragments belong to five different manuscripts. The material is
birch bark, and most of the fragments are regrettably quite small. The
scripts used are Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I (mss. 1 and 2) and Type II
(mss. 3-5), respectively dated to the sixth and seventh-eight centuries
A.D.
(continued on the next page)
Miscellaneous
Transliteration, folio 1 ( Sresthi - and Avisahyasresthijataka), recto
1 /// + + + + + + + + + + + [m]ulam ghnata tvayartham yad akari papam tvam
2 /// + + + + .[rbh]. ga samatam amlbhih pratigrhlta tu jano bhyupaiti nivrttad
3 /// + + + .. .. vicestitam ity avagamya svasatvavastambhadhlra<m> vinayam
4 /// + + .. [ka]mpanipuna pravrttih dosodayat purvam anantaram va yuktam t
5 /// + .. yavyatltam tatha hy anadrtya hitaisitan te na me manah samkucati pr;
6 III + rtham || nidhlyamanah sa tu dharmahetus cauraih prasahyatha vilupyan
7 III [kam] | vivardhitas tena ca me tvayayad danodyamas tarn samayisyatapi |
8 III marah punar api bodhisatvam hi . [ai] + + + + [h]astenovaca || hitoktim et
Parts of seven jatakas are found in the five manuscripts.
These are: 1) Sresthi- and Avisahyasresthijataka (two stories of the
Buddha as the head of a guild), 2) VyaghrTjataka (giving his flesh
to a tigress), MaitrTbalajataka (as the generous king Maitrlbala),
3) Sarabhajaka (as a deer), 4) Avisahyasresthijataka (as in no. 1),
5) Sibijaka (as the king of the Sibis), and Visvamtaravadana (as the
prince Visvamtara).
The third manuscript deserves special mention as it dis-
plays a curious phenomenon. The probable recto side (not included
here) is written in Gilgit/Bamiyan Type I and contains text from an
unknown collection of stories. The verso side, on the other hand,
is written in Gilgit/Bamiyan Type II and contains a story from the
Jatakamala. There is nothing unusual about the re-use of a folio.
What is curious is that the Jatakamala does not start on the verso
side, and that another folio with exactly the same appearance sur-
faced in Japan when the work on this material was done. A probable
solution is that a folio consisting of four or more layers of bark must
have been separated in order to produce more material on which to
write a new text, resulting in a manuscript of two (or possibly more)
leaves with one text on the recto and another on the verso side.
Aryasuro’s Jatakamala
attum abhyudgatam etad asma jvalagrajihvam narakantakasyam || tat sadhu
anapanayah suratvam tat svargamargavaranad viramya danodyama
adhuravicchedam niyatam ity avocad enam || asmaddhitaveksanadaksine
;u tacchantipathena gantum | gate prayamam hy apacaradosair vyadho cikitsa
idanat* danad adharmam ca yad ucivans tvamm artham ca dharmasya visesa
lanah aughodarantarvinimagnamurttir hutasanasyasana[t]am +
| ananyatha castu vacas ta[v]edam svargam ca me yacanaka vra + + +
a mama capalam va samlksya yenecchasi tena .... + +
Miscellaneous
An Unusual ye dharma Formula
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schipyen Collection vol. II, 337-349
Editor: Lore Sander
Material: Copper plate
Script: North-Eastern Gupta
Date: 5th century A.D.
Language: Sanskrit/Prakrit
T his copper plate is inscribed with the ye dharma formula,
believed to carry magic and protective power for the
bearer. The formula is a condensation of the Buddha’s teach-
ing.
Background
The ye dharma formula was first uttered by the arhat Asvajit (Pali:
Assaji) when asked by Upatissa about his teacher and the Dharma
that he taught. When Asvajit uttered these words Upatissa is said to
have experienced a breakthrough of understanding. He would later be
known as Sariputra, the famous disciple of the Buddha.
The formula translates as:
“Those phenomena which arise from a cause,
the Tathagata declared what is their cause
and what is their cessation.
Thus the great Sramana has spoken.”
Apart from being a brief presentation of the teaching of the Buddha,
An Unusual ye dharma Formula
Transliteration
1 siddham* sri a .. [ya] sri ye tharma sri .. [he]tuprabha[va] soke-
2 tu tasa tathagata hy avada tasam ca
3 yo nlrotha evam ■•> vadl mahasra-
4 man[a] || ® ||
the formula was also believed to carry magic and protective power.
After the sixth century it gained increasing popularity in the Buddhist
cult, and can be found in manuscripts, on stone sculptures and votive
tablets, on seals and clay plaques and bricks, at the bottom of plinths
of Buddhist bronzes, and on graffiti scratched on rocks. This is the
first example of a copper plate with this inscription on it.
The Plate
The object is a small, thin copper plate, measuring 5 1 mm in height
and 123 mm in length. It has two holes (one partly eroded) in the two
upper corners, and a string or chain may have been passed through
the holes. The script is a North Eastern Gupta, probably dated to the
fifth century A.D. This might mean that it was produced in northeast-
ern India, and then carried to the area where it was found, probably
near Bamiyan, Afghanistan. The language is Sanskrit, with some col-
loquial features. Orthographic mistakes are frequent in the ye dharma
verses, but some of the ones seen in this inscription are rare, such as
for instance tathagata, written here with a cerebral tha.
Miscellaneous
A Jar with a Kharosthi Inscription
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection vol. II, 351-355
Editor: Richard Salomon
Material: Clay jar
Script: KharostT
Date lst-3rd century A.D.
Language: Gdndhan
88
A Jar with a Kharosthi Inscription
Text and translation 1
saghe catur[t]isami [ra]danami acaryana dharmamuyana pratigrahe
“[Gift] to the universal community, in the possession of the Dharmamuyana masters at Radana (?).”
1 Read from right to left
T his clay jar carries an inscription in GandharT relating it
to a Dharmaguptaka monastery. Jars such as this one were
often employed as containers for manuscripts.
Background
Clay jars have been discovered in connection with several manuscript
finds. Often manuscripts have been placed inside them, sometimes
also human remains, before they have been interred within, for
example, a stupa. It was perhaps a custom to bury a deceased monk
together with his religious books. It may be imagined that the textual
material that have been found within such jars were worn out editions
already copied, and not needed anymore. They were still representa-
tions of the Buddha’s word and were therefore deposited at holy sites.
Often such jars carry inscriptions. These generally specify
(1) the nature of the object, e.g. “this water-pot”, (2) that this is a
gift, danamukha, (3) the donor’s name in the genitive case, (4) the
specification of the recipients, e.g. “to the universal community, in the
possession of the masters of X school”, (5) the geographical location
of the recipients, and (6) a statement of the benefit which the donor
hopes to obtain as a result of the gift. 1
1 See Salomon (1999) for a further discussion of inscribed jars from Gandhara.
The Jar
The present jar is spherical and made of clay, measuring 28.5 cm in
diameter and 3 1 cm in height. It carries a dedicatory inscription in
Kharosthi script and GandharT language around its shoulder. The
inscription is likely to be dated to between the first and early third
century A.D., and some indications might favour the earlier part of
this time range as more probable. The inscription translates as:
“[Gift] to the universal community, in the possession of the Dharma-
muyana masters at Radana (?).”
The donation is recorded to have been made to a master
of the “Dharmamuya” school, probably to be identified with the well
known Dharmaguptaka school. The word “Radana” (which can also
be read as “Vadana”) probably refers to an unknown location. There
are also two rough and indistinct patterns in thick strokes of red ink
at the middle level. It is uncertain what these signify, but they could
have been emblems of the monasteries to which the objects were do-
nated. When acquired by the Schpyen collection the jar contained bits
of charcoal and other debris, and also fragments of birch bark with
text written in late forms of the Brahmi script (eight century A.D.),
but these have probably been placed there in modern times.
89
Miscellaneous
A Fragmen t of a Play
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schoyen Collection vol. Ill, 245-249
Editor: Jens-Uwe Hartmann
Material: Palm leaf
Script: Late Gupta
Date: 5th-6th century A.D.
Language: Sanskrit and Prakrit
A Fragment of a Play
T his fragment is the only example of a play in the collec-
tion, a genre that is generally quite rare within Buddhism,
and even more so within early manuscript collections.
Background
Plays are not the most common type of Buddhist literature. Some
examples have been found in the collections of Central Asia, and at
least one of these, the Sariputraprakarana by Asvagosa (first-second
century A.D.), is a Buddhist play (cf. Waldenscmidt, 1965-, I: lOf.
and 37f.). There is no translation of a play into Chinese, and Tibetan
translations are available of only two later Indian plays, by Candrago-
min (fifth century A.D.?; cf. Hahn, 1974 and 1987) and Harsadeva
(seventh century A.D.; cf. Steiner, 1997). The present unknown play
is the first example of this literary genre among the many manu-
scripts from Afghanistan.
The Manuscript
Regrettably, only a single fragment of the play has turned up so far.
It is made of palm leaf, and is written in a late variety of the Gupta
script, perhaps to be dated to the fifth or sixth century A.D. The frag-
ment probably only preserves one third of the folio.
That it is a play we are dealing with is apparent, as all the
characteristics of this genre are found, except for the division into
acts: 1 ) a vidusaka (jester) appears; 2) abbreviations are used, such
as vidil (for vidiisaka ) and ama (for amatya , “minister”); 3) the text
consists of a mixture of prose and verse; 4) the language is a mixture
of Sanskrit and Prakrit; 5) the text contains stage directions, such as
nirvarnya (“having contemplated”) and niskrdmto (“exit”). It is not
possible to say with certainty whether this is a Buddhist play or not,
as no particular Buddhist features are evident.
Translation 1
(al) ... the great king, the boy so far am I (?). The Vidiisaka is confused.
Visakha: ... should ...
(a2) ... Having contemplated, in tears, (he says):
Or
His decision for ordination (a3) ... lasting in this world what is done to me through my own deeds.
For, h aving seen the ... of the mountain of the sunset ... (a4) ... not remaining for me; death is not able to do this.
Visvila: I will go (?).
(a5) ... to look at.
Exit Visvila, to himself/in expectation: Or you should announce yourself to me!
Vidusaka: (a6) ...
(Raja?): ... go (and) talk to the townsfolk! Or stay, (and) I will address (them) myself (bl) ...
Minister: Great king!
King: Here sovereignty is transferred, but yet: a friend from childhood (b2) ... you, sir.
Minister: Let the great king command!
King: By no means is he to be cheated (b3) ...
King: Him whom I abandoned in childhood, a sprout of my family tree, in the heavy yoke of the king(s position) (b4) ...
...: ... he gives you; and the minister, having received (it), fell on his knees to the ground, the friend from childhood (b5)
...: I ...
Vidusaka: Look, installed is the one protected by Puskara.
Minister: Master, (b6) ...
(You) drank from the breast of the nurse and played with sand; but presently to practice austerity
is not ...
l
BMSC vol. Ill, 248-249.
Miscellaneous
A Copper Scroll Inscription
Buddhist Manuscripts in the Schpyen Collection vol. Ill, 251-278
Editor: Gudrun Melzer, w/Lore Sander
Material: Copper
Script: Gilgit/Bdmiydn Type I
Date: 492-493 A.D.
Language: Sanskrit
92
A Copper Scroll Inscription
T his copper scroll served as a foundation deed at the con-
secration of a stupa in the fifth century A.D., probably in
the area of Talaqan, northern Afghanistan. It contains refer-
ences to Buddhist texts as well as names of various donors.
Background
Dated Brahmi inscriptions, such as this one, from the region of
Greater Gandhara and ancient Bactria (northern Afghanistan) are
very rare. Moreover, the patrons of the monasteries and the histori-
cal context of these manuscripts are still almost completely shrouded
in obscurity. The present copper scroll is therefore of extraordinary
epigraphical and historical importance. It was ordered for the erection
and consecration of a stupa in the village or town called Sardlysa in
the realm of Mehama. The exact location of this is uncertain, but one
possibility is the region around modern Talaqan. The list of donors
on the inscription includeds the names of famous kings of the so-
called Hephthalites (Alchon Huns), among them Khihgila, Toramana
and Javukha.
The Scroll
The scroll was originally rolled up, and was probably never meant
to be read, but to be placed inside a stupa as a foundation deed as
well as a consecrating inscription. The script is similar to Gilgit/
Bamiyan Type I, and is probably to be dated roughly between the end
of the fifth and beginning of the sixth century. The year recorded in
the inscription, 68, probably refers to the Laukika era, which would
correspond to 492-493 A.D. The scroll has broken, and two lines out
of 54 are missing.
The inscription begins with a verse praising the Buddha,
the Dharma and the Sahgha. This is followed by a quotation from the
beginning of a Mahayana sutra, the SrunatTbrdhmanTpariprccha , con-
taining the famous Pratityasamutpada formula of Nagarjuna, as well
as the introductory verses to his Mulamddhyamikakarikas . Following
this, the historical core of the inscription relates the date, the purpose
of the donation, and the names and titles of the donors. It ends with
seven verses composed in classical Sanskrit metres.
Transliteration
First part
1 + + + [||] jayaty adau [ta]va[d da]saba[la] + + .. [p]ta[va]Oca ..[h] prabhaja[la]h sr[Iman].r.bhuvanatam[o]
2 + + + + [vrt*] tat[o dhajrmambhoj [o] hrda[ya]j[a]rajah[sa]nt[i]janano jayaty arya 0 [s c]a[g]ryo muniva[ca]
3 + + + + [nalganah || evam maya srutam ekasamaye bhagavan baranasy[a]m vijahara rsipa
4 + + + + + + [m]. [ha | tii • bhik[s]usamghena sardham saptamatrair bhi[k].usataih sambahulais ca [b]odhisatv[ai]
r ma
5 + + .[v]. + [ a 1 1 h a khalu bhagavan p[u]rvahnakalasamaye nivasya patrac[I]varam adayayusmataji
6 [t]. na bo[dh]isatvena mahasatve[na] pascacchramanena sardham baranaslm nagaffm pidaya praviksat* [•]
7 atha khalu bhagavan baranasyam nagaryam savadana[m] pind[a]ya caran yena sffmatya brahmany[a] nive
8 sa[n]am [t]e[no]pasamkrantah upasamkramya pindayaikante sthad adrakslc chrlmatir brahmanl bhasavamtam
9 durata eva p[r]asadikam prasadanlyam santendriyam santamanasam samadamaparamipraptam utta
10 [ma]sa[ma]thaparamiga[tam sit in tam da[n]ta. guptam nagam jiteOndriyam pa[ra]maya subhavarnapus[ka]la
11 taya samanvagatam hradam iva[ccha]m [v]i. [r], + nnam anavilam suvarnayupam ivabh[yu]dgata[m] nispra[ka]
m[pa]
12 m ani[m]jya[pra]ptam sriya jva[l]. + + + + + + [ja]manarn viroca[m]. ..m [drstjva casyah cit[t]am prasannam ..
13 .. [nnacijtta yena bhaga + + + + + + + .. sam[kra]mya [bh]. + + + [au] .i .. + + .[i] + . [ij +
14 + + .[o].[isatvasya] ma[ha]sa[t]. + + + + + ,[a]ms [t]enam[j]. + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +
15 III
16 III
Second part
17 + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + v. nt. m eta[d] av[ocat*] srut. [m]. y. [bhagajn na
18 + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + t[a]m iti • kevam[rupo] s[ti] bhasavan dharmah
19 [yas sa] bh. gavata [p]rava[r]tit. + + .... + + + + + + + + + + [t]ad avocat* avidyah pra[t]yaya[h] srlma
20 sam[sk]arapratyayam vijna[na]. .. + + + + + + + + + .. ma[rupa]pratyayam sa[d]ayatanam sadaya
21 .. na .. tyaya. sparsa[h] sparsapratyaya vedana vedanapratyaya .. + + + + + + + [p]adana[m upajdanapra
22 tyay[o] bhavah bhavaprat[y]aya jatir jatipratya[y]a [jajramaranasok. + + + + + + + .. nasyopayasah sam[bha]
23 [va]m[t]y eva[m]m as[ya k]eva[las]ya [mahato] ..h[kha] .. [n].. sya sa[mudayo bhajvati [:]a + + + + + + +
ranirodh[ah sa]ms[k]ara[ni]ro
24 [dhjad [vjijnananirodhah vi[jna]nanirodhan namaru[pa]nirodhah namaru[pa]ni[rodha] .sa .[ayatana]nir[odha]h
sa[d]aya[tananiro]
25 [dha]t [sjparsanirodhah sparsanirodhad vedananirodhah ve .. ,[a]niro[dha]t [trjsnanirodhah trs[n]anirodhad
upadananirodha[h] u
Miscellaneous
26 [p]adananiro[dhad bha]vanirodha[h] bhava .[irodhaj j]ati[n]irodhah [ja]ti .. [rodhaj] jara[ma]na[soka]
parideva[du]hkhadaur[ma] +
27 sy[o]paya[sa] niru[dhya]mta evam asya kevalasya maha[to] duhkha[s]ka[ndhasya nirodho bhavat]Tda[m] tac
chrlmati [na] .. + +
28 + + + [m]. sipata .e .. [ga]dave tathagatena dharma[ca]kram pravarti[ta]m apravartya[m] srama[n]e[na va
brahma]n[e]na va
29 + + + + + + + [v]. [b]ra[hm]ana va kena[c]i[d va] punar loke sahadha[rm]ena • || idam avocad bhaga[va]n
[aptama] .. [s].[rlma]
30 .. .r. [hm]. .. + [ji]tas ca bodhisatvah sadevamanusasuragandhar[v]as ca lok[o] bhagavad[bh]asitam abhya[na]
ndan* || ^
31 [a]nirodham anutpadam anucchedam asasvatam* a[n]e[k]artham ananartham anagamam anirgamam* [yah prat]
Itya[sa]
32 mutpadam prapamcopasamam sivam* desayamasa sambuddhas tam vade vadatam varam* samvatsare
asthasastita
33 me 68 || kartika[ma]sas[u]k[l]atith[au] saptamyam* atra vivase pratisthapito yam tathagatacai[t]y[o] dhat[u]
garbha ..
34 mahaviharasvamina opandaputrena talaganikadevaputrasahl .i/f + + + + + + + + +
35 .. vena sardham pitra opandena sardham satnya saradasah[i]duhitra [b]uddh. + + + + + + + + +
36 haviha[ra]svasinya arccavamanayah sardham pitra ho .. g[a]yena matr[a ma]had. [v]y. + + +
37 sardham kaly[a]namitrena acaryara[t]n[a]gamena sardham ma[ha]sahikhlhgllena sardham devaraje[na]
38 toramanena • sardham mahaviharasvaminyas sasayah sardham mahasahime[ha]me .. • sardham
39 sadavlkhena sardham maharaj[e].. javukhena sadavlkhaputrena • mehama[r]ajye vartama[n]e •
40 yasyadyapi dhasaraharakumu[da]sspasthlkrsamkhaprabhais chatr[o]darani .. dhavedikadhar[ais] cancatpata
41 ka[jv]alai stti[p]air bhati mahl dharadharanibhais trailokya[pu]jyarcitai ta[m] murdh[n]a namate nrmaulimu[ku
ajvyalldha
42 [p]adam jina[m*] || sa[m]kalpa .y[e] .i .. [t]i ke .i[t/n] suvisuddhan puryamta te [p]ranibhr[ta]m asu jasad va[h]
ni [st] rimso[dbh] rapta
43 [sa]ra[pa]tavimuktam : ksipra[m] bhuya[d] brah[m]asuravasasa[m]amam* || santim gatasya susatasya
sarlrabhrd[bh]i
44 s[tu]pai[r] i[ya]m vasuma[t]T pra[t]ip. [r]i[t]a yaih [t]is[th]a[m]tu damanakrtapramukha[n]i tani • kalpam
yathacalapa
45 .. [h] surarajajusthah || buddhyasrayam [e]tad yasmi suci[vr]ddham gatram mama dese de[sah sa sivasthah]
d[urbhiksa]bhr
46 + .[i]vyadhipravimukto muktas ca vivadaih santi[m] samupai[tu • ||] sttipai[h] [sara]dameghavmdasadrs[ai]r
aksiptas[a/u]
47 + + + .. .varkkam[susahasr], [so]dh[i]ta[m]ukh[ai]h padmakar[air] bhtisitah as[ma]jjan[m]anidhanahe[tu]r iha
yah
48 + + sa t[u]lyo mahan aryagrama udarasasvacaritah sya[t] svargatu[l]yah sada |j satyambum [bha/ita]dehah
pa[ra]
49 + + ya[ra]tis tyaktasamgas titiksur himsados[a]pavrttah kharapisunavacovibhramat [sa]nnivrtta[h sraddh]a[dh]T
50 + + + [s].[e] .i .. [va]canaratah praptasamya[s] trivarggah [s]au yam s[a]rdl[ysav]asl ciram avikhalita[h] sya
51 + + + + .. rggah H@ll rddhyantam tyagasurah kulabalava .. vai[n va] yo yantu nasa[m*] vardh[y]ant[am]
52 daksi[n]I[y]a gunaga .. ni[ca]yaih sasyasampa[tt]ir a[stu :] ptijyamtam dha .[u]ga[rbha] jva
53 + sa/ru + .. dirghara[tr]am dhar[ma]tm[a] dat[r]ra[japra]samasukhabhuja[h]
54 m ..
A Copper Scroll Inscription
Translation 1
1. Introductory verse and sutra
(1-3) Siddham! Victorious is he indeed at first, he who [is endowed] with ten abilities ... who is surrounded by an
abundance of light, the illustrious one, [the destroyer?] of darkness in the three worlds ... Moreover, victorious is the
dharma-lotus, that which causes the stilling of passion born in one’s heart and [also] the noble and foremost one [i.e.
the sangha], [the preserver?] of the word of the Wise One, possessing a multitude of virtues.
2. Sutra
(3-5) Thus I have heard at one time when the Blessed One was dwelling at Varanasi, in the deer-park Rsipatana, together with
a great community of monks, seven hundred monks and many Bodhisattva-Mahasattvas.
(5-6) Now, the Blessed One dressed himself in the morning, took his begging bowl and [outer-]garments and entered
the city of Varanasi together with the venerable Bodhisattva-Mahasattva Ajita as attending monk ( pascacchramana ) with the
intention of obtaining alms.
(7-8) Thereupon, while walking through the city of Varanasi in regular order ( savadanam ) with the intention of ob-
taining alms, the Blessed One arrived at the house of the Brahman woman Srlmatl, and stood to one side waiting for alms.
(8-12) The Brahman woman Srlmatl had already seen the Blessed One from a distance: He was gracious, pleasing,
with calm senses and of calm mind, being perfectly accomplished in tranquillity and self-restraint and having reached perfec-
tion in the highest tranquillity. He was calm, restrained, controlled, blameless and had mastered his senses. He was endowed
with the highest excellence of beautiful complexion. He was clear, bright and pure like a lake, upright, unshakable and immov-
able like a golden sacrificial post, and blazing, shining, radiating and illuminating with his majesty.
(12-17) Her mind was filled with trust on beholding him. With a mind full of trust she approached the Blessed One.
And after she had honoured with her head the feet of the Blessed One as well as [the feet] of the Bodhisattva-Mahasattva Ajita,
and had then bowed with folded hands in the direction of the Blessed One she said to the Blessed One: “Welcome, Blessed
One, welcome. Blessed One! Please sit down on the prepared seat, Blessed One!’’ The Blessed One and the Bodhisattva-
Mahasattva Ajita sat down according to their status.
Then, knowing that the Blessed One and the Bodhisattva-Mahasattva Ajita were comfortably seated, the Brahman
woman Srlmatl bowed with folded hands in the direction of the Blessed One and addressed the Blessed One: (17-19) “Blessed
One, I have heard that in the city of Varanasi, in the deer-park Rsipatana, the Wheel of the Doctrine was set in motion by the
Blessed One. Blessed One, what kind of doctrine is it that was initiated by the Blessed One?”
(19-23) When the Blessed One was thus addressed, he said to the Brahman woman Srlmatl: “Srlmatl, conditioned by
ignorance are karmic predispositions; conditioned by karmic predispositions is consciousness; conditioned by consciousness
are name and form; conditioned by name and form are the six sense-fields; conditioned by the six sense-fields is contact; condi-
tioned by contact is sensation; conditioned by sensation is craving; conditioned by craving is grasping; conditioned by grasping
is coming into being; conditioned by coming into being is birth; conditioned by birth arise old age, death, grief, sorrow, suffer-
ing, lamentation, and despair. Such is the origin of the whole great mass of suffering.
(23-27) From the cessation of ignorance follows the cessation of karmic predispositions; from the cessation of karmic
predispositions follows the cessation of consciousness; from the cessation of consciousness follows the cessation of name and
form; from the cessation of name and form follows the cessation of the six sense-fields; from the cessation of the six sense-
fields follows the cessation of contact; from the cessation of contact follows the cessation of sensation; from the cessation of
sensation follows the cessation of craving; from the cessation of craving follows the cessation of grasping; from the cessation
of grasping follows the cessation of coming into being; from the cessation of coming into being follows the cessation of birth;
following from the cessation of birth old age, death, grief, sorrow, suffering, lamentation, and despair are destroyed. Such is the
cessation of the whole great mass of suffering.
(27-29) Srlmatl, this is the Wheel of the Doctrine, that was set in motion by the Realized One in the city of Varanasi,
in the deer park osipatana, not to be set in motion in the right way by a monk or a brahman or a god or a Mara or a Brahma or
anybody else in the world.”
(29-30) Thus spoke the Blessed One, and with pleased minds the Brahman woman Srlmatl and the Bodhisattva Ajita,
and the world with its gods, humans, Asuras, and Gandharvas approved of the speech of the Blessed One.
3. Verse quoted from Ndgarjuna’s Mulamadhyamakakarikah
I salute the supreme teacher, the Fully Awakened One who has taught Dependent Origination, the blessed stilling of
conceptual proliferation, free of cessation and origination, of destruction and permanence, of identity and difference, of
coming and going.
4. Donation formula
(33-39) In the sixty-eighth year on the seventh day of the bright half of the month Karttika [corresponding to October-Novem-
ber]: On this day this caitya of the Realized One containing relics ( dhdtugarbha ) was established by
1. the lord of a great monastery ( mahavihdrasvdmin ), the son of Opanda, the Talaganika-Devaputra-Sahi, ...,
2. together with [his] father Opanda,
l
BMSC vol. Ill, 267-278.
Miscellaneous
3. together with [his] wife, the daughter of the Sarada-Sahi, [named] Buddh.
4. together with the mistress of a great monastery Arccavamana,
5. together with [her] father Ho..gaya,
6. [and] with [her] mother, the queen ( mahadevt ) ...,
7. together with the spiritual friend ( kalyanamitra ), the religious teacher ( acarya ) Ratnagama,
8. together with the great Sahi ( mahasahi ) KhTngTla,
9. together with the god-king ( devaraja ) Toramana,
10. together with the mistress of a great monastery Sasa,
11. together with the great Sahi Mehama,
12. together with SadavTkha,
13. together with the great king ( maharaja ) Javukha, the son of SadavTkha; during the reign of Mehama.
5. Verses of praise and good wishes
Whose stupas even today light up the earth-mountain-like [stupas] resembling the colour of white frost, pearl neck-
laces, white water lilies, crystals and conch-shells, raised high by parasols and possessing railings, with flames made
up of waving flags, and worshipped by those who are worthy of being honoured by the three worlds-, one bows down
with the head before this Victorious One, He, whose feet are touched by the crowns [i.e. by the rays of jewels on the
crowns] of men.
... May the world for you rapidly be freed from sword fights and arrow strikes, [and] soon become equal to the abode
of the Brahma-gods.
May the stupas by which this earth is filled up, [stupas] containing relics of the Sugata, who has attained tranquillity,
headed by one/those made by Damanaf?), stand for a Kalpa, as long as the Lord of the Mountains [i.e. Meru], inhab-
ited by the kings of gods.
May that country of mine, in which this pure and exalted body [i.e., the stupa or the relics], the basis for understand-
ing, is located, remain happy, and be freed from famine, severe illness and diseases, as well as freed from dissension,
and attain peace.
[The place] here, which is the reason for our birth, which is adorned with stupas resembling a multitude of [white]
autumn clouds, ..., [and or like] lotus ponds, the surface of which has been purified by thousands of sunrays, ..., may
this great village of the noble ones ( dryagrdma ) be constantly frequented by exalted beings [just] like heaven.
May the three castes ( trivarga ) residing in SardTysa, who find delight in ..., who have given up clinging, who are pa-
tient, have turned away from the fault of violence, desist from the error of [using] harsh and malignant words, of faith-
ful mind, ..., delighting in friendly words, have reached mental balance, ... be long-lastingly unwavering ( aviskhalita ).
May the heroes of renunciation succeed, but may he who is an enemy of the power and strength of the community
(kula) be destroyed. May those who are worthy of worship prosper in their collection of a host of good deeds. May
there be abundance of grains. May the stupas containing relics be worshipped ... for a long time. [May] the king
amongst the donors, one who embodies righteousness, be one who enjoys the happiness of [mental] peace ...
A Copper Scroll Inscription
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Anónimo